COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  about  1815 

From  a  portrait  by  John  W.  Jarvis,  at  the  United  States  Naval  Academy, 
Annapolis,  Maryland 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

CAPTAIN,  COMMODORE,  AND  SENIOR  OFFICER 

OF  THE  AMERICAN  NAVY 

1773-1838 


A  BIOGRAPHY 


BY 

CHARLES  OSCAR  PAULLIN 


CLEVELAND,  OHIO 

THE  ARTHUR  H.  CLARK  COMPANY 
1910 


COPYRIGHT,  1909,  BY 

CHARLES  OSCAR  PAULLIN 

All  rights   reserved 


CONTENTS 

PREFACE     9 

I  FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE,  1773-1797        ...  13 

II  LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  IN  THE  NAVY,  1798-1799  31 

III  COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND,"  1799-1801        .  53 

IV  VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO,  1801-1802         .        .  73 

V  FIRST  CRUISE  IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN,  1802-1803     .  93 

VI  SECOND  CRUISE  IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN,  1804-1805  117 

VII  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF     OF     THE     MEDITERRANEAN 

SQUADRON,  1805-1806    .        .         .         .         .         .  137 

VIII  DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA,  1806-1810        .         .  171 

IX  THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT,"  1810-1811  209 

X  CRUISES  IN  THE  "  PRESIDENT  "  DURING  THE  WAR  OF 

1812,  1812-1814 243 

XI  SERVICES  AT  PHILADELPHIA,  WASHINGTON,  AND  BAL 

TIMORE,  1814-1815         ......  279 

XII  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  NAVY  COMMISSIONERS, 

1815-1824      ........  299 

XIII  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF     OF     THE     MEDITERRANEAN 

SQUADRON,  1824-1827    ......  327 

XIV  HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  NATIONAL  CAPITAL,  1815-1837    .  359 

XV  LAST  YEARS,  1827-1838 389 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 405 

INDEX         ..........  411 


27.1396 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PORTRAIT  OF  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  about  1815     Frontispiece 

From  a  portrait  by  John  W.  Jarvis,  at  the  United  States  Naval  Acad 
emy,  Annapolis,  Maryland 

ADVERTISEMENT  OF  THE  SAILING  OF  THE  "JANE,"  1796     .  23 

From  the  Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser,  October  4, 
1796 

THE  "  CONSTELLATION  "  AND  "  INSURGENTS,"  1842  .        .          43 

From  John  Frost's  Book  of  the  Navy  (New  York,  1842),  82.  En 
graved  by  P.  Roberts  from  a  drawing  by  William  Croome 

THE  UNITED  STATES  FRIGATE  "  PRESIDENT,"  1816     .        .          43 

From  the  Temple   (Boston,  1816),  appendix 

PORTRAIT  OF  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  about  1803        .          87 

From  a  portrait  in  the  possession  of  Rear-admiral  John  A.  Rodgers, 
Bremerton,  Washington 

PORTRAIT  OF  COMMODORE  STEPHEN  DECATUR,  1813    .        .         179 

From  the  Analectic  Magazine  (Philadelphia,  1813),  vol.  i,  502.  En 
graved  by  D.  Edwin  from  a  portrait  by  G.  Stuart 

PORTRAIT  OF  COMMODORE  THOMAS  TRUXTUN,  1799  .        .         179 

From  an  engraving  by  C.  Tiebout,  made  from  the  portrait  by  A. 
Robertson 

PORTRAIT  OF  COMMODORE  THOMAS  TINGEY,  about  1810     .         179 

From  an  engraving  by  C.  B.  J.  F.  de  St.  Memin,  in  the  possession  of 
Mrs.  Aulick  Palmer,  Washington,  D.C. 

PORTRAIT  OF  REAR-ADMIRAL  JOHN  RODGERS,  about  1870     .         179 

Son  of  Commodore  John  Rodgers.     From  a  negative  by  M.  B.  Brady 

FACSIMILE  OF  LETTER  OF  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  181 1         221 

Addressed  to  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Paul  Hamilton.  Dated  Havre 
de  Grace  [Maryland],  May  8,  1811.  From  the  Archives  of  the 
United  States  Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.C. 


8  ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE  OLD  NAVY  DEPARTMENT  BUILDING,  WASHINGTON, 

D.C.,  about  1860 307 

From  a  negative  by  M.  B.  Brady 

THE  UNITED  STATES  SHIP  OF  THE  LINE  "  NORTH  CAR 
OLINA"  IN  A  STORM  IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN,  about  1827        355 

From  a  photograph  in  the  Bureau  of  Construction  and  Repair,  United 
States  Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.C.  This  photograph  is 
from  a  painting  at  Sion  Hill,  Havre  de  Grace,  Maryland,  in  the 
possession  of  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rodgers 

PORTRAIT  OF  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  1813         .        .        365 

From  the  Polyanthos  (Boston,  1813),  vol.  iii,  i.  Engraved  by  John 
R.  Smith  from  a  portrait  by  Henry  Williams 


PREFACE 

/COMMODORE  John  Rodgers  was  born  on  the  eve 
VJof  the  American  Revolution,  and  died  a  few  years 
before  the  Mexican  War,  having  served  almost  two 
decades  as  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy.  Arriving  at 
early  manhood  during  that  critical  period  when  the 
government  under  the  Constitution  was  initiated,  tested, 
and  developed,  he  was  called  to  play  an  exceedingly  im 
portant  part  on  the  stage  of  national  affairs,  both  as  a 
naval  officer  and  an  administrative  official.  His 
achievements  in  war,  diplomacy,  and  administration 
were  greater  than  those  of  any  of  his  naval  colleagues, 
and  his  life  compares  most  favorably  with  theirs  in 
wealth  and  picturesqueness  of  incident.  He  was  part 
and  parcel  of  the  Old  Navy-  the  navy  of  sailing  ships, 
self-trained  officers,  and  bluff  hardy  seamen.  Entering 
that  service  in  its  formative  period,  he  did  much  to  fix 
its  customs,  standards,  and  traditions.  He  became  its 
typical  commander,  the  incarnation  of  its  spirit,  and  the 
exemplar  for  its  young  men. 

In  writing  this  book,  personal  events  have  been  ab 
stracted  from  their  setting  rather  less  than  is  usual  in 
naval  biographies.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to  ex 
plain  and  illustrate  the  life  of  Rodgers  by  means  of  his 
environment.  As  a  result  of  this  plan,  a  fuller,  and 
doubtless  a  truer,  biography  has  been  produced,  and  a 
considerable  account  of  the  Old  Navy  has  been  present 
ed,  to  which  service  Rodgers  devoted  the  forty  best 
years  of  his  life.  While  the  information  contained  in 
this  biography  is  primarily  concerned  with  Rodgers 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


and  the  navy,  much  of  it  has  a  wider  bearing  and  is  re 
lated  to  the  more  general  history  of  America.  Men 
tion  may  be  made  of  the  facts  now  first  brought  to  light 
in  those  chapters  treating  of  the  wars  with  Barbary  and 
Great  Britain,  and  of  the  period,  1806-181 1,  marked  by 
the  Chesapeake -Leopard  and  President -Little  Belt 
affairs. 

The  chief  sources  of  information  are  listed  in  the  Bib 
liography,  at  the  end  of  the  volume.  In  making  quota 
tions,  the  punctuation,  capitalization,  abbreviations,  mis 
spellings,  and  paragraphing  of  the  originals  have  not 
always  been  followed  when  departures  therefrom  ren 
dered  the  sense  clearer.  Since  the  manuscripts  of  the 
United  States  Navy  Department  are  arranged  chron 
ologically,  the  quotations  from  them  may  be  readily 
verified.  The  source  of  information  is  often  indicated 
by  the  context,  when  it  is  not  by  a  footnote. 

I  am  under  many  obligations  to  Rear-admiral  Fred 
erick  Rodgers,  U.S.N.,  (retired),  and  to  Mrs.  J.  N.  Ma- 
comb,  both  of  Washington,  D.C.,  for  documents,  sug 
gestions,  and  criticisms.  I  am  indebted  also  to  Mr. 
Robert  S.  Rodgers  of  Kansas  City  for  valuable  infor 
mation.  The  Honorable  Victor  H.  Metcalf,  secretary 
of  the  navy,  Rear-admiral  John  E.  Pillsbury,  U.S.N., 
chief  of  the  bureau  of  navigation,  and  Rear-admiral 
Washington  L.  Capps,  U.S.N.,  chief  of  the  bureau  of 
construction  and  repair,  gave  me  access  to  the  docu 
ments  of  their  offices.  Mr.  Charles  W.  Stewart,  super 
intendent  of  the  library  and  naval  war  records  office, 
permitted  me  to  use  the  numerous  materials  of  which  he 
is  custodian  and  in  many  other  ways  assisted  me  in  pros 
ecuting  my  researches.  I  wish  also  to  make  my  ac 
knowledgments  to  the  officials  of  the  Library  of  Con- 


PREFACE  ii 


gress,  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  the  Johns  Hop 
kins  University,  the  Peabody  Institute,  The  Harford 
County  (Maryland)  Historical  Society,  the  Carnegie 
Institution  of  Washington,  the  United  States  Depart 
ment  of  War,  and  the  United  States  Naval  Institute. 

Washington,  May,  1909.       CHARLES  OSCAR  PAULLIN. 


I.     FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE:  1773-1797 

THE  history  of  our  navy  may  be  divided  into  four 
periods:  (i)  the  Continental  Navy,  1775-1785; 
(2)  the  Old  Navy,  1794-1855;  (3)  the  First  Steam 
Navy,  1855-1880;  and  (4)  the  New  Navy,  1880-1909. 
The  first  period,  1775-1785,  is  almost  coincident  with 
the  Revolutionary  War,  in  which  conflict  Captains  John 
Paul  Jones,  John  Barry,  Esek  Hopkins,  Abraham 
Whipple,  Samuel  Tucker,  and  Silas  Talbot  achieved 
distinction.  In  the  second  period,  1794-1855,  our  wars 
with  France  (1798-1801),  the  Barbary  states  (1801- 
1806,  and  1815),  Great  Britain  (1812-1815),  and  Mex 
ico  (1846-1848)  were  fought;  and  the  old  wooden  sail- 
ingships  were  at  their  best.  The  years  from  1798  to 
1815  have  been  called  the  heroic  age  of  the  American 
navy;  for  then  its  heroes  were  the  most  numerous,  its 
deeds  the  most  daring,  and  its  operations  the  most  pic 
turesque.  These  were  the  years  when  our  vessels  were 
commanded  by  Preble,  Hull,  Decatur,  Lawrence,  Mac- 
donough,  Bainbridge,  David  Porter,  O.  H.  Perry,  and 
the  elder  John  Rodgers,  the  subject  of  this  biography. 
Shortly  before  the  Civil  War,  steam-engines  began  to 
supersede  sails  as  a  means  of  propulsion,  and  the  period 
of  the  First  Steam  Navy,  1855-1880,  was  ushered  in. 
The  naval  celebrities  of  this  era  won  their  laurels  in  the 
Civil  War,  and  many  of  their  names  are  still  well  re 
membered  -  Farragut,  D.  D.  Porter,  Dupont,  Dahl- 
gren,  Foote,  the  elder  C.  H.  Davis,  and  the  younger 
John  Rodgers.  The  last  period  of  our  naval  history, 
1880-1909,  has  been  marked  by  the  construction  of  a 


,  -COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


powerful  fleet  of  ironclads,  torpedo  boats,  and  subma 
rines,  and  by  the  victories  of  Manila  Bay  and  Santiago 
which  recently  brought  Dewey  and  Sampson  into  prom 
inence. 

The  term  of  naval  service  of  Commodore  John  Rod- 
gers,  1798-1838,  lies  wholly  within  the  period  of  the  Old 
Navy.  He  was  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  navy's  heroic 
age,  having  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  three  naval 
wars.  For  seventeen  years  he  was  the  senior  officer  of 
the  navy;  and  for  more  than  nineteen  years  he  held  one 
of  the  principal  administrative  offices  at  Washington, 
the  presidency  of  the  board  of  naval  commissioners. 
Twice  he  was  offered  the  secretaryship  of  the  navy,  and 
for  a  time  he  served  as  the  secretary  of  the  navy  ad  in 
terim.  He  was  long  a  familiar  figure  in  Washington, 
where  he  resided  during  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  and 
where  he  became  acquainted  with  many  of  the  most  dis 
tinguished  statesmen  of  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  Not  a  few  of  his  descendants  have  achieved 
distinction  as  officers  of  the  navy  and  of  the  army,  on 
the  rolls  of  which  service  the  names  of  several  of  his 
grandchildren  and  great-grandchildren  are  still  to  be 
found. 

Commodore  John  Rodgers  sprang  from  one  of  the 
American  branches  of  the  "  family  of  Roger,"  whose 
numerous  members  are  now  well  scattered  over  west 
ern  Europe  and  the  United  States.  The  name,  Roger, 
has  many  variants  and  derivatives,  of  which  Rogers  and 
Rodgers  occur  the  most  frequently.  It  has  been  com 
mon  on  the  Continent  for  a  thousand  years.  One  of  its 
early  forms,  Rudiger,  is  found  in  the  Nibelungenlied. 
The  name  is  said  to  be  derived  from  two  words  meaning 
red  spear.  According  to  one  authority  the  earliest  crest 
of  the  Roger  escutcheon  was  a  fleur  de  lis,  and  the  first 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  15 

family  motto  was  nos  nostraque  Deo- ourselves  and  our 
possessions  for  God. 

No  fewer  than  twenty-seven  of  the  companions  of 
William  the  Conqueror  who  crossed  the  Channel  with 
him  in  1066  bore  the  name  of  "  Roger."  The  descend 
ants  of  these  men  and  of  other  immigrants  of  the  family 
were  soon  scattered  over  England,  Scotland,  Ireland, 
and  Wales.  In  England  the  family  has  had  members 
in  every  walk  of  life,  high  and  low,  in  church  and  state, 
among  the  nobility  and  the  common  people,  on  land  and 
at  sea.  In  1480,  Thomas  Rogers  was  keeper  and  gov 
ernor  of  the  King's  ships.  In  1709,  Captain  Woodes 
Rogers  rescued  Alexander  Selkirk  from  the  island 
Juan  Fernandez;  and  during  our  Revolution  Captain 
Josias  Rogers  of  the  Royal  Navy  commanded  the  "  Gen 
eral  Monk"  when  she  was  captured  by  the  American 
ship,  "  Hyder  Ally,"  Lieutenant  Joshua  Barney. 

In  Scotland  the  name  is  usually  spelled  with  a  "  d"- 
Rodgers- although  other  spellings  are  not  uncommon. 
One  of  the  earliest  representatives  of  the  family  in  that 
country  was  Roger,  bishop  of  St.  Andrews,  who  in  1200 
founded  the  episcopal  castle  of  St.  Andrews.  In  the 
rock  on  which  this  stronghold  was  built,  a  deep  dungeon 
was  dug,  of  the  shape  of  a  frustrum  of  a  cone,  and  with 
a  diameter  at  the  top  of  seven  feet.  Here  were  confined 
many  offenders  against  both  the  church  and  the  state. 
It  is  of  record  that  in  1544  Friar  John  Rogers  was  im 
prisoned  in  this  dungeon  for  heresy  and  was  later  secret 
ly  assassinated.  A  more  recent  Scottish  representative 
of  the  family  is  Alexander  Rodgers,  a  poet  of  distinc 
tion.  He  may  have  been  a  near  relative  of  Commodore 
John  Rodgers,  who  had  a  brother  of  the  same  name. 

Many  members  of  the  Rodger  clan  emigrated  from 
the  British  Isles  to  America,  where  at  the  outbreak  of 


16  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

the  Revolution  they  were  fairly  numerous.  Not  a  few 
of  them  followed  the  sea  for  a  livelihood.  In  Maryland 
both  the  English  and  Scottish  branches  were  represent 
ed.  To  the  Scottish  branch  belonged  Colonel  John 
Rodgers,  the  father  of  Commodore  John  Rodgers,  and 
the  founder  of  the  Rodgers  family  of  Havre  de  Grace, 
Maryland.  He  was  born  in  Scotland  about  1726. 
When  a  young  man  he  emigrated  to  the  Middle  States, 
and  about  1760  he  married  Elizabeth  Reynolds,  the 
daughter  of  Thomas  and  Margaret  Reynolds  of  Dela 
ware.  This  family  was  a  prominent  one  in  that  state, 
and  like  the  family  of  Rodgers  was  of  Scotch  descent. 
Thomas  Reynolds  was  a  Presbyterian  minister.  His 
daughter  Elizabeth,  the  mother  of  Commodore  Rod 
gers,  was  born  in  1742  or  1743,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
a  woman  of  great  energy  and  strength  of  character. 

Probably  soon  after  his  marriage  Colonel  John  Rod 
gers  moved  to  Maryland.  A  few  years  before  the  Revo 
lution  he  was  living  on  a  farm  in  Baltimore  County  of 
that  state,  two  miles  from  Lower  Susquehanna  Ferry. 
This  little  village  was  situated  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Susquehanna,  near  its  mouth,  and  on  the  Philadelphia- 
Baltimore  post-road,  for  many  years  the  chief  thorough 
fare  between  the  North  and  the  South.  About  1774, 
Rodgers  moved  to  the  village  and  opened  a  tavern.  At 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  in  1775  he  warmly  es 
poused  the  cause  of  the  patriots.  Soon  after  the  battle 
of  Bunker  Hill,  in  accordance  with  the  resolutions  of 
the  Provincial  Convention  of  Maryland,  he  raised  a 
company  of  militia  for  the  defense  of  his  state  and  took 
command  of  it  as  captain.  In  September,  1775,  he  re 
ported  his  company  as  "young  and  enrolling  daily," 
and  he  was  then  writing  to  the  Harford  County  Com 
mittee  for  arms,  which  he  and  his  officers  agreed  to  re- 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  17 

turn  when  "  this  unhappy  contest  shall  subside."  Rod- 
gers  and  his  men  may  have  joined  the  Continental  army 
under  Washington,  although  we  have  found  no  evi 
dence  that  they  did  so.  In  1778,  he  received  from  the 
governor  and  council  of  Maryland  a  commission  of  cap 
tain  of  militia.  Whether  he  was  promoted  to  a  higher 
rank  is  not  known.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  he  was 
always  called  Colonel  John  Rodgers.  It  is  said  that  on 
several  occasions  during  the  war  he  gave  proofs  of  gal 
lantry  and  patriotism. 

In  1774,  Harford  County,  in  which  was  situated  Low 
er  Susquehanna  Ferry,  was  separated  from  Baltimore 
County  and  received  a  government  of  its  own.  Both  in 
1775  and  1776,  Colonel  Rodgers  was  appointed  by  the 
Harford  County  Committee  to  carry  around  among  his 
neighbors  for  signatures  the  "Association  of  the  Free 
men  of  Maryland."  The  association  bound  those  who 
signed  it  to  support  the  patriot  cause.  The  names  of 
those  who  refused  to  sign  it  and  the  reasons  for  their  re 
fusal  were  reported  by  Rodgers  and  his  fellow  solicitors 
to  the  county  committee.  The  reasons  given  by  the  non- 
associators  for  not  joining  the  patriots  were  various.  One 
man  had  religious  scruples,  another  feared  "  it  would 
fetch  him  into  a  scrape,"  and  a  third  would  not  sign  "  by 
reason  it  is  a  mystery  to  him."  Isaac  Penrose  declared 
that  he  did  not  choose  to  fight  for  liberty  and  never 
would;  and  Benjamin  Fleetwood  said  that  he  would  go 
in  a  vessel  but  he  would  not  fight  by  land.1 

Colonel  Rodgers  seems  to  have  prospered  during  the 
Revolution.  In  1776,  he  formed  a  partnership  with  a 
friend,  and  they  purchased  a  sawmill,  mill-dam  and 
mill-race,  and  built  a  grist-mill;  and  in  1777,  he  bought 

1  Preston,  W.  W.    History  of  Harford  County,  Maryland,  iio-m,  263-264, 
312,  322. 
2 


i8  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

a  farm  of  one  hundred  sixty- five  acres  on  Broad  Creek 
in  Harford  County.  About  1780,  he  moved  across  the 
Susquehanna  River  into  Cecil  County,  opposite  to  Low 
er  Susquehanna  Ferry  or  Havre  de  Grace,  as  the  village 
was  renamed.  Here  for  several  years  he  kept  the  old 
stone  tavern,  still  standing  in  1897,  and  operated  a  ferry 
that  plied  between  the  east  side  of  the  river  and  Havre 
de  Grace.  His  hostelry  was  a  stopping-point  on  the  old 
Philadelphia-Baltimore  post-road,  and  was  frequented 
by  Washington,  Madison,  and  many  other  southern 
statesmen  traveling  to  and  from  the  seat  of  government 
at  Philadelphia  or  New  York.  It  was  the  scene  of 
many  gay  parties  in  which  his  attractive  sons  and  daugh 
ters  participated.2  Doubtless  in  this  old  stone  house  his 
daughter  Maria  Ann  was  married  to  William  Pinkney, 
Maryland's  famous  orator  and  jurist. 

Colonel  and  Mrs.  Rodgers  had  eight  children,  four 
sons,  Alexander,  Thomas  Reynolds,  John,  and  George 
Washington;  and  four  daughters,  Maria  Ann,  Mary, 
Elizabeth,  and  Rebecca.  Thomas  was  a  doctor  and  a 
student  at  Princeton.  George  Washington,  the  young 
est  child,  was  a  commodore  of  the  navy,  and  married  a 
sister  of  Commodores  O.  H.  and  M.  C.  Perry.  Several 
of  his  sons,  grandsons,  and  great-grandsons  became 
naval  officers.  Mary  wedded  Howes  Goldsborough,  a 
member  of  a  distinguished  Maryland  family  of  that 
name.  Maria  Ann  married  William  Pinkney  of  Mary 
land;  and  Rebecca,  Andrew  Gray  of  Delaware.  Sev 
eral  of  their  descendants  have  been  men  of  national  re 
nown.  Colonel  Rodgers  died  in  1791.  His  wife  sur 
vived  him  a  quarter  of  a  century.  They  are  buried  in 
White  Clay  Creek  Cemetery,  New  Castle  County,  Del 
aware. 

2  Archer,  G.  W.    Letters  to  R,  S.  Rodgers,  Nov.  18,  1894,  Oct.  31,  1897. 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  19 

Commodore  John  Rodgers  was  one  of  the  older  chil 
dren  of  the  family.  He  was  born  in  1773  on  a  farm  two 
miles  from  Lower  Susquehanna  Ferry.  The  first  thir 
teen  years  of  his  life  were  spent  in  or  near  this  village, 
which  was  renamed  Havre  de  Grace  while  John  was  a 
boy.  There  is  a  tradition  that  this  name  was  chosen  by 
Lafayette  in  honor  of  the  famous  French  port  of  Havre 
or  Havre  de  Grace.  It  was  first  applied  to  the  site  of  a 
proposed  city  near  the  village  which  was  laid  out  about 
1780  by  Robert  Young  Stokes,  one  of  the  first  boomers 
of  town  sites  in  the  United  States.  It  seems  that  he  ex 
pected  that  the  seat  of  the  national  government  would 
be  located  at  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  he 
made  his  plans  accordingly.  He  bought  a  tract  of  land 
containing  eight  hundred  and  fifty  acres,  and  divided  it 
into  forty-five  hundred  lots.  His  proposed  city,  how 
ever,  never  acquired  the  dignity  of  brick  and  mortar. 
Its  situation  was  pleasing  and  promising  enough.  The 
view  of  the  bay  and  the  surrounding  hills  was  exceed 
ingly  beautiful,  and  the  soil  of  the  adjacent  countryside 
was  quite  fertile.  The  head  of  the  Chesapeake  abound 
ed  in  shad  and  herring,  and  near  by  on  the  Susque 
hanna -a  word  so  sweet-sounding  that  no  less  a  man 
than  Robert  Louis  Stevenson  liked  to  roll  it  on  his 
tongue -were  the  feeding-grounds  of  the  famous  can- 
vasbacks  and  redheads.  But  the  fates  were  against 
Stokes's  enterprise. 

Young  John,  who  was  a  remarkably  strong  and  hardy 
youth,  spent  many  happy  hours  fishing  and  fowling  on 
the  waters  near  his  home.  In  winter  he  would  some 
times  break  the  ice  and  swim  after  the  wild  ducks  which 
he  shot  and  killed  from  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna. 
He  took  part  in  the  games  of  the  boys  of  the  village,  and 
was  their  leader  in  many  a  daring  adventure.  He  at- 


20  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

tended  the  village  school,  and  acquired  the  rudiments 
of  an  education.  He  read  many  books  treating  of  sail 
ors  and  a  seafaring  life,  which  fired  his  imagination  and 
aroused  his  curiosity.  The  vessels  that  visited  Havre 
de  Grace  were  schooner-rigged,  and  John  greatly  de 
sired  to  see  a  large  square-rigged  ship.  One  day  at 
school  he  suddenly  made  up  his  mind  as  to  what  he 
should  do.  He  decided  to  go  to  Baltimore,  thirty-five 
miles  distant,  and  see  what  the  big  ships  were  like  and 
get  a  job  on  one  of  them.  Keeping  his  plans  to  himself, 
he  one  day  set  out  for  Baltimore  on  foot.  Missing  John 
and  learning  the  route  that  he  had  taken,  Colonel  Rod- 
gers  followed  him  on  horseback  and  overtook  him  as  he 
was  entering  the  city.  The  colonel  insisted  that  the 
runaway  should  return  home,  but  he  stubbornly  refused 
to  do  so.  Finding  that  he  had  set  his  heart  on  going  to 
sea,  the  colonel  bound  him  out  for  five  years  as  an  ap 
prentice  to  a  highly  respected  shipmaster  of  Baltimore, 
Captain  Benjamin  Folger.  The  father  accompanied 
the  young  sailor  to  his  ship  and  saw  that  he  was  well 
settled  on  board  her.  Before  bidding  him  good-by, 
Colonel  Rodgers  earnestly  requested  his  son  never  to 
touch  strong  drink.  The  boy  gave  his  word,  and  kept 
it.  Throughout  his  long  life  Commodore  Rodgers  ab 
stained  from  the  use  of  spirituous  liquors.3  This  is  all 
the  more  remarkable  since  a  century  ago,  rum  was  as 
great  a  staple  in  the  navy  as  bread,  and  drinking  was  re 
garded  as  an  accomplishment  rather  than  a  curse. 

Colonel  Rodgers's  choice  of  Captain  Folger  as  a  mas 
ter  for  his  son  could  not  have  been  bettered.  This  old 
sea-captain  had  seen  much  service  during  the  Revolu 
tion  on  board  Baltimore  privateers.  For  a  time  he  was 
first  officer  on  the  topsail  schooner,  "Antelope,"  com- 

3  Rodgers,  Commodore  John,     Autobiography,  1-2. 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  21 

manded  by  Captain  Jeremiah  Yellott,  later  for  several 
years  federal  navy  agent  at  Baltimore.  In  1780,  he  had 
a  ship  of  his  own,  the  "  Felicity."  The  next  year  he 
went  to  sea  as  commander  of  the  "  Antelope,"  and  sailed 
in  company  with  the  "  Felicity,"  which  was  now  com 
manded  by  Captain  Thomas  Cole.  The  two  ships  visit 
ed  Guadaloupe,  and  on  their  return  voyage  captured  off 
the  Patuxent  the  notorious  privateer,  "  Jack-o'-the-Lan- 
tern."  After  the  Revolution  Folger  entered  the  mer 
chant  service.  When  young  Rodgers  joined  him  he 
was  captain  of  the  "  Maryland,"  a  fine  ship  of  several 
hundred  tons  burden,  owned  by  himself  and  Samuel  and 
John  Smith,  noted  Baltimore  merchants  of  their  day. 
In  1786  and  1787,  Folger  visited  the  French  ports, 
L'Orient  and  Bordeaux.  In  the  fall  of  the  latter  year 
the  "Maryland"  was  sold;  and  in  1788,  her  command 
er,  doubtless  accompanied  by  his  apprentice,  sailed  for 
the  West  Indies  as  the  master  of  the  schooner,  "  Pil 
grim."  In  the  following  year  he  was  still  engaged  in 
the  trade  with  these  islands,  but  in  1790  and  1791,  he 
was  sailing  out  of  Baltimore  for  French  and  Dutch 
ports  as  master  of  the  ship,  "  Harmony." 

Folger  disappears  from  view  in  1797,  when  he  was 
appointed  by  President  Washington  consul  to  Aux 
Cayes,  Santo  Domingo.  He  was  one  of  the  most  skil 
ful  and  successful  of  the  Baltimore  sea-captains  of  his 
time,  and  was  admirably  qualified  to  train  his  young  ap 
prentice  in  the  sailor's  art.  To  Folger,  Rodgers  was  in 
no  small  degree  indebted  for  his  superior  seamanship, 
his  high  standards  of  duty,  and  his  complete  mastery  of 
his  calling.  His  steady  habits,  willingness  to  accept  re 
sponsibility,  and  skill  as  a  sailor,  soon  won  for  him  the 
favorable  opinion  of  his  captain.  Before  Rodgers  was 
eighteen  years  old,  Folger  made  him  first  mate  of  the 


22  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

w  Harmony";  and  a  short  time  after  the  completion  of 
his  apprenticeship,  his  former  master  recommended 
him  so  highly  that  he  obtained  the  command  of  a  fine 
vessel,  engaged  in  the  European  trade.  This  good  for 
tune  came  to  him  early  in  1793,  before  he  was  twenty 
years  old. 

At  this  time  Baltimore  was  a  city  of  about  fourteen 
thousand  inhabitants.  In  the  value  of  her  trade  she  was 
the  third  or  fourth  port  of  the  Union.  Her  principal 
exports  were  flour,  tobacco,  wheat,  corn,  merchandise, 
coffee,  furs,  staves,  rice,  bread,  flaxseed,  turpentine, 
rum,  and  pork.  Her  imports  consisted  largely  of  mer 
chandise,  sugar,  coffee,  wine,  distilled  spirits,  molasses, 
and  hardware.  She  had  about  one  hundred  coasters, 
and  about  one  hundred  twenty-five  vessels  engaged  in 
foreign  trade.  The  average  burden  of  these  craft  was 
only  one  hundred  fifty  tons.  The  foreign  trade  was 
chiefly  with  the  West  Indies  and  Europe,  and  occasion 
ally  with  Africa  and  the  Far  East.  It  often  took  from 
two  to  three  months  to  cross  the  Atlantic.  Since  con 
siderable  time  was  consumed  in  selling  the  cargo  carried 
out  and  in  buying  a  new  one  to  bring  home,  not  more 
than  a  single  voyage  to  Europe  was  made,  as  a  rule,  in 
a  year.  The  old  shipmasters  acquired  much  skill  as 
merchants,  as  they  were  frequently  called  upon  to  act 
in  that  capacity  in  the  ports  visited  by  them. 

Rodgers's  first  command  was  the  ship,  "Jane,"  which 
was  described  as  a  "  fine  stout  vessel,  well  found.1"  Her 
burden  was  given  as  360  hogsheads,  2,400  barrels,  or 
11,000  bushels -that  is  some  300  tons.  According  to 
present  standards  the  "Jane"  was  a  mere  cockle-shell, 
but  she  was  twice  as  large  as  the  average  Baltimore  ship 
of  her  day.  She  was  owned  by  the  Baltimore  mer 
chants,  Samuel  and  John  Smith. 


next 


For  Freight  or  Charter, 

The  faft-UilJng  Rrig  POLLY, 

i  zoo   barrels,  lying    in    the 
and  •will  be    ready  to  take  in 
cargo  in  10  days.     For  terras  ap 
ply  to  the  matter  on  board  or  to 

P.   BRANN!C£>  F.  G. 

No.    15,   Cheaphde. 

WHO    HAS     FOR     SALE, 

A  few  boxes  well    aborted   IRISH   LINENS, 
entitled   to  the  drawback.     And,  30   boxes   fre(h 
LEMONS.  Sept.  6.  d 

For  Hamburg,    . 

Ship  JANE,   capt.  Rodders, 
is  in  cOmyJete  order,  and  will 
'.SB-*-  oe  r^dy  to  take  in  on  Wedncl'day 
For  terms  of  freight  apply  to 

JO  KM    HOLMES. 

Wrh$  have  for  fa/ft  imhcttetl  in  the  abs-vt  J?'if>, 
1000  buflieis  i^ne  SAI^T   and  a  few  crates  aiforicd 

EARTHEN  WARE. 
Oc>.  ».  coot 

^or  Sale  or  Charter, 

The  Ship  HEP.E, 

C*I  Burthen about^l'tree  thoufand  Jurrrls 
rlour,alinoft  new,  and  fails  fad.  For 


ADVERTISEMENT  OF  THE  SAILING  OF  THE  "JANE,"  1796 

From    the    Federal    Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser,  October 
4,  1796 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  25 

Rodgers  was  captain  of  the  "Jane"  for  four  or  five 
years,  and  sailed  out  of  Baltimore  for  English,  French, 
Spanish,  and  German  ports.  He  left  on  his  first  voyage 
early  in  1793,  and  returned  home  in  September  from 
Cadiz  with  a  load  of  salt.  About  a  year  later  the 
"Jane"  again  returned  from  Europe.  A  notion  of  her 
cargo  may  be  obtained  from  the  following  advertise 
ment  inserted  in  the  Baltimore  Daily  Intelligencer  for 
October  20,  1794:  "JUST  IMPORTED -In  the  Ship 
'Jane,'  Captain  Rodgers,  from  Bordeaux,  and  for  sale 
by  the  subscribers -Brandy,  in  pipes;  choice  Claret,  in 
tierces ;  White  Wine,  Vinegar,  in  anchors ;  Olives,  An 
chovies  and  Capers,  in  cases;  Men  and  Women's  white 
and  colored  Gloves,  in  assorted  trunks -SAMUEL  and 
JOHN  SMITH. 

In  December,  1794,  Rodgers  sailed  for  Hamburg, 
but  owing  to  cold  and  boisterous  weather  he  was  com 
pelled  to  pass  the  winter  in  an  English  port,  and  did  not 
reach  his  destination  until  April,  1795.  In  September, 
he  sailed  from  Liverpool  for  Baltimore  and  arrived 
home  after  a  long  passage  of  about  three  months.  The 
following  information  found  in  a  Baltimore  newspaper 
gives  us  a  glimpse  of  his  movements  in  1796 :  "  Yester 
day  [September  27]  arrived  the  ship  'Jane,'  Captain 
Rodgers,  70  days  from  Liverpool -Dry  Goods."  The 
character  of  these  goods  appears  from  an  advertisement 
of  Yates  and  Edmonson,  Baltimore  merchants :  "  Have 
imported  in  the  '  Montezuma'  from  London, '  Rebecca' 
from  Hull,  and  'Jane'  from  Liverpool  an  handsome  as 
sortment  of  Fall  Goods -Consisting  of  superfine  and 
second  clothes,  cassimeres,  swansdowns,  rose  and  striped 
blankets,  flannels,  plaids,  bed  ticks,  checks,  stuffs,  worst 
ed  and  yarn  hosiery,  white  and  brown  linens,  velverets, 


26  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

thicksets,  etc.,  etc.,  which  they  offer  for  sale  on  the  usual 
terms." 

Many  incidents  of  Rodgers's  service  in  the  merchant 
marine  have  long  been  forgotten  and  can  not  now  be 
brought  to  light.  In  an  old  Baltimore  newspaper,  how 
ever,  an  extract  from  the  log-book  of  the  "Jane"  for 
July-August,  1796,  when  she  was  homeward  bound  from 
Liverpool,  has  been  uncovered.  It  is  remembered  that 
England  and  France  were  then  at  war  with  each  other: 

"July  27:  lat.  49°  44',  long.  18°  57':  Spoke  the  ship 
(  Maria'  of  Boston,  22  days  from  Norfolk. 

"July  28:  lat.  48°,  long.  19°  37':  Spoke  the  brig 
'Thomas'  of  Newburyport,  from  Alexandria,  bound  to 
Falmouth,  27  days  out. 

"August  5:  lat.  45°,  long.  32':  Was  boarded  by  the 
1  La  Bayonnaize,'  a  French  ship  of  28  guns.  She  was 
one  of  a  cruising  squadron  which  had  taken  upwards  of 
fifty  English  vessels,  all  of  which  they  destroyed,  taking 
out  their  crews.  The  officer  informed  Captain  Rodgers 
that  five  days  before  they  had  taken  an  English  South 
Seaman  of  about  500  tons  and  deeply  laden  with  oil, 
which  they  had  also  destroyed. 

"August  18:  lat.  45°  12',  long.  35°  50':  Spoke  the 
brig  '  Juno '  from  New  York,  bound  to  Liverpool,  three 
weeks  out. 

"August  31 :  lat.  40°,  long.  60':  Was  boarded  by  the 
'  Ganges,'  74,  from  St.  Christophers,  bound  to  England, 
with  101  sail  of  transport  under  convoy,  the  greater  part 
of  which  had  French  prisoners  on  board  from  St.  Lucia. 
There  was  another  74  in  company  with  the  above  fleet." 4 

As  master  of  the  "Jane,"  Rodgers  exacted  absolute 
obedience  from  his  crew,  who  early  learned  to  fear  and 
respect  him.  The  habit  of  command  came  natural  to 

4  Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  29,  1796. 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  27 

Rodgers,  being  probably  an  inheritance  from  his  Scot 
tish  ancestry.  In  his  long  career  at  sea,  only  once  did  his 
men  show  a  disposition  to  disobey  him,  and  then  the  cir 
cumstances  were  such  as  excused  them  from  the  charge 
of  mutiny.  On  one  of  his  passages  to  Europe  in  the 
"Jane,"  he  was  carried  by  adverse  winds  into  the  North 
Sea.  His  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted,  three  of  his 
crew  were  frozen  to  death  in  one  night,  and  the  rest  of 
his  men  gave  themselves  up  to  sullen  despair.  When 
Rodgers  ordered  them  to  go  aloft  and  secure  the  frozen 
rigging,  they  refused.  Indignant  at  their  pusillanim 
ity,  their  young  captain  stripped  off  his  jacket  and  shirt; 
and  wearing  only  his  trousers  and  shoes,  he  himself  went 
aloft,  telling  his  crew  he  would  show  them  what  a  man 
could  do.  Ashamed  of  their  weakness,  they  soon  fol 
lowed  him,  and  never  afterwards  showed  a  disposition 
to  question  his  orders.  The  "Jane"  arrived  safely  in 
port. 

Another  incident  illustrates  equally  well  the  spirit 
and  resolution  of  young  Rodgers.  He  was  in  Liver 
pool  in  May,  1796,  when  Sir  Banastre  Tarleton,  a 
major-general  in  the  British  army,  was  a  candidate  for 
re-election  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  from 
that  city.  Tarleton  was  justly  hated  by  all  Americans. 
During  the  Revolution  he  had  been  a  cavalry  leader  in 
the  British  army  and  had  fought  in  our  Southern  States 
where  he  gained  such  a  reputation  for  cruelty  that 
"Tarleton's  quarter"  came  to  mean  a  general  butchery. 
One  day  during  the  general's  canvass  in  Liverpool  for 
re-election,  his  enthusiastic  followers  carried  him 
through  the  streets,  with  a  howling  rabble  at  their  heels. 
He  was  seated  on  a  chair  which  was  supported  by  a 
party  of  ship  carpenters.  One  of  them  bore  a  large 
banner  representing  Tarleton  upon  horseback  charging 


28  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

a  band  of  fleeing  Americans  whose  national  flag  was 
being  trampled  in  the  dust  by  the  charger's  hoofs.  The 
procession  happened  to  pass  a  tavern  in  which  Rodgers 
and  several  of  his  countrymen  were  dining.  Disturbed 
by  the  shouting  on  the  street,  the  little  party  of  Amer 
icans  ran  to  the  window  to  discover  its  cause.  No  soon 
er  did  Rodgers  catch  sight  of  the  insulting  emblem,  than 
he  hurried  down  stairs,  pushed  his  way  through  the 
crowd,  knocked  down  the  astonished  standard-bearer, 
and  escaping  from  the  mob  returned  to  the  inn.  Hav 
ing  armed  himself  with  pistols  and  sabre,  the  young 
captain,  accompanied  by  one  of  his  American  friends, 
went  to  the  hustings  and  demanded  an  explanation  of 
General  Tarleton.  The  general  disclaimed  all  knowl 
edge  of  the  insult,  and  said  that  he  would  be  glad  to 
meet  Rodgers  at  his  committee  rooms  in  the  evening. 
At  the  meeting  Tarleton  and  his  committee  disapproved 
of  the  objectionable  banner,  and  gave  their  word  that  it 
should  be  destroyed.  Rodgers  was  carried  to  his  lodg 
ings  in  triumph  by  a  party  of  Tarleton's  supporters, 
who  in  this  manner  showed  their  admiration  of  the 
spirit  and  patriotism  exhibited  by  the  young  American.5 
During  his  long  career  at  sea  in  both  the  merchant 
marine  and  the  navy  Rodgers  never  lost  a  vessel  or  ran 
one  aground.  In  his  day  such  accidents  were  by  no 
means  uncommon.  Our  coasts  were  neither  charted, 
lighted,  nor  buoyed;  and  our  ships  were  often  frail 
craft  such  as  mariners  would  now  refuse  to  take  beyond 
soundings.  The  nautical  instruments  in  use  were  few 
and  imperfect,  and  the  sciences  of  meteorology,  magnet 
ism,  and  hydrography  were  little  developed.  The  seas 
were  still  infested  with  pirates.  Wars  were  frequent, 

5  Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  5,  1796,  "Family 
Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Commodore  John  Rodgers,"  22-23. 


FAMILY  AND  EARLY  LIFE  29 

and  the  belligerents  often  indulged  in  robbery  and  mur 
der.  Some  of  the  old  ships  had  an  unfortunate  practice 
of  suddenly  upsetting,  without  warning.  In  1796,  Cap 
tain  David  Porter,  the  father  of  Commodore  David 
Porter  and  grandfather  of  Admiral  D.  D.  Porter,  lost 
his  vessel  in  this  manner.  Porter  and  his  crew  and  pas 
sengers,  fourteen  in  all,  succeeded  in  manning  two  small 
boats,  in  which  they  started  for  the  land  three  hundred 
miles  distant.  After  spending  several  days  in  this 
plight,  they  were  picked  up  by  a  Salem  brig  a  few  hours 
before  the  coming  on  of  a  heavy  gale. 

When  Rodgers  left  the  merchant  service  in  1797,  he 
had  spent  eleven  years  at  sea,  and  was  only  twenty-four 
years  old,  an  age  when  many  a  young  man  is  still  hesitat 
ing  over  the  choice  of  a  career.  From  an  apprenticeship 
before  the  mast  he  had  risen  to  a  captaincy,  the  highest 
post  on  board  a  merchantman.  He  had  met  every  de 
mand  of  the  difficult  and  exacting  craft  of  a  sailor,  and 
had  laid  securely  the  foundations  of  his  nautical  career. 
He  knew  a  ship  from  bow  to  stern,  from  keel  to  main 
truck,  and  was  equally  at  home  aloft  and  on  deck.  His 
tastes,  habits,  and  character  had  received  that  ineffacea 
ble  stamp  which  is  given  by  service  on  shipboard.  He 
had  proven  beyond  peradventure  that  those  intuitive 
promptings  that  led  him  when  a  mere  boy  to  leave  home 
and  to  follow  the  sea  were  not  mere  idle  fancies,  but 
were  a  real  call  to  a  life  work. 


II.     LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  IN  THE 

NAVY:  1798-1799 


OMMODORE  Rodgers's  early  manhood  was  co- 
incident  with  an  important  period  of  our  naval 
history.  From  1794  to  1801,  the  navy  under  the  Consti 
tution  was  established,  the  navy  department  was 
organized,  and  our  naval  war  with  France  was  fought. 
Early  in  1794,  when  a  need  for  armed  vessels  to  protect 
our  commerce  from  the  depredations  of  the  Barbary  cor 
sairs  had  arisen,  Congress  authorized  the  construction 
of  six  frigates,  the  "  Constitution,"  "  United  States," 
"  President,"  "  Constellation,"  "  Congress,"  and  "  Ches 
apeake."  Until  the  frigates  were  completed  only  six 
officers,  one  to  superintend  the  building  of  each  ship, 
were  required.  For  these,  President  Washington  nat 
urally  turned  to  the  officers  of  the  Continental  or  Rev 
olutionary  navy,  which  service  was  discontinued  in 
17$$-  Jorin  Paul  Jones,  the  most  brilliant  of  the  early 
commanders,  was  dead.  Esek  Hopkins,  the  command- 
er-in-chief  of  the  Continental  navy,  was  too  old  for 
active  service.  James  Nicholson,  its  senior  captain,  was 
now  in  his  fifty-eighth  year.  Next  to  Jones,  Commo 
dore  John  Barry  of  Pennsylvania,  was  probably  the 
most  illustrious  of  the  Revolutionary  heroes,  and  he  it 
was  whom  Washington  in  June,  1794,  chose  to  head  the 
new  navy  list.  The  other  five  captains  selected  at  this 
time  were  Samuel  Nicholson  and  Joshua  Barney  of 
Maryland,  Silas  Talbot  of  New  York,  and  Richard 
Dale  and  Thomas  Truxtun  of  Pennsylvania.  Each  of 
these  six  officers  had  served  with  distinction  in  the  Rev- 


32  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

olution.  Barry,  Nicholson,  and  Talbot  had  been  cap 
tains,  and  Barney  and  Dale  lieutenants,  in  the  Conti 
nental  navy;  and  Truxtun  had  commanded  privateers. 

When  in  1796,  our  relations  with  the  Barbary  powers 
became  more  peaceful,  the  building  of  the  six  frigates 
was  partly  suspended,  but  in  1797-1798,  the  threatening 
aspect  of  our  affairs  with  France  caused  it  to  be  resumed 
and  to  be  prosecuted  with  vigor.  In  June,  1798,  the 
navy  department  was  organized,  with  Benjamin  Stod- 
dert  of  Georgetown,  District  of  Columbia,  as  naval  sec 
retary.  In  the  spring  of  that  year  an  irregular  and 
desultory  naval  war  between  the  United  States  and 
France  broke  out  and  continued  until  February,  1801. 
This  quasi  conflict  led  to  a  large  increase  of  the  navy, 
which  at  its  maximum  strength  consisted  of  fifty  ves 
sels,  seven  hundred  fifty  officers,  and  fifty-five  hundred 
seamen. 

For  naval  officers  the  authorities  at  Philadelphia  first 
scanned  the  Revolutionary  rolls,  as  we  have  seen,  but 
its  eligibles  were  soon  exhausted.  They  next  turned  to 
the  merchant  service,  where  were  to  be  found  many 
masters  and  mates,  experienced  and  well  seasoned, 
though  still  young  in  years.  These  vigorous  sailors 
were  skilful  in  seamanship,  bold  in  execution,  keen  for 
adventure,  and  ambitious  for  distinction.  They  were 
the  raw  material  out  of  which  excellent  naval  officers 
were  to  be  made.  The  lieutenants  and  the  midshipmen 
of  the  new  navy  came  largely  from  this  source,  and 
many  of  the  captains  had  spent  most  of  their  life  on 
board  merchantmen.  During  the  years  that  Rodgers 
was  sailing  out  of  Baltimore,  John  Barry,  Richard  Dale, 
Thomas  Tingey,  Raymond  Christopher  Perry,  and 
Thomas  Truxtun  were  commanding  East  Indiamen; 
and  the  two  Stephen  Decaturs,  Samuel  and  James  Bar- 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  33 

ron,  Charles  Stewart,  Edward  Preble,  William  Bain- 
bridge,  and  David  Porter  were  employed  in  the  Atlan 
tic  trade.  Only  some  two  or  three  of  the  lieutenants  who 
received  appointments  in  the  new  navy  had  served  in 
the  Revolutionary  navies.  Lieutenant  Edward  Preble, 
a  good  friend  of  Rodgers,  was  a  midshipman  in  the 
Massachusetts  navy;  and  Lieutenant  James  Barren,  a 
bitter  enemy,  had  held  a  minor  office  under  his  father, 
the  commodore  of  the  Virginia  navy. 

In  the  spring  of  1798  the  first  three  vessels  of  the  new 
fleet,  "  Constitution,"  "  United  States,"  and  "  Constella 
tion,"  were  being  officered  and  fitted  out  for  sea.  On 
March  8,  President  Adams  appointed  several  of  the 
junior  officers  of  these  ships,  and  on  the  following  day 
they  were  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  For  the  "  Constel 
lation"  he  chose  Simon  Gross  of  Maryland,  first  lieu 
tenant;  John  Rodgers  of  Maryland,  second  lieutenant; 
and  William  Cowper  of  Virginia,  third  lieutenant. 
Gross  soon  resigned  his  office  and  Rodgers  was  promot 
ed  to  be  first  lieutenant  and  executive  officer  of  the  ship. 
Besides  Rodgers,  three  other  young  men  whose  names 
long  remained  on  the  navy  list  were  appointed  lieuten 
ants  on  March  8,  1798.  They  were  James  Barren  of 
Virginia,  Charles  Stewart  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Isaac 
Hull  of  Massachusetts.  William  Bainbridge  of  New 
York  received  a  lieutenancy  in  August,  and  Isaac 
Chauncey  of  the  same  state  in  September.  The  roll  of 
midshipmen  was  headed  by  James  Macdonough  of  Del 
aware.  A  few  numbers  below  him  were  David  Porter 
of  Maryland,  Stephen  Decatur  Jr.  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
James  Lawrence  of  New  Jersey.  O.  H.  Perry  of  Rhode 
Island  received  a  midshipman's  warrant  in  April,  1799. 

Rodgers  was  twenty-five  years  old  when  he  entered 
the  navy.  Quite  young  for  a  lieutenant,  according  to 


34  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

present  standards ;  but  not  so  young  as  were  a  few  of  the 
officers  of  his  time  when  they  reached  that  grade. 
O.  H.  Perry  became  acting  lieutenant  on  the  day  that 
he  was  seventeen.  Lawrence  held  a  similar  commission 
when  a  little  more  than  eighteen,  and  Ludlow  who  fell 
with  Lawrence  on  the  "  Chesapeake  "  when  seventeen.6 
Stewart  and  the  elder  Porter  were  lieutenants  at  nine 
teen,  and  Farragut  was  an  acting  lieutenant  at  eighteen. 

Very  small  were  the  wages  received  by  the  officers  of 
the  Old  Navy,  Rodgers's  first  pay  was  forty  dollars  a 
month  and  his  subsistence  three  rations  a  day.  As  a  ra 
tion  was  then  estimated  to  be  worth  twenty  cents,  his 
yearly  income  would  amount  to  six  hundred  ninety-nine 
dollars.  His  captain  received  seventy-five  dollars  a 
month  and  six  rations  a  day.  As  a  sample  ration,  and 
as  an  illustration  of  the  sailor's  bill  of  fare  at  this  time, 
we  may  take  that  established  for  a  Saturday:  one  pound 
of  bread,  one  pound  of  pork,  half  a  pint  of  peas  or  beans, 
four  ounces  of  cheese,  and  a  pint  of  distilled  spirits. 

Rodgers  was  exceedingly  fortunate  in  his  first  assign 
ment  of  duty,  for  no  service  during  the  naval  war  with 
France  was  as  desirable  as  that  on  board  the  frigate 
"Constellation"  under  her  commander,  Commodore 
Thomas  Truxtun,  who  was  by  all  odds  the  most  success 
ful  officer  of  the  war,  and  greatly  outshone  his  naval 
superiors  in  rank,  Commodores  Barry,  Nicholson,  and 
Talbot.  Truxtun  fought  the  only  frigate  fights  of  the 
little  conflict.  He  began  his  nautical  career  about  1765 
as  an  apprentice  on  board  the  English  packet-ship  "Pitt." 
By  1797,  he  had  had  (quoting  his  own  words)  "thirty- 
two  long  years'  experience  and  constant  practice  at  sea 
on  board  various  ships  from  a  sixty-four  down."  Dur- 

6  Cooper,  J.  F.  Lives  of  Distinguished  American  Naval  Officers  (Philadel 
phia,  1846),  vol.  ii,  IS3-I54- 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  35 

ing  the  Revolution  he  commanded  several  privateers  and 
made  many  captures  of  British  vessels.  After  that  war 
he  entered  the  merchant  service,  and  engaged  chiefly  in 
the  China  trade.  His  ship,  "Canton,"  was  one  of  the 
first  Philadelphia  vessels  to  visit  the  port  of  Canton, 
China. 

The  frigate,  "Constellation,"  was  built  at  the  shipyard 
of  David  Stodder  in  Baltimore,  in  accordance  with  plans 
furnished  by  Joshua  Humphreys,  a  noted  marine  archi 
tect  and  the  chief  naval  constructor  under  Washington 
and  Adams.  She  has  been  described  as  one  of  those 
happy,  first  products  of  our  navy  that  were  never  after 
wards  surpassed.  In  beauty  of  hull  she  was  not  even 
equalled  by  the  famous  "Constitution."  The  easy  swell 
of  her  sides  and  the  general  harmony  of  her  proportions 
were  incomparable.  Her  length  of  keel  was  161  feet 
and  her  breadth  of  beam  40  feet.  Her  tonnage  was  1265 
tons,  and  her  complement  340  men.  Her  speed  was  ten 
knots  on  a  wind,  and  twelve  and  a  half  knots  free.  When 
equipped  for  sea  she  carried  100  tons  of  ballast,  30,000 
gallons  of  water,  and  four  months'  provisions.  She  was 
rated  as  a  36-gun  frigate. 

The  navy  when  Rodgers  entered  it  was  new,  irregular 
in  its  methods,  and  without  esprit  de  corps.  On  its  first 
officers,  and  especially  on  those  who  had  served  in  the 
Revolutionary  navies,  devolved  the  duty  of  establishing 
naval  customs,  traditions,  and  standards  of  habit  and 
action.  Truxtun  took  great  pains  to  enforce  a  strict 
system  on  board  his  ship.  He  issued  detailed  orders  to 
his  officers  prescribing  their  conduct  towards  him  and 
towards  each  other.  No  officer  was  to  offer  an  opinion 
on  the  work  of  the  ship  unless  requested  to  do  so  by  the 
captain.  No  officer  was  to  sleep  on  shore  without  the 
captain's  permission.  Each  officer  must  be  "civil  and 


36  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

polite  to  every  one  and  particularly  so  to  strangers,  for 
civility  does  not  interfere  with  discipline."  "To  obey 
without  hesitation,"  Truxtun  said,  "is  a  maxim  always 
practised  by  me  to  my  superiors  in  every  point  of  duty, 
and  the  same  sort  of  conduct  I  expect  in  return  by  all 
officers  under  my  orders."  He  cautioned  his  lieuten 
ants  against  "improper  familiarity"  with  the  seamen 
and  the  petty  officers.  He  said  that  when  he  invited 
any  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  quarter-deck  to  his  table  he 
would  expect  "all  that  reserve  when  on  duty  set  aside, 
except  what  a  just  decorum  and  becoming  deference 
may  warrant  among  gentlemen."  He  greatly  lamented 
that  some  of  the  young  officers  of  the  navy  were  addicted 
to  that  "  detestable  vice,  drunkenness.  .  .  In  fact  every 
drunkard  is  a  nuisance,  and  no  drunkard  ought  to  be 
employed,  and  if  employed  shall  ever  remain  an  officer 
with  me."  However,  he  did  not  mean  to  imply  that  a 
convivial  fellow  who  may  become  cheerful  in  company 
was  a  drunkard. 

Rodgers's  first  naval  duty  was  the  enlisting  of  seamen 
at  Baltimore  for  the  "Constellation."  By  the  middle  of 
June,  1798,  his  ship  was  ready  for  a  cruise,  and  his  com 
mander  had  received  orders  to  protect  our  commerce 
from  the  depredations  of  French  vessels.  Truxtun's 
cruising-grounds  extended  from  Cape  Henry  to  the 
northern  boundary  of  Florida.  He  went  to  sea  late  in 
June  and  returned  to  Hampton  Roads  early  in  August, 
not  having  seen  a  single  French  vessel.  On  August  tenth, 
he  received  orders  from  the  department  to  proceed  with 
the  "Constellation"  and  the  "Baltimore,"  Captain  Isaac 
Phillips,  to  Havana  and  convoy  home  a  fleet  of  Ameri 
can  merchantmen  which  the  French  were  blockading 
in  that  port.  He  arrived  at  Havana  about  the  middle 
of  September,  and  after  cruising  in  the  vicinity  of  that 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  37 

port  for  ten  days  left  for  Hampton  Roads  with  sixty 
merchantmen.  Several  French  cruisers  were  at  Ha 
vana  when  the  fleet  sailed,  but  owing  to  the  vigilance  of 
the  naval  ships  they  were  unable  to  make  any  captures. 
One  of  the  vessels  of  the  convoy,  the  "America,"  which 
was  attacked  by  a  French  privateer,  made  a  spirited 
resistance  and  forced  her  antagonist  to  retire,  after  he 
had  lost  three  men.  All  the  merchantmen  reached  the 
ports  of  their  destination  in  safety.  The  "Constella 
tion"  arrived  at  Hampton  Roads  about  the  middle  of 
October.  The  secretary  of  the  navy  congratulated  Trux- 
tun  on  his  success  in  bringing  home  this  valuable  fleet, 
estimated  to  be  worth  a  million  dollars,  saying  that  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  executed  his  work  would  afford 
satisfaction  to  the  president  and  the  country. 

That  Rodgers  performed  efficiently  his  duties  on  the 
"Constellation"  during  her  first  cruises  we  know  from 
the  complimentary  terms  in  which  his  commander  rec 
ommended  him  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy.  Truxtun 
asked  that  his  executive  officer  be  made  a  captain  and 
be  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  ship  "Baltimore." 
Stoddert  wrote  in  reply  that  Rodgers  might  have  the 
command  of  that  ship  and  that  he  expected  soon  to  make 
him  a  captain,  but  that  he  could  not  do  so  immediately 
as  he  wished  to  "bring  forward  one  or  two  other  lieuten 
ants  at  the  same  time  to  prevent  jealousy  as  well  as  re 
ward  merit."  As  the  "Baltimore"  was  at  sea  Rodgers 
chose  to  remain  on  the  "Constellation." 

For  several  weeks  after  his  return  from  Havana, 
Truxtun  was  in  port  preparing  his  ship  for  an  exten 
sive  cruise.  Since  the  French  were  preying  upon  our 
commerce  in  the  West  Indies  with  disastrous  effect, 
having  already  captured  several  hundred  American 
vessels,  President  Adams  decided  to  send  thither  a  large 


38  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

part  of  our  navy.  In  December,  1798,  orders  were 
issued  dividing  the  fleet  in  commission  into  four  small 
squadrons.  Commodore  Stephen  Decatur  Sr.,  with  the 
"Delaware"  and  one  or  two  revenue  cutters,  was  to  pro 
ceed  to  the  northern  coast  of  Cuba  and  cruise  between 
Havana  and  Matanzas.  Commodore  Thomas  Tingey, 
with  the  "  Ganges"  and  two  smaller  vessels,  was  directed 
to  guard  the  windward  passage,  between  Cuba  and  Hai 
ti.  The  two  principal  squadrons  were  placed  under  the 
command  of  Commodores  John  Barry  and  Thomas 
Truxtun.  Barry's  fleet  consisted  of  his  flag-ship  "Unit 
ed  States,"  the  frigate  "Constitution,"  Captain  Samuel 
Nicholson,  and  eight  other  vessels.  His  rendezvous 
was  Prince  Rupert's  bay,  St.  Dominica,  and  his  cruis- 
ing-grounds  extended  from  St.  Kitts  to  Barbadoes  and 
Tobago.  Truxtun's  fleet,  as  first  constituted,  comprised 
his  flag-ship  "Constellation,"  Lieutenant  John  Rodgers; 
brigantine  "Richmond,"  Captain  Samuel  Barren;  ship 
"Baltimore,"  Captain  Isaac  Phillips;  schooner  "Vir 
ginia,"  Captain  Francis  Bright;  brig  "Norfolk,"  Cap 
tain  Thomas  Williams;  and  schooner  "Retaliation," 
Lieutenant  William  Bainbridge.  He  was  ordered  to 
cruise  between  St.  Kitts  and  Porto  Rico,  and  beyond 
those  limits  when  circumstances  rendered  it  advisable. 
Truxtun's  sailing  orders  from  the  department,  which 
were  dated  December  8,  1798,  closed  with  the  following 
words  of  exhortation:  "The  President  commands  me 
to  express  to  you  his  high  confidence  in  your  ability, 
bravery,  enterprize,  and  zeal  for  your  country's  interest 
and  honor;  and  his  full  assurance  that  the  honor  of  the 
American  flag  will  never  be  tarnished  in  your  hands. 
And  he  desires  me  to  add  as  a  particular  request  that 
you  will  excite  as  much  as  possible  in  the  officers  under 
your  command  such  a  spirit  as  ought  to  animate  such 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  39 

men  engaged  in  such  a  cause,  and  a  high  respect  for  the 
honor  of  our  flag."  Truxtun  and  his  officers  needed  no 
prompting  to  deeds  of  valor  from  Adams  and  Stoddert, 
for  they  were  keen  for  a  chance  to  distinguish  them 
selves.  Many  of  the  officers  and  seamen  of  the  "Con 
stellation"  were  Marylanders.  The  executive  officer 
was  from  Harford  County,  as  was  also  the  fourth  lieu 
tenant,  John  Archer,  whose  family  is  still  an  honored 
one.  Andrew  Sterrett,  the  third  lieutenant,  and  Am 
brose  Shirley,  the  sailing-master,  were  Marylanders. 
Midshipman  David  Porter,  now  eighteen  years  old, 
was  a  Baltimorean.  Second  Lieutenant  William  Cow- 
per  was  a  Virginian,  as  was  also  Midshipman  Arthur 
Sinclair.  Midshipman  James  Macdonough  was  from 
Delaware.  Four  of  Truxtun's  officers,  Rodgers,  Porter, 
Macdonough,  and  Sinclair,  later  reached  the  highest 
rank  in  the  navy. 

Truxtun  arrived  on  his  station  about  the  middle  of 
January,  1799,  and  at  once  began  active  cruising.  He 
employed  the  smaller  vessels  of  his  squadron  in  convoy 
ing  American  merchantmen  to  safe  latitudes  to  the 
northward  of  the  islands.  For  the  first  three  weeks  no 
noteworthy  incidents  occurred,  with  the  exception  of  the 
chasing  of  several  vessels  and  the  exchanging  of  shots 
with  the  French  forts  at  Basseterre,  Guadaloupe.  At 
this  time  there  were  only  two  French  ships  of  war  in  the 
West  Indies,  the  "  Volontaire,"  40,  and  "  Insurgente," 
36.  These  frigates  had  lately  arrived  out  from  France, 
and  had  signalized  themselves  by  capturing  the  schoon 
er  "Retaliation,"  14,  Lieutenant  William  Bainbridge. 
Hearing  of  their  arrival,  the  secretary  of  the  navy  at 
Philadelphia  wrote  to  Truxtun  cautioning  him  to  be  on 
his  guard,  and  suggesting  that  if  the  frigates  were  not 
blockaded  in  port  by  Barry  or  the  English  it  would 


40  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

probably  be  best  for  him  to  unite  his  squadron  with 
Barry's.  Truxtun  was  not  the  man  to  adopt  this  sug 
gestion,  for  he  had  no  notion  of  subjecting  himself  to 
the  orders  of  his  superior.  If  distinction  was  to  be  won, 
he  would  win  it  for  himself. 

Early  in  February  Truxtun,  having  ordered  the  "Nor 
folk"  and  "Richmond"  to  attend  to  a  fleet  of  merchant 
men  in  need  of  a  convoy,  left  Basseterre,  St.  Kitts,  in  his 
flag-ship.  He  first  stretched  under  Montserrat  towards 
Guadaloupe  and  thence  under  the  lee  of  Antigua  and 
Barbuda.  Having  seen  only  two  merchantmen  and  a 
British  frigate,  he  decided  to  change  his  cruising- 
grounds.  He  therefore  ran  down  towards  Nevis - 
with  important  results,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  follow 
ing  account  written  by  his  executive  officer,  Lieutenant 
John  Rodgers: 

"At  meridian  on  the  9th  instant,  Nevis  bearing  W.S.W. 
distant  5  or  6  leagues,  saw  a  large  ship  to  the  southward ; 
bore  away  and  gave  chase.  At  i  p.m.  made  the  British 
privateer  signal  for  the  day ;  it  not  being  answered,  made 
the  American  signal;  neither  of  which  being  answered, 
it  was  suspected  the  chase  was  an  enemy,  notwithstand 
ing  she  had  an  American  ensign  flying  at  the  mizzen 
peak.  Soon  after,  these  suspicions  proved  well  founded, 
for  the  American  ensign  was  hauled  down  and  the 
French  national  flag  hoisted  in  its  place  and  a  gun  fired 
to  windward;  upon  which  our  brave  commander,  who 
well  deserves  the  appellation,  ordered  the  ship  cleared 
and  everything  got  ready  for  battle,  according  to  our 
established  rule  on  board  this  ship. 

"  At  2  p.m.  the  chase  carried  away  her  maintopmast, 
and  bore  away  before  the  wind  for  a  short  time,  after 
which,  finding  we  continued  the  chase,  she  hauled  up 
within  eight  points  of  the  wind,  on  the  starboard  tack. 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  41 

At  a  quarter  past  3  p.m.,  it  blowing  extremely  hard,  and 
our  ship  being  rather  crank,  we  ran  close  under  the 
enemy's  lee  for  the  sake  of  working  our  guns  with  more 
facility.  As  soon  as  we  got  abreast  of  the  enemy,  she 
hailed  several  times,  but  no  answer  was  given.  The 
commodore  ordered  myself  with  the  other  lieutenants 
commanding  divisions  to  fire  directly  into  the  hull  as 
soon  as  we  could  bring  our  guns  to  bear,  and  to  load 
with  two  round  shot  principally,  during  the  action.  All 
the  orders  being  complied  with,  we  raked  her  several 
times  in  the  course  of  the  action,  which  went  on  to  our 
most  sanguine  expectation. 

"At  a  quarter  past  4  p.m.  the  enemy  struck.  At  the 
time  she  struck  we  lay  directly  athwart  her  stern  and 
should  certainly  have  sent  her  to  the  infernal  regions 
had  we  fired  whilst  in  that  position.  When  she  struck 
I  was  ordered  to  board  and  take  possession  and  to  send 
the  captain  and  first  lieutenant  on  board  the  "Constella 
tion,"  which  was  done,  and  an  exchange  of  prisoners 
immediately  took  place.  Although  I  would  not  have 
you  think  me  bloody-minded,  yet  I  must  confess  the 
most  gratifying  sight  my  eyes  ever  beheld  was  seventy 
French  pirates  ( you  know  I  have  just  cause  to  call  them 
such  )  wallowing  in  their  gore,  twenty-nine  of  whom 
were  killed  and  forty-one  wounded.  She  proved  to  be 
the  famous  French  frigate  'Insurgente,'  mounting  40 
guns  and  8  swivels,  with  411  men. 

"The  action  of  only  one  hour  and  a  quarter  has  given 
the  arms  of  the  United  States  at  sea  one  of  the  fastest- 
sailing  and  finest  frigates  in  the  French  navy,  and  that 
too  with  much  less  injury  to  the  'Constellation'  than  is 
usual  in  captures  of  this  sort,  and  without  much  blood 
being  spilt  on  our  side,  having  only  one  man  killed  and 
two  badly  wounded,  with  two  slightly  wounded.  Know- 


42  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ing  that  you  have  the  success  of  our  infant  navy  at  heart, 
and  are  particularly  attached  to  the  'Constellation,'  I 
have  been  induced  to  give  you  this  particular  detail. 
Though  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  boasting,  yet  I  candidly 
tell  you  I  should  feel  happy  with  the  same  officers  and 
same  men  on  going  alongside  of  the  best  5o-gun  ship  the 
all-conquering  French  Republic  have -at  any  hour."7 

Some  tactical  details  of  the  fight  may  be  added  to 
Rodgers's  account.  The  engagement  began  about  3:15 
p.m.  on  February  9.  The  "Constellation,"  being  on  the 
port  quarter  of  the  "Insurgente,"  poured  a  broadside 
into  her,  which  was  returned.  The  French  captain  at 
once  luffed  his  ship  with  a  view  to  boarding  the  "Con 
stellation,"  but  owing  to  the  loss  of  her  maintopmast, 
she  did  not  quickly  respond,  and  Truxtun  was  able  to 
run  ahead  and  rake  her  as  he  passed  her  bow.  The 
American  captain  now  took  a  favorable  position  on  the 
starboard  side  of  the  "Insurgente"  and  gave  and  received 
broadsides  for  the  larger  part  of  an  hour.  At  4 120  p.m., 
the  "Constellation"  drew  ahead,  and  again  raked  the 
enemy's  ship.  Next  she  passed  astern,  and  raked  her 
antagonist  for  the  third  time.  The  "Constellation" 
now  took  an  advantageous  position  directly  athwart  the 
stern  of  the  "Insurgente"  and  forced  her  to  surrender. 
The  French  ship  hauled  down  her  flag  about  4:30  p.m. 

The  "Insurgente"  lost  seventy  men,  of  whom  twenty- 
nine  were  killed,  twenty-two  badly  wounded,  and  nine 
teen  slightly  wounded.  The  "Constellation"  had  four 
men  wounded.  One  of  them,  a  seaman,  died  of  his 
wounds;  and  another,  Midshipman  Macdonough,  lost 
a  foot.  To  these  four  men  may  be  added  a  fifth,  killed 
by  Lieutenant  Sterrett  for  deserting  his  quarters.  "One 
fellow,"  Sterrett  wrote,  "I  was  obliged  to  run  through 

7  Claypoole's  American  Daily  Advertiser,  March  13,  1799. 


From    John  Frost's   Book  of  the   Nai>y  (New  York,    1842),  82.     Engraved 
by  P.  Roberts  from  a  drawing  by  William  Croomc 


THE  UNITED  STATES  FRIGATE  "PRESIDENT,"  1816 

From  the   Temple  (Boston,  1816),  appendix 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  45 

the  body  with  my  sword,  and  so  put  an  end  to  a  coward. 
You  must  not  think  this  strange,  for  we  would  put  a 
man  to  death  for  even  looking  pale  on  board  of  this 
ship."  The  sails  and  rigging  of  both  vessels  were  much 
damaged,  but  the  "Insurgente"  suffered  more  than  her 
antagonist.  Her  mizzentopmast  was  shot  away,  her 
spanker  was  riddled,  and  her  braces,  bowlines  and  fore- 
topsails  were  much  cut  up.  Truxtun's  foretopmast  was 
struck  by  an  eighteen-pound  shot  and  rendered  useless. 
At  the  time  of  its  injury  Midshipman  Porter  was  sta 
tioned  in  the  foretop.  He  hailed  the  commodore  and 
informed  him  that  his  mast  had  been  struck,  but  Trux- 
tun  was  too  busy  to  attend  to  it.  Porter  thereupon  with 
great  presence  of  mind  climbed  up  amid  a  shower  of 
balls  and  cut  away  the  slings,  let  down  the  yards,  and 
thus  saved  the  mast. 

The  "Insurgente"  carried  two  more  guns  than  the 
"Constellation,"  but  in  weight  of  metal  she  was  inferior 
to  the  American  ship.  She  mounted  forty  guns;  four 
36-pound  carronades,  two  24's,  two  i8's,  twenty-four 
la's,  and  eight  6's.  The  "Constellation"  mounted  thir 
ty-eight  24^  and  iz's.  Captain  Barreaut,  the  com 
mander  of  the  "  Insurgente,"  was  greatly  embarrassed 
in  maneuvering  his  ship  by  the  loss  of  her  maintopmast. 
Notwithstanding  the  skill  and  gallantry  that  he  dis 
played  in  the  fight,  he  was  found  guilty  of  not  making 
sufficient  resistance  by  a  court  martial  that  tried  him  at 
L'Orient  in  October,  1799.  The  court,  however,  de 
cided  that  he  was  innocent  of  all  charges  tending  to 
discredit  his  seamanship,  courage,  and  honor.  Trux- 
tun  reported  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  that  Barreaut 
defended  his  ship  manfully. 

Next  to  Truxtun  his  executive  officer,  John  Rodgers, 
who  commanded  the  first  division  of  guns  on  the  gun- 


46  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

deck,  deserved  most  credit  for  the  success  of  the  "Con 
stellation."  The  second  and  third  divisions  were  in 
charge,  respectively,  of  Lieutenants  Cowper  and  Ster- 
rett.  Truxtun  reported  that  the  zeal  of  these  three 
officers  could  not  be  surpassed.  "I  intend  to  give  Lieu 
tenant  John  Rodgers  an  order  to  command  the  'Insur- 
gente',''  the  commodore  wrote  to  Stoddert  on  February 
fourteenth.  "He  was  one  of  the  first  lieutenants  ap 
pointed,  and  has  a  claim  to  being  among  the  first  promo 
tions  ;  but  a  very  strong  one  for  behaving  well  and  being 
the  first  lieutenant  of  the  'Constellation'  at  the  capture 
of  the  first  governmental  ship  of  any  consequence  ever 
made  by  the  arms  of  the  United  States  at  sea  since  our 
being  known  as  a  nation." 8  The  last  statement  is  true 
if  Truxtun  means  to  say  that  the  "Insurgente"  was  the 
largest  ship  captured  by  our  navy  since  our  treaty  of 
peace  with  England  in  1783.  Before  that  date  one 
larger  vessel,  the  "Serapis,"  the  prize  of  John  Paul 
Jones,  was  taken  by  our  arms. 

Soon  after  the  "Insurgente"  surrendered,  late  in  the 
afternoon  of  February  ninth,  Truxtun  ordered  Rodgers 
to  take  possession  of  her  as  prize-master,  which  he  at 
once  did,  accompanied  by  Midshipman  Porter  and 
eleven  seamen.  While  the  crew  of  the  prize  were 
being  removed  to  the  "Constellation,"  night  set  in  and 
a  gale  began  to  blow  which  separated  the  two  ships. 
One  hundred  sixty-three  prisoners  still  remained  on 
board  the  "  Insurgente."  Noting  the  weakness  of  the 
prize  crew,  which  consisted  of  only  two  officers  and 
eleven  seamen,  the  prisoners  began  to  concert  measures 
for  retaking  the  ship.  Unfortunately  for  the  Ameri 
cans,  the  gratings  had  been  thrown  overboard,  the  hand 
cuffs  had  disappeared,  and  the  decks  were  encumbered 

8  Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Dally  Advertiser,  March  14,  1799. 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  47 

by  the  dead  and  by  fallen  spars,  sails,  and  rigging.  On 
perceiving  the  intention  of  the  prisoners,  Rodgers 
acted  with  great  promptness  and  resolution.  Seizing 
all  the  small  arms,  he  drove  the  mutinous  men  into  the 
lower  hold  of  the  ship,  and  stationed  at  each  hatchway 
a  sentinel  armed  with  a  blunderbuss,  a  cutlass,  and 
pistols,  and  gave  him  orders  to  fire  should  the  men 
attempt  to  force  a  passage.  For  two  days  and  three 
nights  Rodgers  guarded  the  prisoners  and  navigated 
the  ship,  being  ably  assisted  by  Midshipman  Porter. 
Only  by  the  presence  of  mind,  courage,  and  vigilance  of 
the  young  commander  were  the  prisoners  held  in  sub 
jection.9  Finally  the  gale  abated  and  the  "Insurgente" 
rejoined  the  "Constellation."  About  noon  of  February 
thirteenth,  the  two  ships  arrived  at  Basseterre,  St.  Kitts. 
As  England  and  France  were  then  at  war,  the  inhabi 
tants  of  this  British  town  were  delighted  to  see  the 
"Insurgente";  and  many  of  them,  including  the  chief 
dignitaries  of  the  island,  visited  the  ship.  Truxtun  was 
asked  to  fire  a  salute  in  order  that  the  government  might 
have  an  opportunity  of  expressing  its  good-will  by  re 
turning  the  compliment,  and  he  willingly  complied 
with  the  request.  The  British  commander-in-chief  of 
St.  Kitts  sent  Truxtun  a  letter  of  congratulation  and 
offered  him  every  service  in  his  power.  Taking  advan 
tage  of  this  kindness,  the  commodore  decided  to  place 
the  wounded  Frenchmen  in  a  hospital  on  shore,  and  he 
ordered  Rodgers  to  direct  their  removal.  Soon  after 
his  arrival  at  Basseterre,  he  formally  thanked  his  offi 
cers  and  crew  for  their  gallant  conduct  during  the  fight 
and  told  them  that  they  should  be  honorably  mentioned 
to  President  Adams. 

9  Goldsborough,  C.  W.     The  United  States  Naval  Chronicle  (Washington, 
1824),  132-133. 


48  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Early  in  March  the  two  ships,  having  been  re 
paired  and  refitted,  were  again  ready  for  active  cruising. 
The  "  Insurgente"  had  been  supplied  with  a  crew  drawn 
chiefly  from  unemployed  sailors  at  Basseterre,  and 
Rodgers  had  received  a  written  order  to  take  command 
of  her. 

As  Truxtun  wished  to  show  his  prize  under  American 
colors  to  the  French  governor  of  Guadaloupe,  the  ves 
sels  sailed  for  that  island.  The  following  story  of  their 
cruise  is  told.  In  accordance  with  a  plan  agreed  upon, 
the  "Constellation"  and  "Insurgente"  separated  before 
they  reached  Guadaloupe.  When  they  came  in  sight 
of  the  island  they  appeared  to  bear  up  for  Basseterre, 
one  under  French  and  the  other  under  American  colors. 
As  they  approached  each  other  they  began  firing  and 
pretended  to  be  engaged  in  a  fierce  combat.  A  French 
privateer  schooner  that  came  to  the  aid  of  the  supposed 
French  vessel  did  not  discover  the  deception  until  too 
late  and  was  captured.  The  story  appears  to  be  in  the 
main  true.  The  schooner  is  believed  to  have  been  the 
"Union,"  which  was  taken  by  Truxtun  on  this  cruise. 
The  three  vessels  returned  to  St.  Kitts  on  March  fif 
teenth. 

Here  Truxtun  found  the  secretary  of  the  governor 
of  Guadaloupe,  who  demanded  in  the  name  of  his  mas 
ter  the  restoration  of  the  "Insurgente,"  and  declared 
that  if  she  was  not  surrendered  the  governor  would  give 
orders  for  the  capture  of  all  American  vessels  without 
discrimination.  Truxtun  answered  that  he  had  acted 
in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  his  government  and  that 
the  threats  of  the  governor  would  not  induce  him  to 
disobey  them.  After  trying  in  vain  the  effect  of  prom 
ises,  entreaties,  and  imprecations,  the  secretary  returned 
to  Guadaloupe,  leaving  Truxtun  (according  to  one  au- 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  49 

thority )  "muttering,  as  customary,  'Vengeance  and  the 
Great  Nation'." 10 

In  the  latter  part  of  March  the  two  ships  were  again 
cruising  on  their  station,  but  they  made  no  captures. 
As  they  were  in  need  of  repairs  and  as  the  term  for 
which  the  crew  of  the  "Constellation"  had  enlisted  was 
about  to  expire,  Truxtun  decided  to  return  to  the  United 
States.  On  the  seventh  of  May,  he  and  Rodgers  left 
St.  Kitts,  and  thirteen  days  later  they  arrived  at  Hamp 
ton  Roads.  Almost  a  year  had  elapsed  since  they  first 
went  to  sea  in  the  "Constellation." 

The  welcome  extended  to  Truxtun  was  more  cordial 
and  general  than  any  hitherto  received  by  an  American 
naval  officer.  Previous  to  his  arrival  his  victory  had 
been  celebrated  in  the  principal  cities  of  the  Union. 
On  March  thirteenth,  a  public  dinner  had  been  given 
at  Baltimore  in  honor  of  the  brave  commander  and  his 
officers  and  crew.  Soon  after  his  return  the  citizens  of 
Norfolk  gave  him  a  dinner,  on  which  occasion  several 
companies  of  militia  turned  out  to  assist  in  acclaiming 
the  hero.  On  the  Fourth  of  July  at  Baltimore  the  navy 
and  its  recent  victory  were  toasted  and  the  health  of  the 
commodore  was  drunk  after  the  following  sentiment 
had  been  proposed :  "Captain  Truxtun ;  may  his  name 
be  honored  by  every  American  for  his  late  victory,  and 
prove  a  terror  to  every  insurgent."  The  commodore 
received  congratulatory  letters  from  all  parts  of  the 
Union.  Ships  were  christened  for  him,  and  Trux 
tun  hats  were  all  the  vogue.  President  Adams  and 
Secretary  Stoddert  warmly  thanked  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  "Constellation"  for  their  victory,  which 
had  served  to  stimulate  national  pride  and  to  strengthen 
the  naval  policy  of  the  Federalists.  Truxtun's  success 

10 Naval  Chronicle  (  London),  vol.  i,  539. 


5o  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

attracted  the  attention  of  the  English,  and  especially 
of  the  merchants  of  Lloyd's  coffee-house,  London,  who 
presented  him  with  a  gift  of  plate  as  a  token  of  their 
regard.  Captain  Barreaut,  late  of  the  "Insurgente," 
wrote  to  him  that  he  united  all  the  qualities  that  char 
acterize  a  man  of  honor,  courage,  and  humanity. 

Truxtun's  chief  officer,  Lieutenant  Rodgers,  came  in 
for  a  full  share  of  praise  and  glory.  He  was  invited  to 
attend  some  of  the  public  festivities  given  in  honor  of 
the  victory.  The  manner  in  which  an  appreciation 
of  his  services  was  expressed  on  one  occasion  may  be 
seen  from  the  following  note  extracted  from  a  Balti 
more  newspaper  for  1799:  "On  Monday  morning,  July 
i,  a  number  of  seamen,  lately  belonging  to  the  '  Constel 
lation,'  to  evince  their  respect  for  their  former  lieuten 
ant,  John  Rodgers,  carried  him  through  the  principal 
streets  of  Baltimore  on  a  chair  elegantly  decorated.  On 
passing  Market  street  (Broadway),  Fell's  Point,  the 
procession  was  saluted  by  a  discharge  of  cannon."  Soon 
after  his  arrival  at  Hampton  Roads  from  St.  Kitts, 
Rodgers  received  a  substantial  recognition  of  his  gallant 
conduct  by  being  promoted  to  a  captaincy  in  the  navy. 

Secretary  Stoddert  would  have  made  Rodgers  a  cap 
tain  in  the  winter  of  1798-1799  had  he  not  been  waiting 
to  promote  several  other  lieutenants  at  the  same  time. 
In  January,  1799,  he  wrote  to  Truxtun  that  Rodgers 
might  be  given  command  of  the  "Baltimore"  when  she 
arrived  at  St.  Kitts.  Later,  after  the  young  lieutenant 
had  received  the  "Insurgente,"  he  wrote  that  Rodgers 
certainly  deserved  that  ship,  but  that  since  his  continu 
ing  in  command  of  a  frigate  might  hurt  the  feelings  of 
the  captains  he  would  have  to  yield  his  place  to  one  of 
his  seniors  in  rank.  Truxtun  was  in  no  mood  to  see  his 
first  lieutenant  displaced  by  a  captain,  but  his  protests 


LIEUTENANT  AND  CAPTAIN  51 

to  the  department  were  unavailing.  Early  in  June 
Stoddert  detached  Rodgers  from  the  "Insurgente"  and 
ordered  him  to  report  for  duty  at  Baltimore.  At  the 
same  time  the  secretary  sent  him  a  captain's  commission, 
dating  it  March  5,  1799,  probably  the  date  of  his  order 
from  Truxtun  to  command  the  "Insurgente."  Rodgers 
was  the  first  lieutenant  in  the  navy  under  the  Constitu 
tion  to  be  regularly  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain. n 
After  him  the  next  lieutenants  to  receive  captaincies 
were  Edward  Preble,  John  Mullowny,  and  James  Bar- 
ron.  In  the  Continental  navy,  John  Paul  Jones  was  the 
first  lieutenant  to  be  made  a  captain.  Only  a  few  lieu 
tenants  of  our  navy,  of  whom  Rodgers  was  the  first,  have 
commanded  frigates.  He  was  the  youngest  officer  to  be 
thus  honored,  with  the  exception  of  Stephen  Decatur 
Jr.,  who  commanded  the  "Constitution"  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five. 

The  "Insurgente"  was  bought  by  the  government  and 
added  to  the  ships  of  the  navy.  Rodgers's  share  of  the 
purchase  price,  as  a  captor,  was  sixteen  hundred  eighty 
dollars.  His  successor  in  command  of  the  prize  was 
Captain  Alexander  Murray,  eighteen  years  his  senior  in 
age.  For  nine  months  during  1799-1800,  Murray 
cruised  in  various  parts  of  the  Atlantic,  stretching  as 
far  eastward  as  the  coast  of  Spain.  He  was  succeeded 
in  command  by  Captain  Patrick  Fletcher,  who  sailed 
from  Hampton  Roads  on  August  8,  1800,  and  was  never 
heard  of  afterwards.  It  is  supposed  that  his  vessel  was 
lost  in  the  "equinoctial  gale"  of  that  year. 

11  Lieutenant  Patrick  Fletcher,  who  was  promoted  to  a  captaincy  on  Sep 
tember  9,  1798,  had  been  temporarily  appointed  lieutenant  on  July  7  for  special 
reasons,  with  the  understanding  that  he  was  soon  to  be  made  a  captain.  -  U.S. 
Senate.  Journal  of  Executive  Proceedings,  vol.  i,  285. 


III.     COMMANDER  OF  THE  "MARYLAND" 

1799-1801 

EARLY  in  June,  1799,  Rodgers  was  detached  from 
the  "  Insurgente  "  at  Norfolk  and  was  ordered  to 
Baltimore  to  attend  to  the  equipping  of  the  ship  "Mary 
land."  About  the  middle  of  the  month  he  received  the 
following  letter  from  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Stoddert: 
"I  do  myself  the  honor  to  enclose  your  commission  as 
captain  of  the  navy  service  of  the  United  States.  It  is 
the  President's  desire  that  you  take  command  of  the 
'Maryland'  at  Baltimore.  You  will  be  pleased  there 
fore  to  take  charge  of  that  ship;  assist  Mr.  Yellott  in 
having  her  fitted,  and  as  soon  as  you  think  her  in  a  con 
dition  to  receive  her  men,  let  me  know  it  that  the  re 
cruiting  service  may  commence.  The  men  ought  not 
to  be  engaged  too  soon,  nor  must  the  ship  after  she  is 
ready  wait  for  the  men.  You  will  know  how  to  avoid 
both  extremes." 

The  "Maryland"  was  rated  as  a  twenty-gun  sloop  of 
war.  She  actually  carried  twenty-six  guns,  probably 
I2's  and  smaller  calibres.  Her  burden  was  three  hun 
dred  eighty  tons,  and  her  complement  was  one  hundred 
eighty  men.  She  was  built  by  the  merchants  of  Balti 
more  and  presented  to  the  federal  government.  There 
was  nothing  exceptional  about  the  "Maryland"  unless 
it  was  her  carved  work.  This  was  quite  elaborate,  and 
if  we  may  believe  the  Baltimore  Federal  Gazette,  it 
reflected  no  small  honor  on  the  progress  of  American 
arts.  It  was  executed  in  a  masterly  style  by  a  Philadel 
phia  artist,  and  was  described  by  the  Gazette  as  follows : 


54  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

"The  head  is  a  beautiful  female  figure,  in  a  standing 
position  ( the  pedestal  and  figure  measuring  eight  and  a 
half  feet),  representing  the  goddess  of  commerce  and 
plenty;  her  right  arm  is  extended,  holding  in  her  hand 
a  medal  displaying  a  vessel  and  insignia  of  commerce, 
which  she  appears  to  be  contemplating;  her  left  arm 
retains  the  cornucopia  reversed;  the  trail-boards  present 
emblems  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  shipbuilding,  agricul 
ture,  etc.,  etc. ;  the  whole  emblematic  of  the  wealth,  pur 
suits,  and  characteristics  of  the  American  people.  On 
the  taffrail  is  the  seal  of  Maryland,  representing  the 
figure  of  justice  and  peace,  with  proper  insignia;  it  is 
supported  on  the  right  by  a  genius  with  a  book  and  pen, 
preparing  to  record  the  honors  which  the  ship  may  con 
fer  on  her  country;  while  on  the  left,  the  genius  of 
music  is  ready  to  strike  his  lyre  in  celebration  of  the 
rising  greatness  of  America." 

About  the  first  of  August,  Captain  Rodgers  began  to 
officer  and  man  his  vessel.  In  announcing  that  Rodgers 
had  opened  a  rendezvous  for  seamen  and  marines  at 
Fell's  Point,  the  Federal  Gazette  said  that,  owing  to  the 
excellence  of  the  "Maryland"  and  the  bravery  and 
fame  of  her  commander,  it  had  no  doubt  that  the  ship 
would  soon  obtain  a  complete  crew  of  hardy,  brave,  and 
enterprising  Americans.  Rodgers  instructed  his  re 
cruiting  officers  to  enter  none  but  sound  and  healthy  men 
and  to  suffer  no  indirect  or  forcible  means  to  be  used  to 
induce  seamen  to  enlist.  His  sergeant  of  marines  an 
nounced  that  recruits  would  find  on  board  ship  good 
meat,  drink,  and  comfortable  lodging. 

The  commissioned  and  warrant  officers  of  the  "Mary 
land  "  consisted  of  two  lieutenants,  a  lieutenant  of  ma 
rines,  sailing-master,  surgeon,  surgeon's  mate,  purser, 
boatswain,  gunner,  carpenter,  sailmaker,  and  six  or 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  55 

eight  midshipmen.  Her  petty  officers  were  two  mas 
ter's  mates,  a  captain's  clerk,  cook,  steward,  cooper,  car 
penter's  mate,  master-at-arms,  two  boatswain's  mates,  an 
armorer,  and  six  quarter  gunners.  As  it  was  customary 
at  this  time  to  select  the  officers  of  a  ship  chiefly  from 
the  state  in  which  she  was  built,  Rodgers's  vessel  was 
officered  largely  with  Marylanders.  Her  surgeon,  Dr. 
Anderson  Warfield,  was  a  member  of  a  prominent  Bal 
timore  family.  Her  surgeon's  mate,  Dr.  Gilliss  W.  M. 
R.  Polk,  came  from  Princess  Ann,  Somerset  County. 
One  of  her  lieutenants,  George  Cox,  was  from  Mary 
land;  and,  it  is  believed,  all  her  midshipmen  were  from 
that  state.  Her  other  lieutenant,  Henry  Seton,  was  a 
New  Yorker. 

In  order  that  everyone  on  board  the  "Maryland" 
might  "  immediately  become  acquainted  with  the  duty 
of  the  ship,"  Rodgers,  on  August  twenty-ninth,  issued  a 
list  of  forty-four  regulations,  and  posted  them  under 
the  quarter-deck  in  plain  sight  of  the  officers  and  crew. 
These  regulations  show  the  careful  attention  of  the  com 
mander  of  the  "Maryland"  to  the  details  of  his  ship's 
economy,  his  scrupulous  regard  for  cleanliness,  his  pro 
vision  for  regular  gun-practice,  and  his  insistence  upon 
the  minute  observance  of  naval  customs.  They  enable 
us  to  form  a  vivid  picture  of  the  unique  life  of  the  Old 
Navy,  whose  ships  were  little  seagoing  monarchies  in 
which  the  captain  reigned  supreme.  The  conduct  of 
every  officer  and  sailor  was  minutely  regulated.  In  no 
other  way  could  a  large  number  of  men,  brought  close 
together  within  the  narrow  confines  of  a  ship  and  repre 
senting  every  variety  of  temper,  breeding,  and  charac 
ter,  live  in  amity  and  concord.  The  population  of  the 
old  ships  was  at  least  fourfold  denser  than  is  that  of  the 
modern  ones.  The  following  extract  from  Rodgers's 


56  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

regulations  will  give  one  a  notion  of  the  daily  routine 
on  board  the  "  Maryland": 

"  13.  The  weather  side  of  the  quarter-deck  is  re 
served  for  the  walk  of  the  captain,  or  in  his  absence  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  watch,  except  in  performing 
any  urgent  duty  of  the  ship  it  is  necessary  to  dispense 
with  such  etiquette. 

"  14.  The  time  glass  is  to  be  regulated  every  evening 
at  eight  o'clock  by  my  watch ;  and  the  quarter-deck  is 
always  to  be  kept  clear  of  clothes,  lumber,  and  dirt;  and 
the  ropes  flemished-coiled,  or  hung  upon  the  pins. 

"  15.  No  person  is  to  be  struck  on  the  quarter-deck 
if  it  can  be  avoided,  or  improper  language  made  use  of 
thereon.  Good  usage  is  directed  to  be  strictly  observed 
to  all  those  who  merit  it,  and  those  who  do  not  shall  be 
punished  as  I  may  hereafter  direct. 

"  1 6.  No  duty  is  to  be  done  of  a  Sunday  but  on  extra 
ordinary  occasions,  except  such  as  washing  or  wetting 
the  ship,  trimming  the  sails,  or  what  may  be  required  by 
the  printed  Instructions. 

"  17.  The  warrant  and  petty  officers  together  with 
the  seamen,  ordinary  seamen,  and  marines  are  to  break 
fast  at  eight  o'clock  and  have  their  dinner  regularly  at 
noon.  One  hour  is  allowed  them  at  each  meal.  The 
common  duty  for  which  all  hands  are  employed  is  to  be 
concluded  at  four  p.  m.  on  every  day. 

"  19.  All  persons  on  board  must  be  shaved,  combed, 
and  clean  dressed  by  ten  a.  m.  on  every  Sunday  morn 
ing,  and  in  case  of  failure  (unless  prevented  by  some 
extraordinary  circumstance)  they  are  to  be  served  no 
rum  or  spirits  on  that  and  the  following  day.  And  in 
order  that  each  may  be  prepared  to  comply  with  this 
order  by  having  their  linen  washed  and  dried  in  the 
fullest  and  most  complete  manner,  cleanliness  being  so 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  57 

conducive  to  health,  I  do  hereby  direct  that  no  duty  be 
exacted  from  any  man  of  a  Saturday  except  washing 
and  wetting  the  ship  as  before  mentioned,  spreading  and 
furling  awnings,  and  such  other  duty  as  cannot  be  dis 
pensed  with. 

"  20.  Every  morning  the  boatswain  or  his  mates  are 
to  overhaul  the  rigging  fore  and  aft  and  from  each  mast 
head,  including  jibboom,  bowsprit,  gaff,  etc.,  and  report 
what  may  be  seen  out  of  order  or  wanting  repair. 

"21.  Due  attention  must  be  observed  that  no  candles 
are  wasted  or  any  kind  of  stores  improperly  used,  and 
all  expenditures  must  be  regularly  entered  in  order  that 
returns  may  be  made  to  me  agreeably  to  the  Instructions 
of  the  President. 

"  22.  All  lights,  except  such  as  I  may  specially  suf 
fer,  are  to  be  put  out  every  evening  at  eight  o'clock  in 
the  winter  and  nine  in  the  summer.  The  officer  of  the 
watch  may  however  on  particular  occasions  permit  a 
light  below  in  a  lantern,  but  he  is  to  be  answerable  for 
any  improper  use  that  is  made  of  this  indulgence.  The 
winter  regulation  is  to  commence  on  the  first  of  Novem 
ber  and  end  on  the  first  of  March.  The  summer  regu 
lation  is  to  continue  the  other  seven  months  of  the  year. 

"  23.  No  fire  is  to  be  suffered  in  the  galley  after 
eight  or  nine  o'clock  aforesaid,  except  what  may  be 
necessary  for  lighting  of  matches  and  making  prepara 
tions  for  battle. 

"  24.  The  salt  meats,  agreeable  to  Act  of  Congress, 
are  to  be  delivered  out  every  evening  before  sun-down 
to  the  cook,  who  is  to  be  answerable  and  to  have  the 
same  well  washed  and  soaked  by  changing  the  water  in 
steep  tubs  every  four  hours.  The  flour,  peas,  and  other 
provisions  are  to  be  served  out  every  morning  in  due 
time  for  the  cook.  The  rum  or  spirits  is  to  be  served 


58  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

out  twice  a  day  to  prevent  the  ill  effects  of  the  whole 
allowance  being  given  at  once.  A  scuttle  cask  of  water 
is  to  be  kept  filled  and  lashed  near  the  mainmast  before 
the  barricade  for  the  use  of  the  ship's  company,  and 
special  care  is  to  be  taken  to  prevent  any  sort  of  waste 
of  this  precious  article.  All  sorts  of  slops  and  clothing 
must  be  issued  only  on  a  special  order  from  me,  as  well 
as  all  such  other  articles  in  the  purser's  department 
as  are  found  enumerated  in  the  Act  of  Congress  of 
July  i,  1797. 

"  25.  The  wet  clothes  of  the  crew  are  to  be  got  up  to 
dry  as  often  as  opportunities  offer.  The  orlop-deck  is 
to  be  cleaned  out  every  morning  and  always  after  meals. 
Twice  a  week  it  is  to  be  well  washed  and  scrubbed,  and 
after  it  is  dry  hot  vinegar  is  to  be  sprinkled  fore  and  aft, 
or  it  is  to  be  fumigated  by  having  devils  burnt  below. 
Previous  to  the  apartments  of  the  crew  being  washed, 
etc.,  all  the  chests  are  to  be  got  up,  and  the  hammocks 
stowed  in  the  netting,  etc.,  and  when  the  devils  are  to  be 
burnt  below,  the  tarpaulins  are  to  be  put  on,  the  same 
being  previously  washed  and  cleaned.  At  all  times 
when  the  weather  is  fair  the  gratings  are  to  be  taken  off 
and  the  wind-sails  are  to  be  got  up,  and  all  the  air  let 
into  the  ship  that  is  possible. 

"  29.  The  sails  are  always  to  be  neatly  handed  in  the 
order  directed  at  the  time,  the  yards  nicely  squared,  and 
the  stays,  back-stays,  and  every  rope  hauled  taut,  and  the 
decks  and  sides  kept  clear  of  dirt.  The  cook  must  there 
fore  be  prevented  as  well  as  all  others  from  throwing 
grease  or  dirty  water  on  deck  or  to  touch  the  sides  or 
bends  of  the  ship  with  the  same. 

"31.  The  sea  lieutenants  (alternately)  shall  exer 
cise  the  men  stationed  at  the  cannon  whenever  I  shall 
direct  that  duty  to  be  performed.  The  lieutenant  of 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  59 

marines,  the  marines ;  and  the  master  at  arms,  the  sea 
men,  etc.,  in  the  use  of  small  arms. 

"35.  The  colors  in  port  are  always  to  be  hoisted  at 
sunrise  and  hauled  down  at  sunset,  provided  the  weather 
is  not  too  windy  and  otherwise  injurious  to  them. 

"  37.  As  soon  as  the  ship  comes  to  an  anchor  in  any 
port  or  place  the  fore  and  main  lightning  conductors 
are  immediately  to  be  put  up  and  led  down  the  top 
masts  and  standing-backstays  over  the  sides  into  the 
water,  and  as  often  as  appearances  of  heavy  gusts  at  sea 
attended  with  lightning  shall  make  it  prudent  to  get  up 
the  conductors  aforesaid  the  officer  of  the  watch  is  de 
sired  to  do  it  without  loss  of  time. 

"  38.  Whenever  a  captain  of  the  navy  of  the  United 
States  comes  on  board,  the  side  is  to  be  attended  by  the 
boatswain  and  to  be  manned  with  four  hands,  and  if  at 
night  four  lights  are  to  be  held  in  hand;  for  a  commo 
dore,  six  hands  and  six  lights ;  and  for  all  other  commis 
sioned  officers  and  private  gentlemen,  two  hands  and 
two  lights.  The  same  attention  is  to  be  given  and  ob 
served  on  going  out  of  the  ship. 

"  41.  As  I  propose  to  pay  some  attention  to  the  mid 
shipmen  becoming  conversant  in  signals,  etc.,  the  colors, 
pendants,  etc.  are  to  be  superintended  by  one  of  those 
gentlemen,  who  will  keep  the  same  in  repair. 

"  42.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  all  seamen  and 
others  belonging  to  a  man  of  war  should  be  well  skilled 
in  the  use  of  great  guns  on  shipboard,  otherwise  the 
greatest  abilities  in  a  commanding  officer  taking  posi 
tions  will  always  be  rendered  abortive.  The  crew  of 
the  *  Maryland'  will  at  all  times  on  the  drum  beating  to 
arms  repair  to  their  respective  quarters.  Every  person 
being  in  his  station,  the  officer  commanding  each  divi 
sion  is  to  see  every  article  belonging  to  each  cannon 


60  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ready  in  its  place  and  in  perfect  order;  such  as  gun 
tackles,  train  tackles,  sponge  and  rammer,  ladle  and 
worm,  powder-horn  and  prickers,  powder-man  with 
cartridge-box  and  powder,  round  shot,  bar  and  grape 
shot,  crow  and  hand-spikes,  bed  and  quoin,  wads  in  a 
net,  match  in  a  lynch  stock,  swabs,  water  tubs,  and  all 
other  apparatus  appertaining  to  the  use  of  the  cannon 
and  for  preventing  accidents  from  the  same  in  fight 
ing.  .  .  The  lanterns  at  night  are  to  be  placed  on  deck 
when  ordered  by  me.  Everything  being  prepared  and 
in  its  place  and  all  lumber  cleared  away,  the  exercise 
will  begin  as  follows: 

1.  Silence. 

2.  Take  care. 

3.  Cast  loose  your  guns. 

4.  Level  your  guns. 

5.  Take  out  your  tompions. 

6.  Take  off  your  aprons. 

7.  Prick  your  cartridges  and  prime. 

8.  Handle  your  crows  and  handspikes  and  point 

your  guns  to  the  object. 

9.  Blow  your  match. 

10.  Fire. 

11.  Invent. 

12.  Sponge  your  guns. 

13.  Put  in  your  cartridge. 

14.  Wad  your  cartridge  and  ram  home. 

15.  Shot  to  your  wad. 

16.  Wad  to  your  shot  and  ram  home. 

17.  Run  out  your  guns." 

In  the  latter  part  of  1799  we  had  four  naval  stations 
in  the  West  Indies.  Their  names,  commanding  officers 
and  flag-ships  were  as  follows:  St.  Kitts  or  Guadaloupe 
station,  Commodore  Thomas  Truxtun,  "  Constellation," 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  61 

36;  St.  Domingo  station,  Commodore  Silas  Talbot, 
"Constitution,"  44;  Surinam  station,  Captain  Daniel 
McNeill,  "Portsmouth,"  24;  and  Havana  station, 
Master-commandant  William  Bainbridge,  "Norfolk," 
1 8.  The  Surinam  station  lay  along  the  north  coast  of 
South  America  and  extended  from  French  Guiana  to 
the  Dutch  island  of  Curagoa.  Its  vessels,  however, 
cruised  chiefly  off  the  Guianas,  whose  principal  settle 
ments  or  towns  at  this  time  were  Cayenne,  Surinam,  Ber- 
bice,  and  Demerara.  The  rendezvous  of  the  station 
was  Surinam. 

Rodgers's  sailing  orders  from  Secretary  Stoddertwere 
dated  September  5,  1799,  and  read  as  follows:  "The 
moment  the  '  Maryland '  is  ready  for  sea,  and  you  should 
not  wait  for  a  few  men,  you  will  please  to  proceed  to 
Surinam  where  you  will  join  Captain  McNeill  of  the 
'Portsmouth'  and  other  American  vessels  on  that  sta 
tion,  with  which  you  are  to  cooperate  under  the  com 
mand  of  the  senior  officer  of  that  station.  Captain  Mc 
Neill,  as  long  as  he  remains,  will  be  the  commander. 
Your  object  must  be  to  give  all  possible  security  to  our 
trade  by  capturing  the  enemy's  vessels  wherever  to  be 
found  on  the  high  seas,  and  by  occasionally  convoying 
our  own;  though  the  most  protection  is  afforded  to  the 
whole  trade  by  capturing  the  vessels  which  annoy  it. 
You  will  take  under  convoy  any  merchant  vessels  ready, 
as  soon  as  you  are,  to  proceed  to  Surinam.  I  have  noth 
ing  to  add  but  the  President's  assurance  of  confidence  in 
your  activity,  zeal,  and  bravery,  and  my  own  good 
wishes  for  your  success  and  glory." 

September  thirteenth  Rodgers  sailed  from  Baltimore 
and  arrived  on  his  station  about  the  first  of  October.  The 
"Maryland's"  movements  for  several  weeks  after  her 
arrival  may  be  followed  in  a  letter  of  one  of  her  officers 


62  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  his  friend  at  home,  dated  Surinam,  November  21, 
1799: 

"This  being  so  good  an  opportunity  direct  for  Balti 
more,  I  embrace  it  to  inform  you  of  our  arrival  here 
from  a  cruise  of  four  weeks  to  windward,  without  any 
success,  meeting  or  falling  in  with  nothing  but  our 
friends.  This  coast  appears  to  be  perfectly  clear  of 
French  privateers.  We  lay  off  and  on  Cayenne  for  two 
days,  so  near  in  as  to  distinctly  see  the  tri-colored  flag 
flying  at  the  fort.  On  our  cruising  to  windward  we  fell 
in  with  the  United  States  frigate  '  Insurgente,'  whom 
we  kept  company  with  two  days.  She  is  the  only  ship 
that  we  have  seen  that  can  sail  with  us,  and  I  am  of  the 
opinion  she  can  outsail  us.  She  is  a  remarkably  fine 
frigate.  After  parting  with  her  we  fell  in  with  the 
United  States  ship  l  Portsmouth,'  Captain  McNeill, 
whom  we  have  been  cruising  with  about  three  weeks. 
We  have  both  returned  here  to  water,  etc.,  etc.,  which 
we  have  commenced  filling.  Where  and  when  we  shall 
go  from  this  is  not  yet  known,  as  we  are  under  the  com 
mand  and  orders  of  Captain  McNeill.  We  have  had  a 
fair  trial  of  sailing  with  the  '  Portsmouth,'  and  outsail 
her  shamefully.  I  do  think  we  could  run  her  nearly 
out  of  sight  in  twenty-four  hours.  I  have  no  news  to 
relate  you,  except  there  is  a  report  here,  and  much 
credited,  that  there  are  three  French  frigates  now  on 
this  coast.  This  being  the  case,  it  is  more  than  prob 
able  we  shall  soon  move  from  this;  perhaps  with  the 
British  sloops  of  war  'Daphne'  and  'Cynthia,'  now 
lying  here." 12 

A  few  weeks  before  Rodgers  arrived  on  his  station  the 
British  captured  Surinam,  a  Dutch  colony,  and  their  in 
fluence  superseded  that  of  the  French,  which  had  pre- 
12  Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser,  Dec.  24,  1799. 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  63 

dominated  for  several  years.  The  consequences  of  this 
political  change  to  our  interests  are  well  set  forth  in  a 
letter  of  Rodgers  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  dated 
September  20,  1800: 

"The  British  being  in  possession  of  Surinam  totally 
prevents  there  being  any  French  cruisers  on  its  coast, 
owing  to  their  having  no  place  to  vend  their  prizes ;  and 
it  is  impossible  to  get  them  into  Cayenne  owing  to  a 
continual  strong  current  setting  to  leeward.  .  .  The 
American  trade  to  Surinam  appears  to  be  very  incon 
siderable  at  present,  which  is  owing  possibly  to  the  num 
berless  restrictions  it  has  been  laid  under  since  the  Brit 
ish  have  had  possession;  molasses  being  the  only  article 
an  American  can  export  from  thence  with  any  safety, 
without  being  subject  to  seizure  by  British  men  of  war, 
as  has  been  the  case  in  several  instances.  Indeed  I  am 
not  able  to  say  how  far  American  property  is  safe  after 
it  passes  through  the  hands  of  individuals  of  this  colony, 
or  whether  the  colony  is  subject  to  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  under  the  protection  of  the  British  Crown,  as  is 
held  out  to  strangers  by  both  the  parties ;  or  whether  it 
is  a  conquest  to  the  British  Crown  and  a  real  British  col 
ony.  However,  I  believe  that  the  latter  is  most  likely, 
or  at  least  they  intend  to  make  it  such." 

About  December  i,  1799,  Captain  McNeill  sailed  for 
the  United  States  and  left  Captain  Rodgers  in  command 
of  the  station.  During  the  winter  of  1799-1800,  Rod 
gers  cruised  chiefly  to  the  windward  of  Surinam,  since 
all  vessels  that  visited  the  Guianas  might  be  met  with  in 
that  region.  About  the  middle  of  April,  1800,  he  left 
his  station  with  a  convoy  which  he  had  collected  at  Suri 
nam,  Berbice,  and  Demerara.  At  St.  Kitts  he  picked 
up  a  few  more  merchantmen.  Having  seen  his  fleet 
safely  out  of  the  West  Indies,  he  returned  to  his  station 


64  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

where  he  arrived  early  in  June.  A  few  weeks  later  he 
put  in  to  Surinam  for  water  and  provisions,  where  an 
interesting  incident  in  connection  with  a  slaver  occurred. 
At  this  time  the  slave  traffic  in  the  West  Indies  and  on 
the  Spanish  Main  was  very  active,  as  may  be  seen  from 
a  few  statistics.  More  than  five  thousand  slaves  were 
being  annually  imported  to  British  Guiana.  In  1798, 
one  hundred  and  sixty  slave  vessels  from  London,  Liver 
pool,  and  Bristol  carried  fifty-seven  thousand  negroes 
from  Africa  to  the  West  Indies.  Since  the  cost  of  a 
negro  in  his  native  land  was  from  seventy-five  to  eighty 
dollars,  and  his  selling  price  in  the  islands  from  two 
hundred  fifty  to  four  hundred  dollars,  large  profits  were 
realized  from  this  nefarious  traffic.  On  May  10,  1800, 
an  act  was  passed  by  our  government  forbidding  our 
citizens  to  transport  slaves  on  board  American  vessels 
from  one  foreign  port  to  another.  In  attempting  to  en 
force  this  act  Rodgers  encountered  serious  difficulties, 
concerning  which  he  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy 
as  follows: 

"On  the  9th  of  July  the  schooner  'Ranger'  of 
Charleston  (S.C.),  Edward  Easton,  master,  and  be 
longing  to  Thomas  Cave,  distiller  of  that  place,  with 
sixty-two  slaves  on  board  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  ar 
rived  in  the  river  Surinam;  after  which  of  course  she 
was  to  be  considered  within  the  jurisdictional  limits  of 
that  colony.  And  in  consequence  of  my  having  been 
made  acquainted  with  the  act  passed  by  the  government 
of  the  United  States  on  the  roth  day  of  May  last  for  the 
further  prevention  of  importing  slaves  in  vessels  sailing 
under  the  American  flag,  and  altho  I  had  received  no 
orders  from  you  in  addition  to  those  previous  to  the  late 
act  of  government,  yet  I  conceived  it  my  duty  to  notice 
such  violence,  agreeable  to  the  nature  and  intention  of 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  6.5 

the  law,  particularly  as  I  had  reason  to  believe  that 
you  had  not  been  afforded  an  opportunity  of  sending 
me  further  instructions.  In  consequence  I  requested 
of  the  governor  of  the  colony  to  deliver  over  to  me  the 
above  schooner  and  cargo  in  order  that  I  might  proceed 
with  her  as  the  laws  of  the  United  States  direct,  to  which 
request  the  governor  refused  to  comply;  after  which  I 
went  to  him  in  person  and  desired  to  know  if  he  would 
order  her  out  of  the  colony  ( her  admission  into  the 
same  being  contrary  to  their  laws )  ;  to  which  he  also  re 
fused,  saying  that  the  master  of  said  schooner  had  pro 
tested  that  the  vessel  was  not  seaworthy.  To  this  last 
subterfuge,  my  conception  of  the  meaning  and  inten 
tion  of  my  commission  prevented  me  from  making  any 
further  observations  than  that  I  conceived  I  ought  to  be 
the  judge  whether  she  was  seaworthy  or  not,  altho  I 
must  be  permitted  to  say  I  felt  highly  incensed  at  him 
as  a  protector  of  the  inhuman  violators  of  the  laws  of 
the  United  States.  And  I  have  only  to  add  that  Gov 
ernor  Frederici  has  coats  of  all  colors,  and  he  will 
change  as  often  as  it  is  his  interest  so  to  do.  He  is  a 
Hollander  by  birth  and  principle,  with  all  the  address, 
intrigue,  and  artifice  of  a  Frenchman.  He  positively 
told  me  on  the  arrival  of  the  aforesaid  schooner  that,  if 
after  searching  the  laws  relative  to  her  situation  he 
found  her  delivery  within  the  jurisdiction  within  the 
colony  impracticable,  he  would  immediately  order  her 
out  of  port.  However,  he  did  not  comply  with  his 
word,  but  permitted  the  slaves  to  be  sold." 

On  July  seventeenth,  Rodgers  put  to  sea  from  Surinam 
on  a  cruise  to  the  windward  of  Cayenne.  For  his 
movements  until  September  tenth,  his  own  narrative 
may  be  followed: 

"  On  the  26th  of  July  the  Devil's  Islands  bearing  S.S.E. 


66  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

distant  nine  leagues,  I  fell  in  with  and  recaptured  the 
Portuguese  brig  '  Gloria  da  Mar,'  mounting  four  car 
riage  guns,  with  a  crew  of  ten  men,  and  having  a  cargo 
of  rice,  cotton,  and  leather  on  board.  Said  brig  had 
been  captured  by  the  private  armed  schooner  '  Cherry' 
of  Bordeaux  and  ordered  to  Cayenne.  At  the  time  I 
captured  her  she  had  been  thirteen  days  in  possession  of 
the  French.  After  the  recapture  of  the  above  vessel,  I 
cruized  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cayenne  until  the  2nd 
of  August,  without  any  further  success.  By  this  time 
the  term  of  service  of  the  crew  drawing  near  to  its  con 
clusion,  I  bore  away  with  the  intention  of  collecting 
such  vessels  as  were  at  Surinam,  Berbice,  and  Demerara, 
and  returning  home ;  and  arrived  at  the  former  place  on 
the  4th  of  August,  and  on  the  8th  dispatched  the  barge 
with  Lieutenant  Davis  and  five  men  for  Berbice  and 
Demerara  to  acquaint  the  Americans  of  my  intention  of 
touching  at  both  places  in  order  to  afford  them  the  ben 
efit  of  convoy. 

"  On  the  9th  of  August  I  left  Surinam  with  seven  ves 
sels  under  convoy  and  steered  for  Berbice  and  Demerara 
in  order  to  collect  such  others  as  were  ready  to  depart. 
At  Berbice  I  found  only  two  vessels,  neither  of  which 
was  ready  for  sea ;  and  at  Demerara  where  I  arrived  on 
the  1 3th  found  only  four,  neither  of  which  could  be  got 
ready  until  the  iyth,  at  which  instant  I  sailed,  the  con 
voy  having  increased  to  twelve  in  number  including  the 
prize  brig  '  Gloria  da  Mar.'  The  winds  being  far  to 
the  northward  of  east  and  several  of  the  vessels  being 
dull  sailers,  I  was  not  able  to  weather  the  islands ;  which 
being  the  case  I  touched  at  Martinique  on  the  24th  to 
give  such  vessels  as  were  ready  an  opportunity  of  join 
ing  the  convoy,  but  I  found  the  United  States  brig 
'Eagle'  there  for  that  purpose.  However,  as  it  was 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  67 

strengthening  the  convoy,  and  I  conceived  could  be  at 
tended  with  no  inconvenience  to  the  service,  I  joined 
both  convoys  together,  leaving  Martinique  on  the  2^th, 
from  whence  we  steered  for  St.  Kitts  where  we  arrived 
on  the  28th.  By  this  time  I  found  that  our  water  and 
provisions  would  not  hold  out,  therefore  I  replenished 
these  articles.  .  . 

"At  St.  Kitts  I  had  the  Portuguese  brig  '  Gloria  da 
Mar,'  a  recapture  of  the  *  Maryland,'  anchored  at  Basse 
terre  road,  and  immediately  proceeded  with  the  '  Mary 
land'  to  old  road  for  the  purpose  of  watering,  after 
which  on  my  return  to  Basseterre,  Mr.  [David  N.] 
Clarkson  the  [American]  agent,  informed  me  that  the 
Court  of  Admiralty  had  claimed  the  right,  with  refer 
ence  to  the  laws  of  nations,  of  determining  the  cause 
between  the  parties  concerned  in  said  vessel.  Sir,  I  pre 
sume  you  are  well  acquainted  with  the  interest  the  Brit 
ish  Courts  of  Admiralty  have  in  administering  their 
laws  in  cases  of  like  nature;  therefore  as  an  apology  in 
vindication  of  my  own  conduct  for  not  sending  this  ves 
sel  to  the  United  States,  for  the  present,  I  enclose  you 
the  letters  between  the  agent,  Mr.  Clarkson,  and  the 
judge  of  that  court;  and  beg  leave  to  decline  saying 
anything  further  on  the  subject  until  I  have  the  honor 
of  seeing  you  myself  which  I  shall  take  the  earliest  op 
portunity  to  do  after  my  arrival  at  Baltimore.  .  . 

"On  the  3ist  of  August  departed  from  St.  Kitts  with 
thirty-five  sail  of  Americans  and  a  number  of  English 
vessels.  On  the  first  of  September  we  arrived  at  St. 
Thomas,  which  place  we  should  have  left  on  the  day  fol 
lowing,  but  was  prevented  by  many  of  the  vessels  not 
being  quite  ready  for  sea  and  the  winds  prevailing  far 
to  the  northward.  On  the  3rd  instant,  which  was  the 
intended  day  of  sailing,  we  were  forced  into  the  harbor 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


of  St.  Thomas  by  a  hurricane,  for  the  particulars  of 
which  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  my  journal,  which 
shall  be  forwarded  immediately  on  my  arrival.  After 
we  got  into  port  the  winds  continued  to  the  southward 
until  the  loth  instant,  which  prevented  the  fleet  getting 
out  of  port  until  that  epoch,  at  which  instant  we  depart 
ed  with  the  convoy  consisting  of  fifty-two  Americans 
and  several  English  vessels."  13 

On  reaching  safe  latitudes  many  of  the  merchantmen 
parted  company  with  the  "Maryland"  and  "Eagle" 
and  pursued  their  own  course  to  home  ports.  Rodgers 
entered  the  Chesapeake  late  in  September  and  on  the 
last  day  of  that  month  his  vessel  was  reported  to  be  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Patapsco.  He  spent  the  winter  of 
1800-1801  at  Baltimore  refitting  his  ship.  By  the  time 
she  was  ready  for  sea  the  naval  war  with  France  was  at 
an  end.  On  September  30,  1800,  a  treaty  between 
France  and  the  United  States  was  signed  at  Paris ;  and 
on  February  18,  1801,  the  Senate,  after  amending  it,  rat 
ified  it.  These  amendments  rendered  necessary  another 
ratification  by  the  French  government.  President 
Adams  chose  Rodgers  and  the  "  Maryland  "  to  make  the 
voyage  to  France  with  the  treaty,  and  President  Jeffer 
son  selected  Mr.  John  Dawson,  a  Congressman  from 
Virginia,  to  serve  as  the  official  bearer  of  the  document. 
The  captain's  sailing  orders  from  Washington  were 
dated  March  21,  1801,  and  read  in  part  as  follows: 

"  Mr.  Dawson,  who  takes  the  treaty  to  France,  leaves 
this  tomorrow  to  embark  on  board  of  the  'Maryland' 
for  Havre  de  Grace  in  France.  You  will  receive  him 
and  treat  him  with  all  the  attention  and  respect  due  to 
his  character,  and  proceed  with  him  to  the  place  of  his 
destination  as  soon  as  he  is  ready  for  the  voyage,  which 

*3  U.S.  Navy  Department.    Miscellaneous  Letters,  vol.  i,  146. 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  69 

will  be  in  a  day  or  two  after  his  arrival  at  Baltimore. 
I  have  before  written  you  on  the  subject  of  the  stores  to 
be  laid  in  for  his  comfortable  accommodation  on  the 
voyage,  and  have  nothing  to  add  on  that  subject.  You 
will  wait  at  Havre  de  Grace,  or  any  port  in  France 
should  circumstances  compel  you  to  enter  any  other 
port,  until  you  receive  Mr.  Dawson's  dispatches  from 
Paris  for  the  government  of  the  United  States." 

Besides  Dawson,  the  passengers  of  the  "Maryland" 
were  a  Mr.  Dumbrugeac,  his  secretary  and  servant,  and 
several  American  gentlemen.  Dumbrugeac  carried 
dispatches  to  Napoleon  from  General  Toussaint,  the 
Santo  Domingan  revolutionist  and  statesman.  The 
"Maryland"  sailed  for  France  on  March  twenty-sec 
ond.  As  she  got  under  way  she  fired  a  salute  of  six 
teen  guns,  which  was  answered  by  Fort  McHenry. 
Early  in  May  she  arrived  at  Havre,  where  she  was 
boarded  by  a  yacht  of  the  French  Republic,  which  con 
veyed  Rodgers  and  Dawson  ashore.  The  latter  at  once 
proceeded  to  Paris,  while  Rodgers  returned  to  his  ship, 
doubtless  after  having  paid  his  respects  to  the  local  gov 
ernment.  An  officer  of  a  British  blockading  squadron, 
which  lay  off  Havre  at  this  time,  in  writing  home,  on 
July  fourteenth,  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  Rodgers  during 
his  stay  in  France :  "  The  *  Maryland '  American  frig 
ate,  Captain  Rodgers,  is  still  lying  at  anchor  in  the  out 
er  harbor  of  Havre.  During  the  tempestuous  weather 
we  have  had  for  the  last  fortnight,  wind  S.S.W.,  she  has 
been  sailing  about  with  the  squadron  for  safety.  The 
American  captain  dined  on  board  the  commodore's 
ship  the  other  day,  and  by  him  we  learn  that  there  are 
five  frigates  in  Havre  ready  for  sea,  and  also  a  vast 
number  of  gun-brigs  etc." 14  No  doubt  these  latter  were 

14  Poulson's  American  Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  7,  1801. 
5 


70  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

some  of  the  vessels  with  which  Napoleon  expected  to 
invade  England. 

Soon  after  Dawson  arrived  in  Paris  Napoleon  gave 
him  an  audience,  and  early  in  June  he  dined  with  Joseph 
Bonaparte.  In  expectation  that  Napoleon  would  at 
tend  promptly  to  the  treaty,  he  delayed  the  sailing  of 
the  "  Maryland  "  in  order  that  she  might  carry  home  the 
news  of  the  ratification.  The  First  Consul  however 
was  in  no  hurry  about  concluding  the  business.  Final 
ly  Dawson  decided  to  hold  the  "  Maryland"  no  longer, 
and  on  July  tenth,  he  wrote  to  Rodgers  as  follows :  "It 
is  now  my  wish  that  you  should  sail  with  the  first  fair 
wind,  and  most  sincerely  do  I  wish  you  an  agreeable 
voyage  to  the  bosom  of  your  friends  and  fair  one.  It 
has  been  my  wish  that  you  should  take  back  the  ratifica 
tion,  especially  after  the  delay  that  has  taken  place,  and 
I  have  used  every  means  to  accomplish  this.  Some  be 
lieve  that  the  First  Consul  will  declare  the  ratification 
on  the  1 4th  when  there  will  be  a  fete  more  brilliant  and 
expensive  than  any  heretofore."  Dawson  was  mistaken 
as  to  this,  for  Napoleon  did  not  ratify  the  treaty  until 
July  thirty-first,  and  then  in  an  amended  form. 

On  July  fifteenth,  the  "  Maryland,"  having  on  board 
as  passengers  Messrs.  John  Purviance  and  W.  Barney 
of  Baltimore  and  Captain  Izard  of  South  Carolina, 
sailed  from  Havre  on  her  homeward  voyage.  Purvi 
ance  carried  dispatches  from  William  Vans  Murray, 
one  of  our  envoys  to  the  French  government,  to  the  state 
department  at  Washington.  Rodgers  also  bore  public 
letters  and  dispatches.  The  "Maryland"  arrived  at 
her  home  port  on  August  twenty-eighth.  Not  a  few 
Baltimoreans  expected  that  she  would  have  among  her 
passengers  the  noted  patriot  and  freethinker,  Thomas 
Paine.  It  had  been  reported  that  Dawson  had  visited 


COMMANDER  OF  THE  "  MARYLAND  "  71 

Paine  in  Paris  and  had  delivered  to  him  a  very  affec 
tionate  letter  from  President  Jefferson,  in  which  he  was 
invited  to  return  to  America  on  board  a  public  vessel. 
Soon  after  Rodgers  came  to  anchor,  his  ship  was  visited 
by  a  local  editor,  who  later  published  for  the  edification 
of  the  Baltimore  federalists  and  church  folk  the  inform 
ation  that  "we  have  examined  minutely  on  board  the 
'Maryland'  and  we  can  with  confidence  assure  our 
readers  that  the  Monster  Thomas  Paine  is  not  amongst 
the  number."  On  the  twenty-ninth  of  August,  Rodgers 
proceeded  to  Washington  with  his  dispatches.  On  re 
turning  to  Baltimore  he  paid  off  and  discharged  his 
crew  and  dismantled  his  ship.  In  accordance  with  the 
policy,  that  the  government  was  then  pursuing,  of  dis 
posing  of  all  the  smaller  vessels  of  the  navy,  the  "  Mary 
land  "  was  sold  in  the  fall  of  1801,  fetching  twenty  thou 
sand  two  hundred  dollars. 

Rodgers  was  now  twenty-eight  years  old.  He  had 
been  in  active  service  in  the  navy  for  three  years  and  a 
half.  For  more  than  two  years  he  had  been  a  captain, 
the  highest  naval  rank  known  to  the  law.  A  few  of  the 
older  officers  who  entered  the  navy  as  captains  had  held 
more  important  commands  than  had  he,  but  none  of 
those  who  entered  as  lieutenants  had  played  so  conspicu- 
out  a  part  in  the  naval  war  with  France.  As  executive 
officer  of  the  "  Constellation,"  he  participated  in  one  of 
the  two  frigate  fights  of  the  war,  and  with  the  other  of 
ficers  of  his  vessel  received  the  thanks  of  the  president 
and  the  secretary  of  the  navy.  For  several  months  he 
was  in  command  of  the  "  Insurgente,"  the  principal 
prize  of  the  war,  and  one  of  our  largest  frigates.  For 
the  larger  part  of  a  year  he  commanded  the  "  Mary 
land"  and  the  Surinam  station.  Lastly,  he  had  the 
honor  to  be  chosen  to  convey  to  France  the  bearer  of  the 


72  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

new  French-American  treaty,  a  mission  that  he  per 
formed  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  government. 


IV.    VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO 

1801-1802 

IN  the  spring  of  1801,  while  Captain  Rodgers  was  at 
Baltimore  preparing  the  "Maryland"  for  her  voy 
age  to  France,  Congress  passed  an  act  that  had  a  far 
reaching  effect  on  the  navy.  The  date  of  its  passage, 
March  3,  1801,  served  for  many  years  as  a  fixed  point 
for  the  reckoning  of  all  naval  events.  It  was  entitled 
"  an  act  providing  for  a  naval  peace  establishment  and 
for  other  purposes."  It  authorized  the  dismissal  of 
two-thirds  of  the  naval  personnel,  and  the  sale  of  all  the 
vessels  of  the  navy,  with  the  exception  of  thirteen  frig 
ates,  the  "  United  States,"  "  Constitution,"  "  President," 
"Chesapeake,"  "  Philadelphia,"  "Constellation,"  "Con 
gress,"  "New  York,"  "Essex,"  "Boston,"  "Adams," 
"John  Adams,"  and  "General  Greene."  Only  nine 
captains,  thirty-six  lieutenants,  and  one  hundred  fifty 
midshipmen  were  to  be  retained.  The  grade  of  master 
commandant  was  abolished. 

The  act  of  March  3,  1801,  retired  not  a  few  excellent 
officers.  Secretary  Stoddert  gladly  escaped  the  painful 
work  of  enforcing  it,  a  task  more  congenial  to  Jefferson 
and  the  Republicans,  who  were  opposed  to  the  navy. 
Soon  after  the  new  administration  entered  upon  its 
duties  in  the  spring  of  1801,  the  dismissing  of  the  offi 
cers  was  begun;  but  it  proceeded  rather  slowly.  Stod- 
dert's  successor  as  secretary  of  the  navy,  Robert  Smith 
of  Baltimore,  was  not  appointed  until  the  fourteenth  of 
July.  He  was  a  brother  of  Samuel  Smith,  who  for 
many  years  represented  Maryland  in  the  United  States 


74  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Senate.  This  prominent  family  was  founded  by  John 
Smith,  a  Baltimore  merchant  and  Revolutionary  pa 
triot  and  statesman.  It  is  recollected  that  the  Smiths 
owned  the  ship  "Jane,"  of  which  Rodgers  was  for  sev 
eral  years  master.  From  1801  to  1809,  Robert  Smith 
was  secretary  of  the  navy,  which  position  he  resigned  to 
become  secretary  of  state.  He  was  a  kind,  affable  gen 
tleman,  and  a  warm  friend  of  Rodgers  whose  oldest  son, 
Colonel  Robert  Smith  Rodgers,  was  named  for  him. 

The  number  of  captains  in  our  navy  during  the  war 
with  France  was  thirty-one.  By  the  spring  of  1801 
several  of  these  had  resigned,  as  they  did  not  care  to  re 
main  in  the  service.  After  the  captain's  list  had  been 
thus  reduced,  it  was  still  in  excess  of  the  authorized 
number,  nine.  Secretary  Smith  decided  that  in  making 
reductions  he  would  be  governed  chiefly  by  the  age  and 
the  Revolutionary  service  of  the  captains.  On  this 
principle,  Rodgers's  name  was  left  off  the  accepted  list. 
Moreover,  two  of  the  Revolutionary  veterans  who  were 
retained,  Nicholson  and  Murray,  were  from  Maryland. 
President  Jefferson  had  much  to  do  with  the  selecting 
of  the  names,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  following  letter 
that  Smith  addressed  to  Rodgers,  dated  October  22, 
1801 :  "  Under  the  provisions  of  the  statute  entitled  'an 
act  providing  for  a  naval  peace  establishment  and  for 
other  purposes,'  the  President  has  deemed  it  necessary 
to  reduce  the  captains  to  the  prescribed  number,  nine. 
And  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty  he  has  the  unhappiness 
to  find  that  highly  as  he  regards  your  merits  he  cannot 
retain  you  in  commission  consistently  with  the  prin 
ciples  of  selection  that  have  been  adopted.  You  will  I 
trust  be  duly  sensible  how  painful  it  is  to  me  to  make 
you  this  unpleasant  communication,  and  be  persuaded, 
Sir,  my  sensibility  on  the  occasion  is  greatly  increased 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  75 

by  considerations  resulting  from  a  personal  knowledge 
of  your  worth." 

Rodgers's  status  from  October  22,  1801,  to  August  25, 
1802,  is  somewhat  uncertain.  After  writing  the  letter 
quoted  above,  Smith  decided  to  retain  Rodgers.  In 
deed  there  is  excellent  evidence  that  the  letter  was  never 
delivered.  The  next  official  letter  that  Rodgers  re 
ceived  is  dated  August  25,  1802.  In  this  he  is  ad 
dressed  as  captain  of  the  navy.  His  status  during  these 
ten  months  seems  to  be  virtually  that  of  a  captain  on 
leave  of  absence.  Since  he  suffered  no  diminution  of 
rank,  his  connection  with  the  service  was  unbroken. 

The  naval  captains  on  August  25,  1802,  in  the  order 
of  their  rank,  were  as  follows:  (i)  John  Barry,  (2) 
Samuel  Nicholson,  (3)  Richard  Dale,  (4)  Richard  V. 
Morris,  (5)  Alexander  Murray,  (6)  Daniel  McNiell, 
(7)  Samuel  Barren,  (8)  John  Rodgers,  (9)  Edward 
Preble,  (10)  James  Barren,  (n)  William  Bainbridge, 
and  (12)  Hugh  G.  Campbell.  From  this  list  it  is  seen 
that  the  number  of  captains  was  still  in  excess.  Smith 
had  retained  both  Truxtun  and  Talbot,  but  they  had  re 
signed;  Talbot  in  September,  1801,  and  Truxtun  in 
March,  1802.  In  1804,  Thomas  Tingey,  who  had  been 
retired  under  the  peace  establishment  act,  was  again 
made  a  captain,  this  time  by  an  act  of  Congress.  If  we 
count  Talbot,  Truxtun,  and  Tingey,  the  total  number  of 
captains  retained  was  fifteen.  Of  these,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  Bainbridge  who  was  born  in  1774,  Rodgers  was 
the  youngest.  Most  of  them  were  many  years  his  senior. 
The  captains  above  Rodgers  in  rank,  with  the  exception 
of  Morris,  were  Revolutionary  veterans.  Tingey, 
Preble,  and  Campbell  are  properly  classed  with  the  old 
worthies,  while  Rodgers,  James  Barron,  and  William 
Bainbridge  were  of  a  younger  generation,  and  had 


76  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

made  their  reputations  during  the  French  War.  They 
entered  the  navy  as  lieutenants,  and  several  of  their 
naval  contemporaries,  Stewart,  Hull,  Chauncey,  the 
younger  Decatur,  and  the  elder  Porter,  were  in  1801 
near  the  top  of  the  lieutenant's  list.  In  the  ten  years 
succeeding  the  French  War  the  Continental  captains 
largely  passed  away,  and  the  new  school  of  officers  took 
their  places. 

As  soon  as  Rodgers  learned  in  the  fall  of  1801  that 
there  was  no  immediate  prospect  for  employment  in  the 
navy,  he  turned  again  to  the  merchant  service.  Recent 
ly  a  profitable  trade  had  sprung  up  between  the  United 
States  and  Santo  Domingo.  This  was  fostered  by  Gen 
eral  Toussaint  L'Ouverture,  the  governor  of  the  island, 
who  had  established  a  new  government,  had  instituted 
many  reforms,  and  had  greatly  encouraged  commerce 
and  agriculture.  With  an  eye  to  the  main  chance, 
Rodgers  purchased  the  schooner  "Nelly,"  loaded  her 
with  American  products,  and  on  the  fourth  of  Decem 
ber  sailed  from  Baltimore  for  Cape  Francois,  on  the 
northern  coast  of  the  island,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
nineteenth.  Here  he  remained  about  two  months,  sell 
ing  his  cargo  and  buying  a  new  one.  Soon  after  his  ar 
rival  at  the  Cape,  Rodgers  met  our  consul  or  commer 
cial  agent  to  Santo  Domingo,  Colonel  Tobias  Lear,  and 
he  there  laid  the  keel  of  a  long  and  intimate  friendship 
with  that  interesting  man.  Lear  was  a  native  of  Ports 
mouth,  New  Hampshire,  a  graduate  of  Harvard,  and 
for  many  years  the  private  secretary  of  Washington. 
His  second  wife  was  the  widow  of  Major  George 
Augustine  Washington,  a  nephew  of  General  Washing 
ton;  and  his  third  wife  was  Miss  Frances  Dandridge 
Henley,  a  niece  of  Mrs.  Martha  Washington.  He  had 
recently  entered  our  diplomatic  service,  in  which  con- 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  77 

nection  there  will  be  occasion  to  mention  him  more 
than  once.  At  Cape  Francois,  Rodgers  saw  for  the 
first  time  the  colonel's  son,  Benjamin  Lincoln  Lear 
(a  child  by  his  first  wife,  Miss  Mary  Long),  concern 
ing  whom  something  will  be  said  in  a  succeding  chap 
ter. 

While  Rodgers  was  in  Santo  Domingo  he  witnessed 
some  of  the  important  events  of  the  war  between  the 
French  and  General  Toussaint.  Indeed  in  one  of  these 
events,  the  burning  of  Cape  Francois,  he  was  no  insig 
nificant  actor.  It  is  recollected  that  in  1801-1802,  Na 
poleon  made  peace  with  England  and  began  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  colonial  empire  in  America,  which  ac 
cording  to  one  plan  was  to  extend  from  French  Guiana 
on  the  south  to  Canada  on  the  north,  and  was  to  include 
the  French  West  Indies,  Florida  and  Louisiana.  Since 
Santo  Domingo  was  to  be  an  important  part  of  the  em 
pire,  Napoleon  decided  that  its  subjugation  should  be 
the  preliminary  step  in  the  carrying  out  of  his  vast 
scheme.  He  proposed  to  capture  Toussaint,  overthrow 
the  rule  of  the  blacks  which  the  great  negro  leader  had 
established,  and  organize  a  new  government  in  sym 
pathy  with  the  imperial  policy  of  France.  In  the  win 
ter  of  1801-1802,  a  large  French  expedition  was  sent  to 
Santo  Domingo.  The  naval  contingent  was  under  Ad 
miral  Villaret  Joyeuse,  and  the  general  commanding  all 
the  forces  was  Charles  Victor  Emmanuel  Leclerc,  whose 
courage  and  military  skill  had  won  him  the  esteem  of 
the  great  conqueror.  His  wife  was  Napoleon's  favorite 
sister,  Pauline,  an  extremely  beautiful  woman,  whose 
statue,  Victorious  Venus,  by  Canova,  is  still  a  famous 
work  of  art.  She  accompanied  the  expedition,  as  did 
also  Jerome  Bonaparte,  now  a  naval  lieutenant,  and 
soon  to  displease  his  illustrious  brother  by  his  marriage 


78  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

with  the  Baltimore  heiress  and  beauty,  Elizabeth  Pat 
terson. 

On  arriving  at  Cape  Samana  on  the  east  coast  of 
Santo  Domingo,  Leclerc  divided  his  forces  into  four 
divisions,  with  a  view  to  operating  simultaneously  in 
different  parts  of  the  island.  For  himself  he  reserved 
the  main  division.  His  objective  was  Cape  Francois, 
off  which  port  he  arrived  on  February  2,  1802,  with 
fourteen  sail  of  the  line,  nine  frigates,  and  five  thousand 
troops.  He  anchored  some  five  or  six  miles  from  the 
harbor,  and  at  once  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  town 
and  the  forts  that  defended  it.  These  were  in  posses 
sion  of  General  Christophe,  the  commander  of  the 
forces  of  Toussaint.  On  receiving  Leclerc's  peremp 
tory  demand,  Christophe,  knowing  that  the  blacks  were 
much  weaker  than  the  French,  asked  for  time  to  consult 
Toussaint  in  respect  to  his  reply.  Leclerc  refused  the 
request  and  prepared  to  attack  the  town.  The  follow 
ing  day,  a  deputation  of  leading  citizens  and  officials,  ac 
companied  by  Colonel  Lear,  visited  the  French  general 
and  urged  him  to  make  some  arrangement  with  Chris 
tophe  that  would  save  the  town  from  destruction,  which 
calamity  they  had  every  reason  to  fear.  Leclerc,  with 
much  severity  of  manner,  refused  to  listen  to  their  pro 
posals  for  conciliation  and  said  that  he  would  certainly 
enter  the  harbor  on  the  following  day. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  cape  and  the  men  on  board 
the  vessels  in  the  harbor  were  greatly  alarmed,  as  their 
lives  and  property  were  in  imminent  danger.  Several 
American  merchants  lived  in  the  town  and  owned  dwell 
ings,  warehouses,  and  other  goods  of  various  kinds. 
Thirty-five  American  ships  were  in  the  harbor.  Lear  and 
Rodgers  took  upon  themselves  the  difficult  task  of  sav 
ing  the  lives  and  property  of  their  countrymen.  Lear 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  79 

had  a  private  audience  with  Leclerc,  who  promised  to 
protect  the  Americans;  and  he  also  visited  Christophe 
and  obtained  his  consent  to  let  the  Americans  residing 
in  the  town  embark  on  board  the  ships. 

Owing  to  unfavorable  winds  Leclerc  was  unable  to 
enter  the  harbor  on  the  fourth.  Just  before  dark  on 
the  evening  of  that  day  one  of  his  ships  stood  toward 
the  cape  and  was  fired  upon  by  one  of  the  forts.  All 
the  other  forts  immediately  began  a  general  fire,  a  pre 
concerted  signal  for  the  blacks  to  burn  and  abandon  the 
town.  Flames  burst  out  simultaneously  in  many  places, 
and  an  awful  night  of  conflagration  ensued.  Nine- 
tenths  of  the  town  was  burned.  Among  the  public 
buildings  that  were  destroyed  were  the  churches,  the 
arsenal,  barracks,  marine  offices,  magazines,  and  the  ex 
ecutive  offices  of  the  government.  "  Sugars  or  other 
property  either  rolled  in  liquid  fire  along  the  streets  or 
mounted  in  cloudy  volumes  to  the  skies."  The  savage 
blacks  pillaged  the  burning  houses  and  murdered  the 
defenceless  citizens,  in  their  fury  sparing  neither  women 
nor  children.  One  American,  a  South  Carolinian,  who 
was  determined  to  save  his  property  or  perish  with  it, 
tarried  on  shore  and  was  killed  in  his  own  house,  his 
body  being  almost  consumed  by  the  flames. 

Scorning  all  personal  consequences  when  the  lives  of 
his  fellow  men  were  at  stake,  Rodgers  spent  the  whole 
of  this  fearful  night  on  shore.  He  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  a  band  of  friendly  negroes  and  led  them  in 
their  work  of  rescue  and  succor.  The  full  details  of  his 
heroic  and  energetic  efforts  are  not  known,  but  Lear 
wrote  later  that  he  "displayed  that  dauntless  spirit  which 
he  is  know  to  possess"  and  "by  his  good  manage 
ment  and  intrepidity  secured  the  lives  of  many  whom 
he  got  off  from  the  flames,  and  was  the  means  of  saving 


8o  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

several  houses."  After  this  dangerous  and  laborious 
task  was  ended,  he  returned  to  the  wharf  to  take  passage 
on  a  boat  for  his  ship.  Here  he  was  unexpectedly  over 
taken  by  a  party  of  women  and  children  fleeing  from  the 
infuriated  negroes.  He  hurried  the  fugitives  into  his 
boat,  and  while  attempting  to  shove  it  off,  fell  in  the 
midst  of  his  pursuers  who  seized  him  and  made  him 
prisoner.  Being  a  man  of  almost  Herculean  strength, 
he  was  not  long  in  their  power;  for  watching  his  op 
portunity,  he  broke  away  from  his  captors,  escaped  to 
his  boat,  and  gained  his  ship.15 

Lear  had  also  spent  an  exciting  night.  Fearing  that 
the  blacks  after  burning  the  town  would  carry  out  their 
threat  to  destroy  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  and  massacre 
the  defenceless  men,  women,  and  children  on  board  of 
them,  he  decided  to  go  to  the  French  admiral  and  urge 
him  to  send  a  flotilla  of  armed  boats  to  protect  the  ship 
ping.  He  left  the  town  in  the  night-time,  passed  the 
forts  safely,  and  at  daylight  was  received  on  board  the 
French  flag-ship.  On  stating  his  errand,  the  admiral 
promised  to  get  under  way  at  once  with  his  whole  fleet, 
and  at  noon  of  the  fifth  he  anchored  within  the  har 
bor.  He  immediately  landed  some  troops;  and  the  ma 
rauding  blacks,  who  were  still  pillaging  the  burning 
dwellings,  fled  from  the  town. 

In  his  treatment  of  Americans,  Leclerc  seems  to  have 
been  governed  by  no  settled  convictions,  first  blowing 
hot  and  then  cold  towards  them.  Much  pleased  with 
Rodgers's  heroic  efforts,  he  gave  him  a  special  permis 
sion  to  sail  in  the  "Nelly"  for  Baltimore  and  return 
with  a  load  of  supplies,  which,  it  is  said,  were  intended 
for  the  French  troops,  and  for  which  Rodgers  was  to 

15  Washington  National  Intelligencer,  March  8,  1802,  "Family  Sketch  of 
the  Life  of  Commodore  John  Rodgers,"  25. 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  81 

be  well  paid.  Leclerc  laid  an  embargo  upon  all  other 
vessels  in  port.  The  "Nelly"  reached  Baltimore  on 
the  third  of  March,  and  ten  days  later,  having  obtained 
a  cargo,  cleared  for  Cape  Francois  where  she  arrived 
about  the  first  of  April.  The  Americans  were  now  be 
ing  treated  shamefully  by  the  French.  On  the  tenth  of 
April,  the  functions  of  Lear  were  suspended,  and  a  week 
later  he  left  the  island.  A  few  days  before  he  sailed 
Rodgers  and  a  Captain  Davidson  of  Philadelphia  were 
seized  by  a  guard  of  grenadiers  and  thrown  into  a  loath 
some  and  pestiferous  prison,  and  their  property  was 
confiscated.  For  a  time  they  were  confined  in  separate 
dungeons,  and  forced  to  live  on  bread  and  water;  and 
visits  from  their  countrymen  were  denied  them.  The 
severity  of  their  imprisonment,  however,  was  soon 
relaxed  somewhat,  and  they  were  granted  the  liberty 
of  mingling  with  the  common  vagabonds  of  the 
prison-yard. 

Leclerc  gave  the  captains  no  reasons  for  their  arbitrary 
arrest.  He  is  said  to  have  told  Lear  that  he  imprisoned 
Rodgers  because  the  young  captain,  after  having  re 
ceived  special  permission  to  return  to  America,  had 
during  his  stay  there  spread  unfavorable  reports  of  the 
operations  of  the  French  at  the  cape  and  of  their  ex 
pedition  to  Santo  Domingo.  After  an  imprisonment 
of  about  three  weeks  Rodgers  and  Davidson  were  liber 
ated,  and  were  ordered  to  leave  the  island  within  four 
days  and  never  to  return,  "under  pain  of  death."  So 
peremptory  were  the  orders  that  had  not  the  unfortunate 
captains  obtained  passage  on  board  the  schooner  "  Pom 
ona,"  they  would  have  been  compelled  to  put  to  sea  in 
the  long-boat  of  Davidson's  ship.  A  part  of  their 
property  was  restored  to  them  before  leaving  Cape 
Francois,  and  eventually  they  recovered  all  or  nearly  all 


82  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

of  it.  The  "Pomona"  arrived  at  Baltimore  on  May 
22,  1802. 

Rodgers  soon  went  to  Havre  de  Grace  to  visit  his  kin 
and  friends,  with  whom  he  had  spent  but  little  time 
since  the  day  that  he  left  home,  a  mere  boy,  to  seek  his 
fortune.  But  few  young  Americans  of  his  age  had  seen 
as  many  foreign  lands  or  participated  in  as  many  adven 
tures  as  had  he.  His  active,  outdoor,  masculine  life 
had  toughened  his  fibres  until  they  glowed  with  vigor 
ous  health.  He  had  acquired  all  those  qualities  that 
mark  the  sailor  and  naval  officer -simplicity,  candor, 
loyalty,  self-confidence,  firmness,  and  resolution.  Ma 
tured  beyond  his  years,  he  was  returning  to  his  native 
place  for  a  brief  holiday.  His  fame  had  preceded  him, 
for  his  services  in  the  navy  and  at  Cape  Francois  had 
been  fully  reported  in  the  newspapers  of  the  land.  The 
villagers  welcomed  him  home  as  a  fellow  townsman 
who  had  reflected  honor  upon  themselves.  The  old 
men  recalled  legends  of  his  boyhood;  and  the  young  wo 
men  were  captivated  by  his  handsome  face,  chivalrous 
manners,  and  commanding  presence.  One  of  the  Havre 
de  Grace  maidens,  Miss  Minerva  Denison,  with  whom 
Rodgers  became  acquainted  on  this  visit,  soon  kindled 
in  his  heart  the  flame  of  a  tender  passion. 

No  better  family  stock  for  the  growing  of  military  offi 
cers  can  be  found  than  that  from  which  Miss  Minerva 
Denison  sprang.  Her  early  paternal  ancestor  in  this 
country,  Captain  George  Denison  of  Stonington,  Con 
necticut,  served  under  Cromwell.  He  was  wounded  at 
the  battle  of  Naseby,  and  during  his  illness  was  nursed 
by  Ann  Borodell,  who  on  curing  the  captain  married 
him.  She  was  always  called  "  Lady  Ann,"  and  was  re 
markable  for  her  beauty  and  force  of  character.  Soon 
after  his  marriage  Denison  emigrated  to  Massachusetts 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  83 

and  later  moved  to  Connecticut  The  elder  Winthrop 
once  referred  to  him  as  "the  young  soldier  lately  come 
out  of  the  wars  with  England."  In  Connecticut  he  held 
many  offices  of  trust,  and  became  a  noted  Indian  fight 
er- the  Miles  Standish  of  his  colony.  Miss  F.  M. 
Caulkins,  the  historian  of  New  London,  Connecticut, 
says  that  "our  early  history  presents  no  character  of 
bolder  and  more  active  spirit  than  Captain  Denison. 
He  reminds  us  of  the  border  men  of  Scotland." 

Fourth  in  direct  line  of  descent  from  this  ancestor 
was  Gideon  Denison,  of  Norwich,  Connecticut,  who 
was  born  in  1753.  In  1780  he  married  Jerusha  Butler, 
also  of  Norwich.  He  was  a  merchant,  and  spent  sev 
eral  years  of  his  early  married  life  in  Europe.  For  a 
time  his  young  family  lived  in  Savannah,  Georgia, 
where  he  settled  them  under  the  care  of  a  brother.  As 
Mrs.  Denison  was  a  New  Englander  in  all  her  tastes,  she 
naturally  disliked  slavery  and  the  southern  manner  of 
living,  and  preferred  to  make  her  home  in  the  North. 
Accordingly,  about  1794,  she  established  her  family  near 
Philadelphia.  Mr.  Denison  was  then  investing  con 
siderable  sums  of  money  in  real  estate  in  Maryland, 
Georgia,  North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee;  and  he  is  said 
to  have  purchased  the  ground  upon  which  Nashville 
was  later  built.  Since  Havre  de  Grace,  Maryland, 
seemed  destined  to  grow  into  a  large  city,  Denison  in 
1795-1797  bought  several  farms  adjoining  the  village 
and  containing  more  than  eighteen  hundred  acres.  On 
one  of  the  farms,  which  had  belonged  to  the  Reverend 
John  Ireland,  a  noted  Episcopalian  minister  of  Harford 
County  in  his  day,  there  was  a  country  house,  with  all 
the  ornaments  and  conveniences  of  such  an  establish 
ment-ample  grounds,  trees  of  beech,  oak,  locust,  and 
chestnut,  gardens,  orchards,  barns,  and  outhouses.  Its 


84  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ministerial  owner  had  christened  his  home  Sion  Hill, 
a  name  that  it  now  bears.  The  house  has  never  been 
remodeled,  and  may  still  be  seen  in  the  purity  of  its 
colonial  architecture,  being  one  of  the  most  interesting 
relics  of  the  Revolutionary  era  in  Maryland.  It  is  pic 
turesquely  situated  about  two  miles  westward  of  Havre 
de  Grace,  on  a  considerable  elevation  that  commands  a 
beautiful  view  of  the  Susquehanna,  the  Chesapeake,  and 
the  rolling  countryside.  To  this  day  it  has  retained  its 
air  of  rest  and  quiet,  dignified  reserve,  and  gentle  re 
finement.  A  placid  melancholy  broods  over  the  old 
home,  so  rich  in  hallowed  memories.  It  is  owned  by 
several  of  Commodore  Rodgers's  grandchildren,  and  in 
the  summer-time  is  occupied  by  Rear-admiral  Freder 
ick  Rodgers  of  the  United  States  navy. 

In  1795,  Denison  moved  his  family  to  Sion  Hill.  He 
had  four  children,  Henry,  Minerva,  Louisa,  and  Eliza. 
Each  of  the  three  daughters  married  naval  officers. 
Louisa  married  Commodore  Alexander  Wadsworth,  an 
uncle  of  the  poet,  Henry  Wadsworth  Longfellow.  Eliza 
married  Commodore  J.  D.  Henley,  a  nephew  of  Mrs. 
Martha  Washington  and  a  brother  of  Mrs.  Tobias  Lear. 
He  fought  at  Lake  Champlain  in  1814  under  Macdon- 
ough  and  later  commanded  the  frigate  "Congress"  on 
a  voyage  to  China,  the  first  American  naval  vessel  to 
visit  that  country.  Minerva  was  some  years  older  than 
her  sisters.  She  had  been  taught  the  rudiments  of  learn 
ing,  together  with  music,  dancing,  and  other  accom 
plishments  in  private  boarding-schools  at  Philadelphia 
and  Baltimore.  In  a  charming  narrative  of  her  girl 
hood  written  late  in  life  for  her  grandchildren  Mrs. 
Minerva  Denison  Rodgers  gives  the  following  account 
of  her  admission  into  Mrs.  Fullerton's  school  in  Phila 
delphia: 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  85 

"  My  father  took  me  to  the  city  and  introduced  me  to 
the  lady  under  whose  charge  I  was  to  be  placed.  She 
was  a  kind  and  lady-like  person  and  received  me  in  a 
motherly  way  which  quite  won  my  heart.  There  were 
one  or  two  other  girls  who  had  also  been  deposited  there 
by  their  parents  on  the  same  day.  We  were  assigned 
sleeping  rooms  with  some  of  the  parlor  boarders;  and  I 
well  recollect  Mrs.  Fullerton  taking  me  by  the  hand 
and  leading  me  to  the  door  of  her  niece's  room  and  ask 
ing  her  to  take  her  choice  of  a  roommate  of  the  three 
young  girls  that  stood  at  her  door.  She  took  a  survey 
of  the  party  and  quietly  said,  *  I  will  take  the  little  girl 
with  fair  hair,  because  she  looks  so  nice  and  sweet.'  I 
told  this  to  mother  afterwards,  and  it  seemed  to  gratify 
her  motherly  vanity." 

Concerning  her  husband's  courtship,  Mrs.  Rodgers 
wrote  as  follows : 

"  I  remained  quietly  at  Sion  Hill  following  an  une 
ventful  life  until  I  met  Captain  Rodgers  who  after 
wards  became  my  husband.  I  was  at  this  time  about 
seventeen.  This  forms  a  turn  in  my  life  from  which  I 
must  date  its  greatest  joys  as  well  as  sorrows.  At 
this  time  Havre  de  Grace  was  a  very  different  place 
from  what  it  is  at  the  present  time.  Several  wealthy 
men,  tempted  there  by  the  prospect  of  its  becoming 
a  great  city,  had  bought  land  and  built  for  themselves 
very  handsome  residences.  Among  them  Colonel  and 
Mrs.  Hughes,  our  nearest  and  most  intimate  neighbors, 
and  Mr.  Pringle,  a  retired  merchant  of  Baltimore, 
with  his  interesting  family.  In  the  town  of  Havre  de 
Grace  and  just  across  the  river  were  many  pleasant  fam 
ilies,  which  made  the  society  a  very  agreeable  one,  espe 
cially  as  they  were  all  hospitable  and  fond  of  gaiety. 
Colonel  and  Mrs.  Hughes  had  no  children,  but  were  both 


86  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

fond  of  society  and  happy  in  dispensing  their  hospital 
ity  to  their  many  friends.  They  had  a  delightful 
house,  with  beautiful  and  cultivated  grounds.  It  was 
Mrs.  Hughes's  delight  to  superintend  her  flowers,  and 
she  was  very  ambitious  about  them  and  her  fine  fruits 
which  were  cultivated  with  much  care.  I  well  remem 
ber  her  green  and  terraced  lawns  where  the  first  violets 
and  primroses  and  early  spring  flowers  were  to  be 
found.  The  perfume  of  the  violets  and  hyacinths  still 
seems  to  have  a  power  to  transport  me  back  to  that 
lovely  spot  and  to  the  freshness  of  my  early  years. 
These  charming  people  entertained  a  great  deal,  and 
were  very  fond  of  inviting  strangers  from  a  distance  to 
visit  them.  I  have  spent  many  happy  hours  there,  and 
was  always  most  warmly  welcomed  by  them  both. 
They  were  especially  fond  of  young  people  and  enjoyed 
being  surrounded  by  them,  and  always  called  upon  me 
to  sing  and  play  upon  the  piano  for  them. 

"  One  fine  morning  in  June  when  I  was  just  seven 
teen,  my  mother  received  a  note  from  Mrs.  Hughes 
saying  that  Captain  Rodgers  had  been  invited  to  dine 
with  them  and  a  gentleman  to  meet  him;  they  had  other 
guests  in  the  house  and  their  table  was  full;  but  they 
desired  that  my  mother  would  come  over  in  the  even 
ing  and  take  tea  with  them,  bringing  Minerva  with 
her.  Accordingly  we  went.  I  had  previously  heard 
Captain  Rodgers  spoken  of.  His  reputation  was  known 
to  the  country.  He  had  recently  returned  from  Santo 
Domingo  where  he  had  been  traitorously  imprisoned 
by  Leclerc.  He  had  been  much  talked  of  and  publish 
ed  in  the  papers.  I  had  known  his  mother  and  sisters 
and  his  brother  Alexander.  I  had  heard  them  speak 
of  John,  but  had  never  seen  him  as  he  was  seldom  at 
home,  most  of  his  time  being  spent  at  sea. 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  about  1803 

From   a   portrait  in  the    possession  of   Rear-admiral  John  A.  Rodgers, 
Bremerton,   Washington 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  89 

"  When  we  arrived  at  Mount  Pleasant  we  were 
asked  into  the  parlor  where  the  ladies,  who  had  just 
returned  from  the  dinner  table,  were  discussing  Cap 
tain  Rodgers.  One  maiden  lady,  who  was  out  of  health 
and  not  very  amiable  in  her  feelings,  said  that  she 
thought  he  was  very  rough  and  abrupt,  and  she  did  not 
like  him.  She  thought  he  had  a  bad  countenance, 
with  his  black  and  heavy  eyebrows.  She  said  he  had 
talked  at  dinner  of  an  action  in  which  he  had  been  en 
gaged  when  the  deck  was  slippery  with  blood,  and 
that  she  had  nearly  fainted  with  horror.  There  was  a 
young  lady,  however,  who  spoke  up  quickly  in  contra 
diction  and  said,  l  Well  I  think  him  very  handsome. 
I  think  he  resembles  this  picture '-holding  up  a  book 
which  she  had  been  reading.  After  she  had  laid  down 
the  book,  my  curiosity  induced  me  to  take  it  up,  which 
I  found  to  be  Schiller's  '  Robbers ',  and  the  picture 
that  of  the  hero  of  the  play,  Karl  von  Moor.  Soon 
after  that  the  gentlemen  came  in  from  the  dinner  table. 
I  was  sitting  at  one  end  of  a  card  table  which  was  placed 
near  the  wall.  Upon  the  table  was  a  large  French 
clock  which  effectually  concealed  any  one  sitting  be 
hind  it.  Captain  Rodgers  came  in  with  the  quiet  de 
termined  step  which  I  learned  to  know  so  well,  and 
sat  down  at  the  further  end  of  the  table  from  me.  He 
was  acquainted  with  all  the  other  ladies  in  the  room, 
and  Mrs.  Hughes  did  not  at  first  present  him  to  me, 
forgetting  I  suppose  that  I  had  not  met  him.  The 
ladies,  having  already  criticised  him,  had  nothing  fur 
ther  to  say.  As  the  conversation  began  to  flag,  Colonel 
Hughes  proposed  that  we  should  walk  in  the  garden. 
While  I  was  sitting  at  the  table  I  thought  that  I  would 
take  a  peep  at  the  gentleman  on  the  other  side  of  the 
clock.  I  bent  forward  to  do  so,  and  to  my  consterna- 


90  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

tion  I  found  a  pair  of  piercing  black  eyes  fixed  upon 
me.  I  withdrew  my  gaze  hastily.  The  gentlemen  all 
arose  and  walked  into  the  garden,  while  the  ladies 
remained  in  the  drawing  room.  Captain  Rodgers  did 
not,  I  think,  return  to  the  house,  as  I  do  not  recollect 
seeing  him  that  evening. 

"When  my  mother  and  myself  were  going  home, 
I  asked  her  what  she  thought  of  Captain  Rodgers, 
who  seemed  to  be  the  hero  of  the  day.  She  replied 
that  she  did  not  like  him  at  all,  that  his  countenance 
was  dreadful,  and  that  his  black  and  heavy  eyebrows 
gave  him  such  a  forbidding  look  they  made  her  trem 
ble  to  look  at  him.  I  said,  'I  have  hardly  seen  him, 
but  from  the  little  glance  which  I  had,  I  should  think 
he  was  a  man  of  violent  temper,  though  first  impres 
sions  are  not  always  correct.'  A  few  days  after  this 
my  mother  had  occasion  to  go  down  to  the  village  to 
make  some  small  purchases,  and  when  she  returned  I 
was  sitting  in  my  room  with  my  book  and  my  work. 
She  came  up  and  stood  at  the  foot  of  the  bed,  taking 
out  sundry  little  articles  from  her  satchel.  I  thought 
she  looked  very  smiling,  and  I  said  *  Well,  mother,  who 
and  what  have  you  seen  that  you  looked  so  pleased?' 
She  replied,  'I  have  met  Captain  Rodgers,  and  I  have 
entirely  changed  my  opinion  of  him.  I  think  him 
very  handsome  and  agreeable.'  I  said,  'That  is  a  very 
marvellous  change,  and  to  what  is  it  to  be  ascribed?' 
She  then  told  me  that  he  had  been  exceedingly  polite 
and  friendly,  and  had  followed  her  into  the  store  and 
had  assisted  her  to  make  her  purchases,  and  was  in  fact 
so  very  kind  that  she  did  not  know  to  what  she  should 
ascribe  it.  She  supposed  that  his  brother  Alexander 
had  told  him  who  she  was.  She  said  that  his  eyes  and 
teeth  were  splendid,  and  that  when  in  conversation  his 


VOYAGES  TO  SANTO  DOMINGO  91 

whole  appearance  was  so  bright  it  made  him  very  fas 
cinating.  A  day  or  two  after  that  his  brother  Alex 
ander  drove  him  to  Sion  Hill  to  make  a  morning 
visit,  and  he  introduced  him  to  me.  After  that  his  visits 
became  frequent  and  his  attentions  to  me  very  con 
spicuous.  However,  he  was  ordered  to  sea  and  our 
love  affairs  made  no  great  progress." 16 


16Rodgers,  Minerva  Denison.     Recollections  of  My  Life,  7,  12-16. 


V.     FIRST  CRUISE    IN   THE  MEDITERRA 
NEAN:    1802-1803 

SOON  after  our  difficulties  with  France  were  set 
tled  early  in  1801,  we  began  a  war  with  Tripoli; 
and  the  scene  of  our  naval  activities  shifted  from  the 
West  Indies  to  the  Mediterranean.  The  reader  will 
readily  recall  the  early  history  of  the  Barbary  States  - 
the  Phoenician  settlements,  the  Punic  Wars,  the  Van 
dal  Invasion,  and  the  conquest  of  the  Saracens. 
In  the  sixteenth  century,  Algiers,  Tunis,  and  Tripoli 
became  tributary  to  the  Turkish  sultan  at  Constanti 
nople,  and  Morocco  established  a  native  dynasty.  In 
the  same  century,  the  Barbary  States  organized  an 
extensive  system  of  piracy,  blackmail,  and  extortion, 
by  means  of  which  they  realized  a  large  revenue.  The 
rich  argosies  of  the  Christian  nations,  homeward  bound 
from  the  Levant,  Africa,  and  the  East  Indies,  afford 
ed  the  corsairs  an  abundant  harvest.  They  enslaved 
their  captives  and  forced  them  to  perform  the  menial 
labor  of  Barbary.  The  torments  suffered  by  these 
wretched  slaves,  whether  chained  to  galleys  at  sea  or 
driven  like  brutes  to  their  tasks  on  shore,  are  inde 
scribable.  An  old  petition  in  behalf  of  some  poor  En 
glishmen  in  Barbary  speaks  of  them  as  being  "  in  miser 
able  captivity,  undergoing  divers  and  most  insufferable 
labor,  such  as  rowing  in  galleys,  drawing  carts,  grind 
ing  in  mills,  with  divers  such  unchristian-like  works 
most  lamentable  to  express  and  most  burdensome  to 
undergo,  withal  suffering  much  hunger  and  many 
blows  on  their  bare  bodies,  by  which  cruelty  many, 


94  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

not  being  able  to  undergo  it,  have  been  forced  to  turn 
Mohammedans." 

The  ransoming  of  the  slaves  by  their  friends  at  home 
was  the  source  of  no  little  income  to  the  Barbary  rulers. 
The  biography  of  Cervantes  affords  a  celebrated  in 
stance  of  this  form  of  extortion.  The  great  novelist 
was  captured  by  the  corsairs,  and  spent  several  years 
in  captivity  before  he  regained  his  freedom.  In  Don 
Quixote  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  describing  the  ruler 
of  Algiers  as  "  the  homicide  of  all  human  kind  . 
every  day  he  hanged  a  slave,  impaled  one,  cut  off  the 
ears  of  another,  and  this  upon  so  little  animus  or  so 
entirely  without  cause  that  the  Turks  would  own  he 
did  it  merely  for  the  sake  of  doing  it  and  because  it 
was  his  nature." 

Another  source  of  revenue  was  the  money  and  the 
presents  that  were  given  to  the  Barbary  rulers  by  the 
Christian  nations  as  the  price  of  peace  and  forbear 
ance.  A  few  examples  will  show  the  character  of  this 
blackmail.  In  1712,  the  Dutch  obtained  immunity 
from  the  Algerine  navy  by  contributing  to  its  well- 
being  ten  24-pounders,  twenty-five  large  masts,  five 
cables,  four  hundred  fifty  barrels  of  gunpowder,  two 
thousand  five  hundred  great  shot,  fifty  chests  of  gun- 
barrels,  a  quantity  of  small  arms,  and  five  thousand 
dollars  in  cash.  After  the  Venetians  had  defeated  Tunis 
in  the  war  of  1784-1792,  they  agreed  to  pay  forty 
thousand  sequins  for  a  treaty  of  peace.  About  the  same 
time  Spain  gave  one  hundred  thousand  piastres  as  the 
price  of  immunity  from  piracy.  In  1796,  England  pur 
chased  the  friendship  of  the  dey  of  Algiers  and  the 
release  of  some  English  prisoners  at  a  cost  of  about 
one  hundred  thousand  pounds. 

Not  infrequently  the  diplomatic  agents  of  the  Chris- 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  95 

tian  powers  were  treated  in  an  insulting  and  outrageous 
manner  by  the  Barbary  potentates.  On  one  occasion 
the  bey  of  Tunis  ordered  the  consul  of  France  to  kiss 
his  hand.  At  first  the  Frenchman  refused,  but  he 
was  soon  moved  to  osculate  when  the  bey  threatened 
him  with  death  if  he  did  not  immediately  comply. 
When  once  upon  a  time  a  Maltese  cook  of  a  foreign 
consul  at  Algiers  became  objectionable  to  the  ruler  of 
that  state,  he  was  taken  by  force  from  the  consul's  house 
and  sent  away  in  irons.  In  1808,  a  Danish  consul  was 
seized,  heavily  ironed,  set  to  labor  with  slaves,  and 
made  to  sleep  with  vagabonds  in  a  common  prison; 
his  wife  died  from  fear  and  alarm.  It  was  about  this 
time  that  one  of  the  French  consuls  in  Barbary  was 
killed. 

The  explanations  given  for  the  disgraceful  and  crim 
inal  submission  of  the  Christan  peoples  to  the  outrages 
committed  by  the  Barbary  pirates  are  not  altogether 
satisfactory.  Why  should  these  strong  civilized  pow 
ers  permit  weak  semibarbarous  states  to  prey  upon 
their  commerce,  enslave  their  citizens,  insult  their 
officials,  and  levy  tribute  and  blackmail?  Was  it  fear, 
cowardice,  self-interest,  inertia,  preoccupation,  or  the 
habit  of  submission  that  led  to  their  debasement? 
Doubtless  each  of  these  forces  had  its  restraining  ef 
fect.  The  interest  of  the  great  trading  nations  moved 
them  to  purchase  immunity  for  their  own  vessels  and 
leave  their  weak  rivals  to  be  crushed  by  the  corsairs.  A 
recollection  of  the  really  formidable  states  of  Barbary  of 
the  sixteenth  century  caused  the  resources  and  courage 
of  these  fast-declining  powers  to  be  greatly  exagger 
ated  in  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries.  The 
jealousy  of  the  Christian  peoples  of  each  other  made 
their  united  action  against  the  Moslems  difficult  or 


96  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

impossible.  Moreover  the  larger  questions  of  public 
policy  pushed  aside  such  small  ones  as  the  suppression 
of  piracy  in  the  Mediterranean. 

The  corsairs  began  to  capture  our  merchantmen  in 
1784,  in  which  year  they  took  the  brig  "Betsey."  In 
the  following  year  they  captured  a  second  vessel,  and 
later  committed  other  depredations  upon  our  com 
merce.  Considerable  property  belonging  to  our  citi 
zens  fell  into  their  hands  and  not  a  few  Americans  were 
enslaved  by  them.  Opinion  as  to  the  measures  to  be 
taken  to  prevent  these  outrages  was  divided.  Some  of 
our  statesmen  favored  the  creation  of  a  navy  and  the  use 
of  force,  while  others  thought  that  the  European  plan  of 
paying  tribute  would  prove  to  be  the  cheapest  and  the 
best  policy.  Finally  it  was  decided  to  try  both  meth 
ods.  In  1794,  we  began  the  construction  of  a  navy;  and 
in  1795,  we  bought  a  peace  with  Algiers,  agreeing  to 
give  her  annually  maritime  stores  to  the  value  of  $2 1 ,600. 
In  the  following  year  we  obtained  a  treaty  with  Tripoli 
for  nearly  $56,000.  In  1797,  as  the  cost  of  treaties  had 
risen,  we  entered  into  one  with  Tunis  at  an  estimated  ex 
pense  of  $107,000.  In  1797-1798  we  built  the  frigate 
"Crescent,"  loaded  her  with  naval  stores,  and  sent  her  to 
the  dey  of  Algiers  as  a  gift.  In  1800,  the  dey  received 
another  shipload  of  presents,  this  time  in  the  "  George 
Washington,"  Captain  William  Bainbridge,  which  ves 
sel  and  captain  he  impressed  into  his  service,  forcing 
them  to  carry  an  Algerine  ambassador  and  a  cargo  to 
the  sultan  at  Constantinople.  This  indignity  offended 
our  national  pride  and  went  far  towards  creating  a  sen 
timent  favorable  to  the  forcible  maintenance  of  our 
rights  in  the  Mediterranean. 

The  pasha  of  Tripoli,  Yusuf  Karamanli,  on  learning 
that  the  rulers  of  Algiers  and  Tunis  were  obtaining 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  97 

more  tribute  from  the  United  States  than  he  was  obtain 
ing,  became  dissatisfied,  and  demanded  a  ship  of  war 
such  as  had  been  given  to  the  dey  of  Algiers.  Angered 
at  not  receiving  it,  he  wrote  President  Adams  a  menac 
ing  letter.  Finally  His  Royal  Highness  ordered  the 
flagstaff  at  the  American  consulate  to  be  cut  down; 
and  thereupon  our  consul,  James  L.  Cathcart,  left  the 
pasha's  dominions,  and  we  were  at  war  with  Tripoli. 
This  dramatic  declaration  of  hostilities  took  place  in 
May,  1801. 

Anticipating  some  such  action  from  Tripoli  and  fear 
ing  that  Algiers  and  Tunis  might  molest  our  commerce, 
the  government  at  Washington  early  in  the  spring  of 
1801  fitted  out  a  squadron  of  four  ships  for  service  in 
the  Mediterranean.  Commodore  Richard  Dale,  a 
seasoned  officer  who  had  served  under  John  Paul  Jones 
during  the  Revolution,  was  chosen  commander-in-chief 
and  the  frigate  "President"  was  designated  as  his 
flag-ship.  Dale  arrived  at  Gibraltar  on  July  i,  1801, 
and  soon  proceeded  up  the  Mediterranean.  His  time 
ly  appearance  at  Algiers  and  Tunis  had  a  restraining 
influence  upon  the  rulers  of  those  states,  who  were 
becoming  dissatisfied  and  were  grumbling  over  as 
sumed  grievances.  Several  times  he  showed  his  ves 
sels  off  Tripoli;  but,  since  his  powers  were  limited, 
he  did  not  accomplish  much  in  that  quarter.  The  most 
notable  event  of  his  cruise  was  the  gallant  capture  of 
a  Tripolitan  polacre  by  the  "  Enterprise,"  Lieutenant 
Andrew  Sterrett.  Early  in  1802,  Dale  and  his  ships 
returned  to  the  United  States,  and  another  squadron 
was  sent  out. 

Dale  and  his  successors  in  the  Mediterranean  had 
many  difficult  problems  to  solve,  the  most  important 
of  which  related  to  Tripoli,  with  which  country  we 


98  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

were  actually  at  war.  The  fleet  maintained  headquar 
ters  at  Gibraltar,  Malta,  and  Syracuse,  none  of  which 
ports  was  convenient  to  the  city  of  Tripoli,  the  capital 
of  the  country.  Gibraltar  was  distant  twelve  hundred 
miles,  Malta  two  hundred  fifty,  and  Syracuse  three 
hundred  fifty.  In  the  winter,  the  late  fall  and  the  early 
spring  the  heavy  northerly  gales  that  prevail  on  the 
coast  of  Tripoli  rendered  active  operations  quite  pre 
carious.  Even  in  the  favorable  season  operations 
against  the  Tripolitan  capital  were  attended  with  seri 
ous  difficulties.  The  city  was  situated  on  a  small  bay 
that  was  cut  off  from  the  sea  by  a  barrier  of  rocks  and 
reefs,  which  made  navigation  for  large  ships  very 
dangerous.  Its  fortifications  were  manned  by  about 
twenty-five  thousand  Arabs  and  Turks,  and  its  forts  and 
batteries  mounted  one  hundred  fifteen  guns.  Its  harbor 
was  protected  by  a  flotilla  of  gunboats. 

In  addition  to  blockading  and  bombarding  Tripoli, 
our  squadron  had  to  pursue  and  capture  the  ships  of 
the  enemy  at  sea,  and  it  had  to  protect  American  mer 
chantmen  by  occasionally  convoying  them  from  port 
to  port.  For  a  long  time  the  department  at  Washing 
ton  sent  the  commander-in-chief  insufficient  and  im 
proper  means  for  the  performance  of  the  work  that 
devolved  upon  him.  Ships  arrived  in  the  Mediterra 
nean  at  uncertain  times,  and  were  compelled  soon  to 
return  owing  to  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  enlistment 
of  their  crews.  Communication  with  the  secretary  of 
the  navy  was  irregular  and  infrequent.  Moreover,  the 
president  took  a  half-hearted  interest  in  the  war,  and 
urged  his  commanders  to  bring  it  to  a  close,  even  by 
purchasing  peace  if  necessary. 

In  respect  to  Morocco,  Tunis,  and  Algiers  the  duties 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  99 

of  the  commander-in-chief  were  numerous  and  exact 
ing.  The  rulers  of  those  states  sympathized  with  the 
pasha  of  Tripoli  and  secretly  aided  him.  They  were 
always  on  the  point  of  breaking  their  treaties  with  us 
and  had  to  be  continually  overawed  by  a  show  of  force 
at  their  capitals.  At  times  their  ships  had  to  be  watched 
and  their  coasts  patrolled. 

The  diplomatic  duties  of  the  commander-in-chief  in 
the  Mediterranean  were  quite  as  important  as  his  naval 
ones.  He  was  called  upon  to  conduct  negotiations  for 
peace,  make  treaties,  and  remove  and  appoint  consuls. 
His  correspondence  with  the  American  consuls  in  Bar- 
bary  was  voluminous.  The  difficulties  of  his  numerous 
tasks  were  much  increased  by  the  extensiveness  of  the 
territory  covered  by  him.  The  coast  of  Barbary  was 
more  than  three  thousand  miles  long.  The  principal 
seaport  of  Morocco,  the  westernmost  state,  was  Tangier, 
almost  opposite  Gibraltar.  To  the  east  of  Morocco 
was  Algiers,  whose  capital  of  the  same  name  was  five 
hundred  miles  from  Tangier.  From  Algiers  to  the 
capital  city  Tunis  was  five  hundred  fifty  miles,  and  from 
Tunis  to  Tripoli  three  hundred  seventy  miles. 

Of  the  four  Barbary  States,  Algiers  and  Tunis  were 
by  far  the  most  powerful.  Their  navies  were  stronger 
than  ours.  Algiers  had  fifteen  large  ships,  sixty  gun 
boats,  and  one  hundred  fifty  galleys.  Tunis  had  ninety- 
four  large  vessels  and  thirty  gunboats.  The  Moroccan 
navy  contained  five  vessels,  and  the  Tripolitan  eight 
large  ships  and  a  fleet  of  gunboats.  The  population  of 
Barbary  consisted  largely  of  Moors,  Arabs,  Berbers, 
Kabyles,  Turks,  and  Jews.  The  prevailing  religion 
was  Mahometan.  The  customs  and  dress  were  oriental. 
The  streets  of  the  cities  were  narrow,  dark,  and  dirty. 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


The  architecture  of  the  public  buildings  was  Moorish. 
Both  people  and  rulers  were  semicivilized,  childish, 
fanatical,  superstitious,  and  lovers  of  pomp  and  show. 

Commodore  Thomas  Truxtun  was  chosen  to  com 
mand  the  new  squadron  that  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Medi 
terranean  in  1802  to  relieve  the  old  one  under  Dale; 
but,  owing  to  a  disagreement  with  the  department,  he 
resigned  from  the  navy.  His  place  as  commander-in- 
chief  was  taken  by  the  officer  next  below  him  in  rank, 
Commodore  Richard  V.  Morris.  The  new  commander 
sprang  from  excellent  New  York  stock.  His  father, 
Lewis  Morris,  was  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  and  one  of  his  uncles  was  the  distinguished 
statesman  and  diplomat,  Gouverneur  Morris.  Rich 
ard  V.  entered  the  navy  in  1798  as  captain,  and  rendered 
satisfactory  service  during  the  French  War  as  com 
mander  of  the  "Adams"  and  of  the  "  New  York."  His 
squadron  in  the  Mediterranean  consisted  of  the  flag-ship 
"Chesapeake,"  36;  "Constellation,"  36,  Captain  Alex 
ander  Murray;  "John  Adams,"  28,  Captain  John 
Rodgers;  "New  York,"  36,  Captain  James  Barren; 
"Adams,"  28,  Captain  H.  G.  Campbell;  and  "Enter 
prise,"  12,  Lieutenant  Andrew  Sterrett.  These  vessels 
sailed  from  the  United  States  at  different  times,  from 
February  to  October,  1802.  The  "Chesapeake"  ar 
rived  at  Gibraltar  with  the  commodore  on  board  on 
May  twenty-fifth. 

The  last  ship  to  sail  was  Rodgers's  vessel,  the  frigate 
"John  Adams."  She  was  placed  in  commission  at 
Washington  on  August  twenty-fifth,  and  on  the  same 
day  Rodgers  was  ordered  to  come  on  from  Baltimore 
and  take  command  of  her.  The  "John  Adams"  mount 
ed  thirty-two  guns;  twenty-four  long  i2-pounders  on 
her  gun-deck,  and  two  long  9's  and  six  24-pound  car- 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  101 

ronades  on  her  forecastle  and  poop-deck.  She  was  con 
structed  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  in  1799.  Her 
two  sides  were  built  by  different  contractors,  one  of 
whom  reduced  her  moulds  and  thereby  caused  her  to 
have  a  deficiency  of  beam  on  one  side.  As  a  conse 
quence  she  bore  her  canvas  better  and  made  greater 
speed  on  one  tack  than  on  the  other.  Her  burden  was 
five  hundred  forty-four  tons,  and  her  complement  two 
hundred  twenty  men. 

Rodgers's  sailing  orders,  which  were  dated  Septem 
ber  eighteenth,  directed  him  to  proceed  from  Washing 
ton  to  Hampton  Roads;  and,  having  taken  in  a  supply 
of  beef,  pork,  rice,  beans,  butter,  gunpowder,  and  other 
stores,  to  sail  thence  with  all  possible  dispatch  to  join 
Morris  in  the  Mediterranean.  He  left  the  Roads  on 
October  twenty-second,  and  after  a  quick  voyage  arrived 
at  Gibraltar  on  November  sixteenth.  Soon  putting  in 
to  Malaga,  he  found  there  Captain  Murray  of  the  "Con 
stellation,"  who  ordered  him  to  return  to  Gibraltar  for 
a  load  of  supplies.  Having  performed  this  errand, 
he  sailed  for  Malta  with  the  merchant  brig  "  Boston" 
under  convoy.  After  seeing  the  merchantman  safely 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Minorca,  he  proceeded  to  his 
destination,  where  he  arrived  on  January  5,  1803. 

At  Malta  Rodgers  found  the  commodore  with  the 
"  Chesapeake,"  "  New  York,"  and  "  Enterprise." 17  The 
"Adams"  had  been  left  at  the  straits  to  blockade  the 
Tripolitan  cruiser  "  Meshouda"  in  Gibraltar  and  to 
watch  Morocco,  whose  ruler  showed  signs  of  unfriend 
liness.  The  "  Constellation,"  which  had  been  expected 
to  join  the  squadron  with  a  load  of  supplies,  had  been 

X7  The  main  sources  for  the  events  from  January  to  October,  1803,  are 
R.  V.  Morris's  Defence  of  the  Conduct  of  Commodore  Morris  during  his 
Command  in  the  Mediterranean,  the  Log  of  the  "John  Adams"  the  Rodgers 
Papers,  and  the  Preble  Papers. 


102  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ordered  home  by  the  department.  Morris  was  now 
ready  to  execute  certain  orders,  which  he  had  received 
from  Washington  in  the  previous  summer,  directing 
him,  with  the  assistance  of  Ex-consul  Cathcart,  to  nego 
tiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  pasha  of  Tripoli.  He 
was  to  place  his  squadron  off  Tripoli  "  taking  every 
care  [in  the  words  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy]  to  make 
the  handsomest  and  most  military  display  of  force  and 
so  conducting  maneuvers  as  to  excite  an  impression  that 
in  the  event  of  negotiations  failing  you  intend  a  close  and 
vigorous  blockade."  He  was  directed  to  hold  out  the 
olive-branch  with  one  hand,  while  he  displayed  the 
means  of  defensive  operations  with  the  other.  It  should 
be  noted  that  his  orders  related  to  the  making  of  peace 
rather  that  to  the  waging  of  war. 

Owing  to  procrastination  at  Washington,  Morris  did 
not  receive  his  instructions  in  time  to  carry  them  out  in 
the  summer  of  1802.  When  Rodgers  arrived  at  Malta 
in  the  winter  of  1803,  he  was  preparing  to  execute  them, 
notwithstanding  that  the  season  of  the  year  was  unpro- 
pitious.  On  January  thirtieth,  he  sailed  from  Malta 
for  Tripoli  with  the  "Chesapeake,"  "New  York,"  and 
"John  Adams."  The  "Enterprise"  was  not  available 
for  this  expedition  as  she  was  under  orders  for  Tunis. 
Morris  had  planned  to  propose  terms  of  peace  to  the 
pasha,  and,  in  case  they  should  be  rejected,  to  send  a 
flotilla  of  armed  boats  into  the  harbor  in  the  night-time 
and  burn  the  cruisers  of  the  enemy.  He  had  chosen 
Rodgers  to  command  the  flotilla.  Before  the  little  fleet 
was  clear  of  Malta  a  heavy  gale  from  the  north  and 
west  set  in.  Placing  his  ships  under  storm  canvas, 
Morris  decided  to  weather  it  out.  At  times  his  flag 
ship  labored  so  heavily  as  to  be  in  imminent  danger 
of  foundering.  Finally,  however,  after  experiencing 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  103 

ten  days  of  the  worst  kind  of  weather,  he  abandoned  the 
expedition  and  returned  to  Malta. 

The  commodore  now  prepared  his  ships  for  a  voyage 
to  Gibraltar  by  way  of  Tunis  and  Algiers.  This  move 
ment  was  later  severely  censured  by  the  secretary  of  the 
navy.  In  its  defense  it  may  be  said  that  not  much  could 
be  done  at  Tripoli  until  spring,  the  fleet  was  in  need  of 
provisions,  the  consuls  at  Tunis  and  Algiers  were  urg 
ing  Morris  to  pay  them  a  visit,  and  his  orders  gave  him 
much  discretion  as  to  his  operations.  Moreover,  the 
department  by  directing  the  "  Constellation"  to  return 
home  had  caused  one  of  Morris's  plans  to  miscarry,  as 
she  had  been  ordered  by  him  to  proceed  from  Gibraltar 
to  Malta  with  a  load  of  supplies.  Respecting  his  failure 
at  this  time  to  meet  the  expectations  of  the  secretary  of 
the  navy,  he  afterwards  wrote :  "  Gentlemen  can  in 
their  closets  plan  expeditions  at  their  ease,  make  winds 
and  seas  to  suit  their  purpose,  and  extend  or  contract  the 
limits  of  time  and  space ;  but  the  poor  seaman  struggling 
with  a  tempest  on  a  lee  shore  must  have  something  to 
eat." 

On  February  nineteenth,  the  fleet,  together  with  a  cap 
tured  vessel  of  the  "  Enterprise,"  the  polacre  "  Paulina," 
weighed  anchor  at  Malta  and  sailed  for  Tunis  where 
they  arrived  three  days  later.  Here  an  incident  took 
place  in  which  Rodgers  as  the  officer  next  in  rank  to  the 
commodore  played  a  part.  As  a  portion  of  the  cargo  of 
the  "  Paulina"  was  owned  by  a  Tunisian,  the  bey  of  Tun 
is  demanded  the  restoration  of  his  subject's  property,  and 
he  entered  into  a  controversy  over  it  with  Morris,  who, 
accompanied  by  Rodgers  and  Cathcart,  went  ashore  to 
settle  the  dispute.  At  first  Morris  insisted  that  the  cause 
of  the  prize  should  be  tried  at  Gibraltar,  but  on  the  bey's 
threatening  war  he  agreed  that  the  question  of  the  own- 


io4  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ership  of  the  cargo  might  be  decided  at  Tunis.  Having 
obtained  one  concession,  the  bey  made  a  fresh  demand. 
Finally  the  commodore  lost  his  patience,  and  abruptly 
closed  the  contention.  Without  taking  formal  leave  of 
the  bey,  he  and  his  aides  made  arrangements  to  return  to 
the  fleet.  While  they  were  on  their  way  to  their  boat  at 
the  wharf,  they  were  overtaken  by  one  of  the  bey's  agents, 
who  arrested  Morris  and  refused  to  let  him  leave  the  city 
until  he  had  paid  a  debt  incurred  by  our  consul  to  Tunis, 
William  Eaton,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States  and  in 
prosecution  of  a  plan  to  set  upon  the  throne  of  Tripoli 
the  brother  of  the  reigning  pasha.  This  forcible  deten 
tion  was  of  course  a  breach  of  official  hospitality  and  a 
gross  insult  to  the  American  flag.  In  explanation  of  it, 
the  bey's  agent  asserted  that  Eaton  had  given  his  word 
that  the  debt  should  be  paid  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet. 
Eaton  emphatically  denied  that  he  had  made  such 
a  promise.  Many  palavers  over  this  new  subject  of  con 
tention  took  place.  Finally  Morris  agreed  to  pay  and 
the  bey  agreed  to  accept  twenty-two  thousand  dollars, 
about  two-thirds  of  the  whole  claim ;  and  the  commodore 
was  permitted  to  return  to  his  ship.  Cathcart  and  Rod- 
gers  remained  a  few  days  longer  on  shore  to  complete 
the  settlement  of  the  difficulty.  As  Eaton  was  at  swords' 
points  with  the  bey  he  also  embarked,  and  Morris  ap 
pointed  Dr.  George  Davis  of  the  navy  to  act  as  consul. 
This  disgraceful  episode  came  to  an  end  on  March  tenth 
with  the  sailing  of  the  squadron  for  Algiers.  Morris 
always  blamed  Eaton  with  enticing  him  on  shore  and 
thus  causing  the  indignity  that  he  suffered,  but  it  must 
be  said  that  he  has  not  proved  his  charges  against  the 
consul. 

On  March  nineteenth,  the  fleet  arrived  at  Algiers,  and 
on  the  next  day  the  American  consul,  Richard  O'Brien, 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  105 

visited  the  flag-ship  and  poured  into  the  commodore's 
ear  a  tale  of  woe  respecting  the  refractory  ruler  to  whose 
court  he  was  accredited.  The  dey  had  a  grievance  against 
President  Jefferson,  who  had  sent  him  thirty  thousand 
dollars  in  money  instead  of  naval  stores  to  that  value, 
which  had  been  expected.  The  disappointed  ruler  re 
fused  either  to  accept  the  money  or  to  permit  it  to  be 
returned  to  the  donor.  He  now  further  exhibited  his 
displeasure  by  declining  to  receive  Cathcart,  who  had 
been  appointed  to  succeed  O'Brien  as  consul.  Admon 
ished  by  his  experiences  ashore  at  Tunis,  Morris  did  not 
leave  his  ship.  After  a  brief  stay  he  sailed  for  Gibral 
tar,  where  he  arrived  on  March  twenty-third. 

Here  he  made  several  important  changes  in  the  fleet. 
He  shifted  his  broad  pennant  to  the  "New  York,"  of 
which  vessel  Lieutenant  Isaac  Chauncey  became  acting 
captain.  The  "  Chesapeake,"  Captain  James  Barren, 
was  sent  home  in  accordance  with  orders  from  the  de 
partment;  and  the  "Enterprise"  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Isaac  Hull.  As  soon  as  the 
ships  had  taken  on  board  a  supply  of  provisions  they 
sailed  for  Malta,  the  "Adams"  proceeding  by  way  of 
Leghorn  with  a  convoy.  On  her  voyage  up  the  Medi 
terranean  the  "  New  York"  had  fourteen  men  killed  and 
five  wounded  by  an  explosion  of  gunpowder.  The  ship 
was  set  on  fire  and  for  a  time  her  complete  destruction 
was  threatened,  but  by  the  heroic  exertions  of  Captain 
Isaac  Chauncey  and  Lieutenant  David  Porter  she  was 
saved. 

When,  on  May  first,  the  "  New  York,"  "  Enterprise," 
and  "John  Adams"  arrived  at  Malta,  only  the  latter  ship 
was  ready  for  immediate  service.  On  May  third,  Rod- 
gers  received  orders  to  proceed  with  the  "  John  Adams " 
to  Tripoli  and  cruise  off  that  port  for  three  weeks,  or 


io6  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

until  the  pasha  should  make  an  offer  of  peace.  When 
he  arrived  on  his  station  he  boldly  approached  within 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  city  and  for  some  time 
received  and  returned  the  fire  of  the  gunboats  and  bat 
teries.  For  several  days  he  cruised  off  Tripoli,  seeing 
only  neutral  vessels,  several  of  which  he  chased  and 
boarded.  On  the  twelfth,  however,  he  was  fortunate 
enough  to  fall  in  with  the  Tripolitan  cruiser,  "Meshou- 
da,"  of  twenty  guns,  which  he  captured.  For  two  years 
she  had  been  blockaded  at  Gibraltar  by  our  cruisers. 
Desirous  of  assisting  the  pasha,  the  emperor  of  Morocco 
laid  claim  to  her,  and  Morris  foolishly  allowed  his  claim. 
Having  thus  acquired  her  liberty,  the  "  Meshouda"  ob 
tained  a  load  of  naval  and  military  stores,  and  was  en 
tering  Tripoli  when  she  was  captured.  She  had  on 
board  twenty  Tripolitan  subjects.  Rodgers  took  his 
prize  to  Malta  where  he  arrived  on  May  nineteenth. 

Since  the  "New  York"  and  "  Enterprise"  were  now 
ready  for  sea,  the  "John  Adams"  sailed  in  company  with 
them  on  her  return  voyage  to  Tripoli.  Commodore 
Morris  was  in  command  of  the  fleet.  On  the  twenty- 
second,  when  he  was  approaching  Tripoli,  he  discover 
ed  several  small  merchantmen,  and  he  signaled  his  ships 
to  chase  them,  which  they  at  once  did.  Almost  imme 
diately  several  of  the  enemy's  gunboats,  which  were 
stationed  in  the  harbor,  got  under  way  and  came  to  the 
rescue  of  their  countrymen.  For  some  time  both  sides 
kept  up  a  brisk  fire,  but  in  the  end  the  merchantmen 
escaped  to  Old  Tripoli,  a  short  distance  from  the  main 
city,  and  the  gunboats  returned  to  the  harbor.  During 
the  following  night,  the  enemy  hauled  the  merchantmen 
on  shore,  and  to  protect  them  built  some  breastworks  of 
stone  and  bags  of  wheat.  On  the  next  day,  the  commo 
dore  sent  the  boats  of  the  squadron  under  the  command 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  107 

of  Lieutenant  David  Porter  to  destroy  the  vessels.  Fac 
ing  a  hot  fire,  Porter  and  his  men  went  ashore,  drove  the 
enemy  from  his  breastworks,  set  fire  to  his  vessels,  and 
regained  their  boats.  Unfortunately  the  enemy,  disre 
garding  the  broadsides  discharged  by  the  American 
ships,  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  flames  before  they 
had  done  much  damage.  Porter  lost  several  men  and 
was  himself  wounded. 

Morris's  plan  was  first  to  frighten  the  pasha  by  at 
tacking  his  gunboats,  and  then  to  offer  him  the  olive- 
branch  of  peace.  On  May  twenty-sixth,  the  fleet  was 
reenforced  by  the  "Adams."  On  the  following  day  the 
"New  York,"  "John  Adams,"  and  "Adams"  approach 
ed  the  city,  and  the  gunboats  came  out  to  meet  them. 
Rodgers,  who  was  placed  in  the  lead  with  the  "John 
Adams,"  bore  up,  and  gaining  a  position  near  the  enemy 
opened  fire  upon  him.  Unfortunately  the  "  New  York" 
and  "Adams"  fell  in  directly  behind  the  "John  Adams" 
and  were  unable  to  fire  for  fear  of  hitting  that  vessel. 
Rodgers  continued  the  engagement  until  the  gunboats 
retired  to  their  station  in  the  harbor  where  they  were 
protected  by  the  land  batteries.  His  vessel  suffered  no 
losses;  the  gunboats  had  several  men  killed  and  wound 
ed.  On  being  censured  for  his  disposition  of  the  "  New 
York"  and  "Adams,"  Morris  defended  himself  on  the 
ground  that  his  faulty  maneuvering  resulted  from  causes 
beyond  his  control. 

On  May  twenty-ninth,  the  commodore,  through  Nich 
olas  C.  Nissen,  the  Danish  consul,  opened  negotiations 
with  the  pasha  for  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  a  few  days  later 
he  sent  Rodgers  ashore  to  arrange  the  preliminaries.  On 
June  seventh,  the  commodore  disembarked,  and  on  the 
following  day  he  held  an  interview  with  the  pasha's 
trusty  minister,  Mahamed  Dghies.  The  pasha  boldly 


io8  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

declared  that  he  did  not  fear  war,  that  it  was  his  trade, 
and  that  he  understood  it  better  than  anybody.  How 
ever,  he  said,  if  the  United  States  wished  peace,  they 
might  have  it  for  two  hundred  thousand  Spanish  dollars 
and  the  expenses  of  the  war.  Morris  offered  him  fifteen 
thousand  dollars -five  thousand  dollars  as  a  consular 
present,  and  ten  thousand  dollars  at  the  end  of  five  years 
if  the  treaty  should  be  faithfully  kept.  The  pasha's  re 
ply  was  an  order  for  the  commodore  to  depart  at  once, 
which  he  did.  Morris  had  faithfully  executed  the  com 
mands  of  Jefferson,  but  he  had  failed  to  obtain  the  treaty 
of  peace  which  the  president  so  much  desired. 

On  May  tenth,  the  commodore  sailed  for  Malta,  leav 
ing  Rodgers  in  command  of  the  blockading  squadron. 
After  Rodgers  had  cruised  several  days  off  Tripoli 
without  seeing  any  of  the  enemy's  vessels,  the  monotony 
of  his  duties  was  broken  by  a  stirring  adventure,  which 
he  has  described  in  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy, 
dated  December  4,  1803: 

"On  the  evening  of  the  2ist  of  June  last,  owing  to 
some  extraordinary  movements  of  the  gunboats  in  the 
harbor  of  Tripoli,  I  was  induced  to  conceive  that  the 
pasha  either  intended  to  send  some  cruisers  to  sea  during 
the  night,  or  that  he  had  received  intelligence  of  some 
bound  in.  I  therefore  accordingly  made  such  disposi 
tion  of  the  vessels  engaged  in  the  blockade  as  to  enable 
us  to  intercept  either,  by  stationing  the  'Adams,'  Cap 
tain  Campbell,  to  the  westward;  the  schooner  'Enter 
prise,'  Lieutenant  Hull,  to  the  eastward;  and  remaining 
myself  with  the  'John  Adams'  abreast  of  the  town.  At 
half  past  7  a.m.  on  the  following  day,  Tripoli  bearing 
W.S.W.  distant  three  or  four  leagues,  observed  the  'En 
terprise  '  in  the  S.S.E.  with  a  signal  flying,  its  signification 
not  distinguishable;  made  sail  and  stood  towards  her; 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  109 

at  8  a.m.  spoke  the  'Enterprise,'  when  Lieutenant  Hull  in 
formed  me  that  a  large  ship  of  the  enemy  was  anchored 
close  in  with  the  beach. 

"At  half  past  8  a.m.  shortened  sail  and  prepared  to 
anchor  with  springs  on  our  cables,  discovering  that  the 
enemy  was  anchored  with  springs  on  his  cables  in  a  deep 
narrow  bay  about  five  or  six  leagues  to  the  eastward  of 
the  town  and  in  a  situation  very  advantageous  to  the  de 
fence  of  their  ship.  At  the  same  time  observed  nine 
gunboats  close  in  with  the  shore  coming  to  her  assistance, 
and  a  vast  number  of  cavalry  and  armed  men  on  the 
beach.  At  seven  minutes  before  9  a.m.,  being  in  seven 
fathoms'  water  and  supposing  we  were  within  point- 
blank  shot,  commenced  firing,  which  the  enemy  re 
turned;  and  a  constant  fire  was  maintained  on  both  sides 
for  forty-five  minutes,  when  the  enemy's  fire  was  si 
lenced,  at  which  instant  the  crew  abandoned  the  ship  in 
the  most  confused  and  precipitate  manner,  such  as  her 
boats  could  not  carry  leaping  overboard.  At  this  mo 
ment,  being  in  a  quarter  less  than  five  fathoms'  water 
and  the  rocks  appearing  under  our  bottom  and  in  every 
direction  around  us,  I  thought  it  prudent  to  wear  and 
lay  the  ship's  head  off  shore;  and  in  the  mean  time  or 
dered  Lieutenant  Hull  to  stand  as  close  in  as  consisted 
with  safety  and  amuse  the  enemy  on  the  beach  until  our 
boats  could  be  hoisted  out  to  take  possession. 

"At  a  quarter  before  10  a.m.,  discovering  one  of  the 
enemy's  boats  returning  to  the  ship  whilst  in  the  act  of 
hoisting  out  ours,  tacked  and  renewed  our  fire  and  in  a 
few  minutes  after  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  the  enemy's 
colors  hauled  down,  at  the  same  time  firing  both  their 
broadsides  which  were  accompanied  by  the  ship's  blow 
ing  up  with  a  tremendous  explosion,  which  burst  the 
hull  to  pieces  and  forced  the  main  and  mizzen  masts  one 


no  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

hundred  and  fifty  or  one  hundred  and  sixty  feet  perpen 
dicularly  into  the  air,  with  all  the  yards,  shrouds,  stays, 
etc.,  belonging  to  them.  This  ship  was  polacre  rigged, 
mounting  22  guns,  and  the  largest  cruiser  belonging  to 
Tripoli,  to  appearance  a  very  fine  vessel ;  and  from  the 
number  of  persons  we  saw  abandon  her,  her  crew  must 
have  consisted  of  upwards  of  two  hundred  men.  All 
the  men  who  returned  to  the  ship  were  blown  up  in  her, 
and  I  have  reason  to  believe  her  captain  among  the 
number,  as  well  as  many  lives  lost  before  they  abandon 
ed  her,  as  we  saw  several  shot  holes  through  her.  Im 
mediately  after  the  ship  blew  up,  I  ordered  the  signal 
made  to  chase  the  gunboats,  but  was  not  able  to  approach 
them  within  gunshot  owing  to  the  water  being  very 
shoal  a  great  distance  seaward  of  them." 18 

Soon  after  this  event  Rodgers  received  orders  to  raise 
the  blockade  and  proceed  to  Malta,  which  he  did,  arriv 
ing  in  port  on  June  twenty-eighth.  Commodore  Mor 
ris  had  now  decided  to  abandon  his  operations  against 
Tripoli  and  to  return  to  Gibraltar  with  his  fleet  by  way 
of  Messina,  Naples,  and  Leghorn.  To  say  the  least, 
this  movement  was  injudicious.  Morris  defended  it 
on  the  ground  that  his  heavy  ships  could  accomplish 
nothing  more  at  Tripoli,  that  there  was  a  possibility  of 
obtaining  some  light  draft  vessels  at  Messina  or  Naples, 
that  the  fleet  was  needed  in  the  straits  to  oppose  Moroc 
co,  that  it  was  dangerous  to  separate  his  ships,  and  that 
the  "Adams"  must  be  sent  home.  The  commodore  was 
evidently  confused  by  a  multiplicity  of  objects.  He 
was  basing  his  actions  too  much  upon  probabilities.  The 
war  with  Tripoli  was  an  actuality,  and  his  ships  could 
have  continued  the  blockade  with  advantage. 

*8  Goldsborough,  C.  W.  The  United  States  Naval  Chronicle  (Washington, 
1824),  208-209. 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  in 

On  July  eleventh,  the  whole  fleet  together  with  the 
prize  "  Meshouda"  sailed  for  Messina,  where  it  arrived 
three  days  later.  Here  Morris  tried  to  obtain  the  loan 
of  some  gunboats,  and  was  referred  to  Sir  John  Acton, 
the  chief  minister  of  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  resid 
ing  at  Naples,  to  which  port  the  fleet  next  proceeded. 
Sir  John  conditionally  promised  Morris  ten  gunboats 
and  two  bomb  ketches  for  use  against  Tripoli  in  the  fol 
lowing  spring.  The  fleet  left  Naples  on  August  third 
and  ten  days  later  arrived  at  Leghorn,  where  the  ships 
were  separated.  The  "  Enterprise"  was  sent  to  Malta 
for  dispatches,  the  "Adams"  to  Tunis  with  Consul  Cath- 
cart,  and  the  "John  Adams"  to  Gibraltar  with  a  convoy. 

Rodgers  left  Leghorn  with  five  merchantmen  under 
his  protection  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  August,  and,  after 
calling  at  Barcelona  and  Alicant,  arrived  at  Malaga  on 
September  eleventh.  Here  he  found  the  commodore 
who  had  recently  come  from  Leghorn  with  the  "New 
York,"  and  also  Lieutenant  Richard  Somers  in  the 
schooner  "Nautilus"  lately  from  America.  Somers 
brought  dispatches  from  the  government,  which  con 
tained  the  surprising  intelligence  that  Morris  was  sus 
pended  from  his  command  and  Rodgers  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him.  "  We  have  been  for  some  time  much 
disappointed  with  the  conduct  of  Captain  Morris,"  Sec 
retary  Smith  wrote  to  the  new  commander-in-chief. 
"He  has  not  done  anything  which  he  ought  to  have 
done,  and  despairing  of  his  doing  anything  and  also  as 
a  mark  of  our  disapprobation,  it  has  been  determined  to 
suspend  him.  We,  besides,  can  obtain  from  him  no  in 
formation  what  he  is  proposing  to  do.  We  have  gener 
ally  to  rely  upon  others  with  respect  to  his  movements." 

On  September  fourteenth,  Rodgers  and  Morris  an 
chored  at  Gibraltar,  where  they  found  Commodore  Ed- 


ii2  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ward  Preble  who  had  recently  come  from  America  with 
a  new  squadron,  bringing  orders  for  all  the  vessels  of  the 
old  squadron,  with  the  exception  of  the  "  Enterprise," 
to  return  home.  Morris  sailed  for  Washington  with 
the  "Adams"  on  September  twenty-fifth.  Rodgers  would 
have  soon  followed  him  with  the  "New  York"  and 
"John  Adams"  had  not  a  cause  arisen  for  delaying  his 
departure. 

For  some  time  the  emperor  of  Morocco  had  been 
menacing  our  commerce,  and  recently  his  cruisers  had 
begun  to  prey  upon  it.  In  August  one  of  his  ships,  the 
"  Mirboka,"  22,  after  capturing  an  American  brig,  was 
taken  by  the  frigate  "  Philadelphia,"  Captain  William 
Bainbridge.  Under  these  circumstances  Rodgers  made 
preparations  to  communicate  with  the  emperor  and  as 
certain  whether  he  preferred  peace  or  war.  Preble  also 
had  determined  to  bring  the  emperor  to  terms.  After 
a  consultation  the  two  commodores  decided  to  combine 
their  efforts;  and  Rodgers,  although  the  senior  officer 
and  somewhat  hurt  at  the  sight  of  the  broad  pennant  of 
his  junior  flying  in  the  same  harbor  with  his  own,  agreed 
to  give  Preble  the  precedence.  On  September  seven 
teenth,  the  commodores  visited  Tangier  with  a  view  to 
entering  into  communication  with  the  emperor.  Pend 
ing  his  arrival  there,  some  six  or  seven  of  our  vessels 
blockaded  the  principal  ports  of  Morocco.  Rodgers 
made  an  extensive  cruise  on  the  west  coast,  and  Preble 
returned  to  Gibraltar. 

Early  in  October,  anticipating  the  coming  of  the  em 
peror,  Preble  and  Rodgers  returned  to  Tangier  and 
moored  their  fleet  in  battle  array,  three  hundred  yards 
from  the  shore.  The  decks  were  cleared  for  action  ,  and 
the  crews  slept  at  their  quarters.  The  emperor  arrived  on 
October  sixth.  Although  he  had  an  army  of  twenty 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  113 

thousand  men  in  the  town  and  his  shore  batteries  mount 
ed  one  hundred  five  cannon,  he  was  disposed  to  seek 
peace,  being  cowed  by  the  sight  of  the  American  ships 
drawn  up  under  his  guns.  As  a  token  of  his  friendly 
mood,  he  sent  the  commodores  a  present  of  cattle,  sheep, 
and  fowl.  He  readily  agreed  to  give  up  the  prisoners 
and  property  that  had  been  captured  by  his  ships,  and 
to  reaffirm  the  treaty  of  1786  which  his  father  had  made 
with  the  United  States.  On  their  part  the  commodores 
agreed  to  surrender  the  "  Meshouda"  and  "  Mirboka." 
Within  less  than  a  month,  by  a  proper  show  of  force, 
Preble  and  Rodgers  had  obtained  an  honorable  treaty 
with  Morocco  without  the  payment  of  a  cent  for  tribute 
or  presents.  James  Simpson,  the  American  consul  at 
Tangier,  and  Tobias  Lear,  who  had  been  recently  ap 
pointed  consul-general  to  Algiers,  assisted  them  in  the 
negotiations. 

As  soon  as  our  affairs  with  Morocco  were  settled, 
Rodgers  prepared  the  "  New  York,"  which  was  now  his 
flag-ship,  and  the  "John  Adams,"  Captain  H.  G.  Camp 
bell,  for  their  return  voyage.  He  sailed  from  Gibraltar 
on  October  eighteenth  and  arrived  at  Washington  on 
December  2,  1803.  The  news  of  the  peace  with  the 
emperor  which  he  brought  was  highly  pleasing  to  Pres 
ident  Jefferson,  who  on  December  fifth  informed  Con 
gress  in  a  message  of  the  amicable  adjustment  of  all  our 
differences  with  Morocco.  He  said  that  the  conduct  of 
our  officers  merited  entire  approbation,  and  he  referred 
to  the  promptitude  and  energy  of  Commodore  Preble 
and  to  the  efficacious  cooperation  of  Captains  Rodgers 
and  Campbell.  He  also  called  attention  to  the  gallant 
enterprise  of  Captain  Rodgers  in  destroying  on  the  coast 
of  Tripoli  a  corvette  of  that  power  of  twenty-two  guns ; 
and  he  recommended  that  Congress  indemnify  the  cap- 


ii4  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

tors  of  the  "  Meshouda"  and  "  Mirboka."  Accordingly 
a  law  was  passed  appropriating  to  the  captors  a  sum  of 
money  equal  to  one-half  the  value  of  the  two  vessels. 

Rodgers  had  been  absent  from  the  United  States  more 
than  thirteen  months,  from  October,  1802  to  December 

1803.  He  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  two  princi 
pal  achievements  of  that  period  in  the  Mediterranean, 
the  blockading  of  Tripoli  and  the  establishment  of  peace 
with  Morocco,  .although  on  both  theaters  of  action  he 
was  second  in  authority.     In  conducting  the  blockade 
he  played  a  more  important  part  than  did  his  senior, 
Commodore  Morris,  and  in  bringing  the  emperor  of 
Morocco  to  terms  he  shared  the  'honors  with  Commo 
dore  Preble.     In  succeeding  Morris  as  commander-in- 
chief,  Rodgers  for  the  first  time  obtained  the  command 
of  a  squadron  and  received  the  title  of  commodore,  an 
honor  that  came  to  him  at  the  age  of  thirty.     During 
his  absence  from  the  United  States,  Rodgers  gained  three 
numbers  on  the  captains'  list  by  reason  of  the  retirement 
of  McNeill,  the  resignation  of  Dale  late  in  1802,  and 
the  death  of  Barry,  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy,  in  Sep 
tember,  1803.     Barry's  successor  as  senior  officer  was 
Commodore  Samuel  Nicholson. 

When  Commodore  Morris  arrived  in  the  United 
States  in  the  fall  of  1803,  he  was  haled  before  a  court  of 
enquiry,  composed  of  two  junior  captains  and  a  lieuten 
ant.  It  reported  that  the  commodore  had  not  conducted 
himself  in  'his  command  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron 
"with  the  diligence  or  activity  necessary  to  execute  the 
important:  duties  of  his  station."  The  next  regular  step 
in  naval  procedure  would  have  been  the  convening  of  a 
court  martial  to  try  him.  Jefferson,  however,  in  May, 

1804,  arbitrarily  dismissed  Morris  from  the  navy,  with 
out  a  trial.     The  punishment  received  by  this  unfortun- 


FIRST  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  115 

ate  officer  was  certainly  in  excess  of  his  offense.  By  the 
dismissal  of  Morris,  Rodgers  gained  another  number  on 
the  captains'  list.  Only  three  officers,  Commodores 
Nicholson,  Murray,  and  Samuel  Barron,  were  above 
him  in  rank. 

Not  many  days  elapsed  after  Rodgers's  arrival  in 
America  before  he  paid  a  visit  to  Sion  Hill.  For  a  time 
Miss  Denison  was  proof  against  all  his  ardor  and  devo 
tion.  He  made  a  confidante  of  Miss  Pinkney,  a  maiden 
sister  of  William  Pinkney.  "She  was  a  great  admirer 
of  Captain  Rodgers,"  wrote  Mrs.  Rodgers  many  years 
afterward,  "  and  came  up  to  make  a  visit  at  Sion  Hill. 
She  spoke  of  him  to  me  and  of  his  great  regard  for  me 
and  tried  to  get  from  me  some  expression  of  feeling 
in  regard  to  him.  However,  I  told  her  that  Captain 
Rodgers  was  not  sufficiently  known  to  me  to  warrant 
the  expression  of  any  feeling  for  him,  and  that  I  was  too 
young  to  think  of  marrying  any  one."  Finally  the  cap 
tain  gained  by  siege  what  he  failed  to  conquer  by  attack. 
"His  devoted  affection  won  my  heart,"  Mrs.  Rodgers 
wrote,  "for  as  he  declared  to  me,  he  had  in  his  wander 
ings  encountered  many  fair  and  beautiful  women,  but 
not  one  of  them  had  caused  him  for  a  moment  to  forget 
the  woman  who  had  enslaved  his  heart.  We  became 
engaged  and  should  have  been  married  in  the  fall  of 
1804  had  he  not  been  suddenly  ordered  to  sea." 


VI.    THE  SECOND  CRUISE  IN  THE  MEDI 
TERRANEAN:  1804-1805 

/COMMODORE  PREBLE  sailed  from  Gibraltar 
^>^  for  Malta  soon  after  Rodgers  left  the  Mediterra 
nean  station  in  October,  1803.  In  September  he  had 
sent  the  "  Philadelphia,"  Captain  William  Bainbridge, 
and  the  "  Vixen,"  Lieutenant  John  Smith,  up  the  Medi 
terranean  to  blockade  Tripoli.  On  October  thirty-first 
While  pursuing  a  Tripolitan  cruiser,  Bainbridge  ran  the 
"  Philadelphia"  on  to  some  hidden  rocks,  four  or  five 
miles  to  the  eastward  of  the  pasha's  capital.  He  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  float  his  vessel,  but  without  success, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  surrender  her  to  the  enemy. 
Aided  by  a  heavy  northwest  wind  that  raised  the  level 
of  the  water,  the  captors  of  the  "Philadelphia"  soon 
floated  their  prize  and  brought  her  into  port.  Three 
hundred  seven  American  officers  and  seamen  were  thus 
made  prisoners.  The  officers  were  for  the  most  part 
not  badly  treated.  At  first  the  seamen  were  closely  con 
fined  in  prison;  but  later  they  were  set  to  hard  work, 
and  were  often  stoned  and  flogged  through  the  streets 
of  Tripoli  like  beasts  of  burden.  The  possession  of 
these  Americans  by  the  pasha,  who  on  occasion  threat 
ened  to  kill  them  if  the  commander-in-chief  of  our 
squadron  did  not  respect  his  wishes,  greatly  strength 
ened  his  position. 

Commodore  Preble  arrived  at  Malta  on  November 
27,  1803.  During  the  ensuing  winter  and  spring  he 
was  engaged  in  maintaining  the  blockade,  in  watching 
the  discontented  rulers  of  Tunis  and  Algiers,  and  in  pre- 


ii8  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

paring  to  attack  Tripoli.  The  most  notable  event  of 
the  winter  was  the  burning  of  the  "  Philadelphia,"  in 
the  night-time,  in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli  by  the  ketch 
"  Intrepid,"  Lieutenant  Stephen  Decatur.  For  this  gal 
lant  exploit  the  young  lieutenant  received  a  captaincy 
from  the  president  and  a  sword  from  Congress.  By 
the  latter  part  of  July,  Preble  was  ready  to  begin  the 
reduction  of  the  capital.  His  fleet  consisted  of  his  flag 
ship  "  Constitution,"  six  small  brigs  and  schooners,  and 
six  gunboats  and  two  bomb  ketches  which  he  had  bor 
rowed  from  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  Several 
times  in  August  and  the  early  part  of  September  he  at 
tacked  the  enemy's  gunboats  and  land  defenses,  and  in 
flicted  much  damage  upon  them.  In  these  operations 
he  had  fifty  men  killed  and  wounded;  the  loss  of  the 
pasha  was  doubtless  greater.  Among  the  American 
officers  who  were  killed  were  Captain  Richard  Somers, 
Lieutenants  Henry  Wadsworth  (an  uncle  of  the  poet 
Longfellow),  James  Decatur,  James  R.  Caldwell,  and 
Joseph  Israel -the  first  commissioned  officers  of  the 
navy  under  the  Constitution  to  die  for  their  country. 
The  pasha  offered  to  make  peace  for  one  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars  but  the  commodore  spurned  his  offer.  While 
in  the  midst  of  these  promising  operations,  Preble  was 
succeeded  by  a  new  commander-in-chief,  who  arrived 
before  Tripoli  on  September  10,  1804.  In  December, 
Preble  sailed  for  America,  receiving  the  congratulations 
of  his  officers  and  friends  on  his  brilliant  service. 

The  capture  of  the  "  Philadelphia"  and  the  imprison 
ment  of  her  officers  and  crew  thoroughly  aroused  the 
president,  who  now  for  the  first  time  manifested  a  live 
ly  interest  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  He  decided 
to  increase  considerably  the  naval  forces  in  the  Mediter- 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  1 19 

ranean.  Early  in  April  five  frigates,  which  had  been 
laid  up  in  ordinary  in  the  Eastern  Branch  of  the  Poto 
mac  at  Washington,  were  placed  in  commission.  These 
vessels  were  the  "  President,"  44,  the  flag-ship  of  the  new 
squadron,  Commodore  Samuel  Barron;  "  Congress,"  36, 
Captain  John  Rodgers;  "Essex,"  32,  Captain  James 
Barron;  "  Constellation,"  36,  Captain  H.  G.  Campbell; 
and  the  "John  Adams,"  28,  Acting  Captain  Isaac  Chaun- 
cey.  The  new  commander-in-chief,  Commodore  Sam 
uel  Barron,  was  a  member  of  the  distinguished  Virginian 
naval  family  of  Barrens.  When  a  mere  youth  he 
served  in  the  Revolutionary  War  under  his  father,  James 
Barron  Sr.,  the  commodore  of  the  Virginia  navy.  In 
1798,  he  entered  the  federal  navy  as  captain,  and  in  the 
conflict  with  France  commanded  successively  the  "  Rich 
mond,"  the  "  Constellation,"  and  the  "  Chesapeake." 

Rodgers's  call  to  sea  duty  found  him  in  Washington 
where  he  had  been  employed  since  January,  1804,  m 
superintending  the  construction  of  a  gunboat,  the  very 
first  vessel  of  Jefferson's  famous  flotilla.  In  July  of  that 
year  "  Gunboat  No.  i,"  being  completed  and  ready  for 
sea,  sailed  for  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  where,  soon 
after  her  arrival,  her  seagoing  career  was  interrupted  by 
a  severe  storm  which  drove  her  from  her  moorings  and 
left  her  high  and  dry  in  a  cornfield.  During  the  spring, 
anticipating  his  return  to  the  Mediterranean,  Rodgers 
extended  his  knowledge  of  the  classic  lands  of  antiquity 
by  reading  Virgil,  "Herculaneum,"  and  doubtless  simi 
lar  works.  He  also  found  time  to  procure  a  midship 
man's  warrant  for  his  youngest  brother,  George  Wash 
ington  Rodgers,  now  a  lad  of  seventeen  years.  Nor  was 
he  too  busy  to  participate  in  the  social  diversions  of  the 
rural  capital,  attending  on  one  occasion  a  ball  that  was 


120  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

given  by  his  friend,  Captain  Thomas  Tingey,  and  other 
leaders  of  polite  society  at  the  seat  of  government. 

His  new  command,  the  frigate  "  Congress,"  was  about 
the  size  of  the  "  Insurgente."  She  was  built  at  Ports 
mouth,  New  Hampshire,  during  the  French  War,  cost 
ing  some  two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Her  burden 
was  twelve  hundred  sixty-eight  tons,  and  her  comple 
ment  three  hundred  forty  men.  During  April  and  May, 
1804,  Rodgers  was  equipping  her  in  Washington,  and 
about  the  first  of  June  he  dropped  down  to  Hampton 
Roads.  He  was  pleased  with  neither  the  crew  nor  the 
equipment  of  his  vessel,  both  of  which  had  been  hastily 
supplied.  At  the  Roads  he  discharged  several  men, 
"miserable,  useless,  unsound  wretches,"  he  called  them, 
"perfectly  unqualified  for  any  service."  He  had  his 
gunner,  "an  infamous  scoundrel,"  court-martialed.  To 
a  responsible  employee  of  the  Washington  yard  who  had 
failed  to  equip  the  "  Congress"  with  certain  necessary 
articles,  after  having  promised  faithfully  to  do  so,  the 
irate  captain  wrote:  "It  is  your  interest  to  pray  that 
my  head  may  be  knocked  off  before  I  return,  for  be  as 
sured  if  you  are  not  punished  before  that  period  I  will 
revenge  the  injury  you  have  done  me  with  my  own 
hands." 

The  "John  Adams"  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  on 
June  twenty-sixth ;  and  the  four  remaining  vessels,  under 
the  immediate  command  of  Commodore  Barren,  on  July 
fifth.  For  the  first  two  weeks  of  Barron's  passage  the 
weather  was  favorable,  but  for  the  last  twenty-five  days 
the  winds  were  ahead  and  the  sailing  very  tedious.  To 
facilitate  the  movement  of  the  fleet,  the  commodore  on 
August  seventh  ordered  each  captain  to  make  his  way  to 
Gibraltar  as  best  he  could,  independent  of  the  other 
ships.  Rodgers,  who  reached  Gibraltar  on  August 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  121 

twelfth,  was  the  first  to  arrive  in  port.  Later  on  the 
same  day  the  "  President"  and  "  Constellation"  came  in, 
and  on  the  following  day  the  "  Essex."  Suspecting  that 
the  emperor  of  Morocco  was  contemplating  hostilities, 
Barron  ordered  Rodgers  to  take  the  "Congress"  and 
"  Essex"  and  ascertain  the  intentions  of  that  fickle  ruler. 
The  commodore  with  the  other  two  vessels  proceeded  up 
the  Mediterranean,  and  on  September  tenth,  arrived  off 
Tripoli  and  relieved  Preble  as  commander  of  the  block 
ading  squadron. 

On  August  fifteenth,  Rodgers  sailed  from  Gibraltar 
to  Tangier  with  the  "Congress"  and  "Essex."  After 
communicating  with  the  American  consul,  he  ordered 
the  "  Essex,"  Captain  James  Barron,  to  watch  the  move 
ments  of  two  of  the  emperor's  galleys  then  in  Tangier 
Bay,  while  he  proceeded  in  the  "Congress"  down  the 
west  coast  on  a  cruise  of  observation.  He  visited  the 
western  ports  of  Morocco  as  far  south  as  Salle,  but  dis 
covered  no  signs  of  hostility.  As  the  emperor  appeared 
to  be  in  a  friendly  mood,  Rodgers  returned  to  Gibraltar. 
He  deemed  it  prudent,  however,  to  order  the  "Essex"  to 
remain  in  the  straits  and  guard  our  interests  in  that  quar 
ter.  With  the  "  Congress"  he  proceeded  up  the  Medi 
terranean  to  join  Commodore  Barron,  being  anxious  (as 
he  said)  that  his  vessel  should  share  the  credit  to  be 
derived  from  the  reduction  of  Tripoli  by  inscribing  a 
lasting  and  honorable  remembrance  of  her  name  on  its 
walls.  Calling  at  Algiers,  he  received  on  board  the 
"  Congress"  his  friend,  Colonel  Tobias  Lear,  who  was 
now  consul-general  to  Algiers  and  was  charged  by  his 
government  with  conducting  negotiations  for  peace  with 
the  pasha  of  Tripoli.  After  landing  Lear  at  Malta, 
Rodgers  joined  the  blockading  squadron. 

Soon  after  Commodore  Barron  arrived  off  Tripoli 


122  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

he  was  attacked  by  an  extreme  illness,  caused  by  a  dis 
ease  of  the  liver.  Hoping  to  improve  his  health,  he 
now  gave  Rodgers  the  command  of  the  blockading 
squadron  and  returned  to  Malta.  Rodgers  remained  on 
the  coast  a  little  more  than  a  month,  during  which  time 
he  was  engaged  in  active  cruising.  The  only  vessels  of 
the  enemy  that  he  saw  were  four  small  coasting  boats, 
which  effected  their  escape  by  reason  of  light  winds  and 
hazy  weather.  "Two  of  these  boats,"  he  wrote,  "I 
chased  on  shore,  one  about  three  and  the  other  five  miles 
to  the  westward  of  the  town ;  and  sent  three  boats  in  to 
bring  one  of  them  off,  anchoring  at  the  same  time  within 
the  reach  of  grape  of  the  shore,  conceiving  I  should  be 
able  to  cover  the  boats  so  effectually  as  to  enable  them 
to  execute  my  orders  without  much  opposition.  But 
being  so  near  the  town  and  in  sight  of  an  Arabian  camp, 
before  they  could  reach  the  shore  the  enemy  collected 
in  such  numbers  as  to  make  the  thing  impracticable 
without  the  greatest  probability  of  making  sacrifices  or 
at  least  hazarding  more  than  the  emergency  of  such  an 
acquisition  would  justify.  The  enemy  were  covered 
by  the  rocks  in  a  manner  to  prevent  my  annoying  them 
much  by  the  fire  from  the  ship.  To  the  officers  (Lieu 
tenants  Wyer,  Henley,  and  Blakely  commanding  the 
boats)  and  men  engaged  in  this  service,  it  is  but  justice 
in  me  to  observe  that  they  would  have  effected  the  exe 
cution  of  my  orders,  I  have  not  the  least  doubt,  in  spite 
of  all  opposition,  had  I  not  been  induced,  through  mo 
tives  of  regard  of  the  consequences  of  hazarding  the 
lives  of  so  many  men  to  effect  an  object  of  so  little  import 
ance  to  their  country,  to  countermand  my  orders  by  sig 
nal  after  they  had  reached  the  enemy  within  pistol  shot." 
This  incident  is  characteristic  of  Rodgers's  great  care 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  123 

and  regard  for  his  men.  Throughout  his  naval  career 
he  showed  an  unwillingness  to  hazard  their  lives  unless 
the  chances  of  success  warranted  it.  On  the  other  hand 
he  was  remarkably  reckless  of  his  own  life  when  there 
existed  the  merest  possibility  of  attaining  a  worthy  ob 
ject.  Several  incidents  exhibiting  his  fearlessness  and 
personal  daring  have  already  been  narrated -the  facing 
of  a  mob  in  Liverpool,  the  cowing  of  the  mutinous  crew 
of  the  "  Insurgente,"  and  the  saving  of  life  and  property 
at  Cape  Francois.  An  incident  of  a  somewhat  similar 
character  occurred  on  the  blockade,  and  may  be  told  in 
Rodgers's  words: 

"  Conceiving  it  an  object  of  no  small  importance  to 
know  to  certainty  to  what  distance  our  ships  can  ap 
proach  the  batteries  of  Tripoli  with  safety,  I  had  re 
solved  for  some  time  past  on  sounding,  the  first  favora 
ble  opportunity  for  this  purpose.  And  on  Friday  night, 
1 9th  instant,  I  made  the  attempt  and  succeeded  without 
interruption  much  to  my  satisfaction.  It  being  between 
one  and  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  I  went  in  and 
every  thing  quiet,  I  was  enabled  to  approach  so  near  as 
to  observe  the  position  of  the  cruisers,  and  found  that  all 
the  gunboats  were  hauled  up  with  their  sterns  foremost 
on  the  beach  so  as  to  enable  them  to  act  as  a  battery,  and 
the  ketch,  schooner,  brig,  and  two  galleys  dismantled 
and  moored  to  the  walls.  The  brig  has  no  masts  in.  I 
am  now  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  coast  contigu 
ous  to  the  batteries  to  consider  myself  a  good  pilot  And 
this  has  proved  to  me,  in  service  like  this,  the  necessity 
of  every  man  of  war  having  a  gig,  as  the  sounding  of 
an  enemy's  coast  can  be  effected  in  one  of  these  boats 
without  risk,  when  it  cannot  be  done  in  any  other  way 
with  safety.  I  was  in  four  feet  of  water,  unperceived, 


124  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

altho  I  could  hear  the  people  on  shore  distinctly  in  com 
mon  conversation." 

Towards  the  latter  part  of  October,  Rodgers  sailed 
for  Malta  to  obtain  water  and  to  repair  his  ship.  On 
his  way  to  port  he  captured  a  small  xebec,  mounting 
two  carriage  guns  and  several  howitzers,  and  carrying 
nine  Turks.  She  had  neither  colors  nor  a  scrap  of  pa 
per  of  any  kind  showing  her  nationality.  Her  crew 
said  that  she  was  a  prize  to  a  Tunisian  cruiser,  but  Rod 
gers  was  inclined  to  believe  that  she  was  a  Tripolitan 
vessel  and  that  her  papers  had  been  destroyed  to  conceal 
her  identity.  He  therefore  took  her  into  Malta  for  ex 
amination. 

On  November  first,  Commodore  Preble  delivered 
to  Rodgers  by  order  of  Commodore  Barren  the  frigate 
"  Constitution,"  and  a  few  days  later  the  flag  of  her  new 
commander  was  hoisted  on  board  her.  She  was  Rod- 
gers's  first  forty-four,  and  for  several  years  was  his  sea- 
home.  This  famous  frigate  was  built  at  Boston  in  1794- 
1797,  after  models  furnished  by  Jonathan  Humphreys, 
the  skilful  architect  of  our  early  naval  ships.  He  is 
said  to  have  drawn  many  of  his  ideas  of  ship-building 
from  the  French  practice.  The  distinguishing  feature 
of  his  vessels  was  their  excess  in  size  and  armament  over 
vessels  of  the  same  class  in  foreign  navies.  The  lines 
of  the  "  Constitution "  were  remarkably  fine,  and  her 
beauty  elicited  the  admiration  of  all  observers.  She 
mounted  twenty-eight  long  24's  on  her  gun-deck,  and 
six  24^  and  ten  iz's  on  her  upper  deck.  Her  length 
on  the  load  water-line  was  175  feet  and  her  breadth  of 
beam  43.6  feet.  Her  draft  was  22  feet,  and  her  tonnage 
1576  tons.  Her  tanks  held  48,600  gallons  of  water,  and 
her  hold  stowed  six  months'  provisions.  She  carried 
22  commissioned  and  warrant  officers  and  378  petty 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  125 

officers,  seamen,  and  marines-  400  men  in  all.  Sailing 
free  under  topgallant-sails,  her  speed  was  13.5  knots. 

From  Malta,  Rodgers  proceeded  to  Syracuse,  where 
our  fleet  had  a  depot  of  supplies  and  a  naval  hospital. 
Here  he  found  Commodore  Barren,  who  was  still  sick. 
"I  am  so  unwell  today,"  Barron  said  on  November 
third,  "that  I  can  scarcely  write  at  all  and  am  unfit  for 
business.  God  knows  how  it  will  end ! "  Ten  days  later 
he  made  Rodgers  acting  commander-in-chief  of  the 
squadron,  writing  to  him  as  follows :  "  As  I  shall  not 
be  able  to  attend  to  the  business  afloat  for  some  time,  I 
request  you  will  hoist  the  broad  pennant  on  board  the 
'  Constitution '  and  give  such  orders  for  the  safety  of  the 
squadron  from  time  to  time  as  may  be  most  proper." 
By  the  latter  part  of  the  month  Barren's  health  had 
improved,  and  since  not  much  could  be  done  on  the 
blockade  during  the  winter  he  decided  to  send  Rodgers 
to  Lisbon  for  seamen,  where  it  was  understood  they 
were  plentiful.  Rodgers  was  to  call  at  Tangier  on  his 
way  through  the  straits,  and,  in  case  he  found  the  em 
peror  peacefully  disposed  towards  us,  he  was  to  order 
the  "  Siren,"  which  was  now  guarding  our  interests 
in  that  quarter,  to  join  the  commodore. 

He  left  Syracuse  on  November  twenty-ninth  and  ar 
rived  at  Gibraltar  on  December  eighteenth.  Owing  to 
an  epidemic  of  yellow  fever,  he  did  not  go  ashore,  but 
proceeded  at  once  to  Tangier  where  he  was  pleased  to 
learn  that  our  relations  with  the  emperor  were  quite 
satisfactory.  On  the  way  to  Lisbon  he  encountered  a 
heavy  westerly  gale  which  drove  him  off  his  course, 
and  for  a  time  compelled  him  to  carry  a  heavy  press 
of  sail  to  avoid  being  cast  away  on  the  coast  of  Morocco. 
On  December  twenty-eighth,  he  reached  Lisbon,  with 
his  bowsprit  badly  strained  and  his  sails  much  dam- 


126  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

aged.  Here  he  was  delayed  several  weeks  under  cir 
cumstances  that  greatly  tried  his  temper.  Several  days 
elapsed  before  he  could  obtain  practique,  and  on  reach 
ing  the  city  serious  difficulties  arose  over  the  enlistment 
of  seamen.  For  many  of  the  inconveniences  that  he 
suffered,  Rodgers  blamed  the  American  consul,  Wil 
liam  Jarvis,  with  whom  he  had  a  serious  altercation. 
He  threatened  the  consul  with  chastisement;  and  ac 
cused  him  of  neglecting  the  interests  of  his  govern 
ment,  of  interference  with  the  enlistment  of  seamen, 
and  of  "contemptible,  ungentlemanly  conduct." 

One  of  the  disputes  between  the  two  men  had  its 
origin  in  the  enlistment  of  some  Danish  deserters  by  the 
officers  of  the  "  Constitution."  On  a  complaint  being 
made  by  the  Danish  consul,  Rodgers  dismissed  the  men 
from  his  ship.  This  method  of  procedure  displeased 
Jarvis,  who  contended  that  the  men  should  have  been 
delivered  to  the  captains  from  whose  ships  they  had 
deserted.  Jarvis's  contention  aroused  the  indignation 
of  Rodgers,  who  in  a  letter  to  the  consul  expressed 
his  convictions  as  follows :  "  I  cannot  conceive  that  I 
am  bound  either  by  national  or  personal  honor  to  de 
liver  men  into  the  hands  of  an  authority  that  would 
punish  them  for  their  wishing  to  serve  our  country 
in  preference  to  their  own,  particularly  when  at  the 
same  time  I  had  no  election  in  the  motive  that  influ 
enced  their  conduct  No  sir,  I  must  be  permitted  to 
tell  you  that  I  conceive  such  a  proceeding  would  be 
contrary  both  to  liberality  and  propriety,  as  it  would  at 
once  be  sacrificing  one  of  the  essential  advantages  which 
by  the  properties  of  our  soil  and  the  purity  of  our 
blessed  Constitution  we  derive  over  all  other  nations. 
And  it  does  not  a  little  astonish  me  that  you  as  the  only 
representative  of  the  government  of  the  United  States 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  127 

in  this  port  should  wish  to  furnish  the  means  of  pun 
ishing  your  fellow-beings  for  preferring  Freedom  to 
Slavery." 

After  enlisting  all  the  recruits  that  could  be  obtained 
at  Lisbon,  Rodgers  sailed  for  Gibraltar,  where  he 
arrived  on  February  14,  1805.  Since  some  recent  move 
ments  of  the  emperor's  cruisers  looked  suspicious,  he 
ordered  the  commander  of  the  "Siren"  to  remain  in 
the  straits.  His  stay  in  port  was  very  brief,  as  he  was 
exceedingly  desirous  to  regain  his  commodore.  "  I  can 
scarcely  describe  the  anxiety  which  I  feel  for  the  ap 
proach  of  summer,"  he  wrote  at  this  time  to  the  sec 
retary  of  the  navy,  "  as  I  am  satisfied  that  if  we  do 
our  duty  we  shall  reduce  Tripoli  in  a  manner  that  will 
be  particularly  advantageous  and  highly  honorable  to 
our  country."  The  "Constitution"  arrived  at  Malta 
on  February  twenty-fifth. 

Since  the  spring  of  1805  constitutes  an  important 
period  of  the  Tripolitan  War,  it  may  be  well  to  obtain 
a  general  view  of  the  distribution  of  the  ships  of  the 
squadron  at  that  time.  Barren's  fleet  in  commission 
consisted  of  five  frigates  and  seven  small  sailing  craft. 
The  "Siren"  (Stewart)  was  stationed  in  the  straits. 
The  eleven  remaining  vessels  were  engaged  chiefly 
in  three  enterprises,  the  most  important  of  which  was 
the  blockading  of  the  capital  and  coast  of  Tripoli. 
Four  vessels  were  wholly  employed  on  this  duty:  the 
frigates  "  Constitution"  (Rodgers),  "President"  (Cox), 
and  "Constellation"  (Campbell),  and  the  schooner 
"Vixen"  (Smith).  During  the  early  spring  three 
other  ships  were  also  thus  employed:  the  frigates 
"Congress"  (Decatur)  and  "Essex"  (J.  Barron)  and 
the  schooner  "Nautilus"  (Dent).  A  second  enterprise 
was  the  obtaining  of  naval  materials  of  various  kinds 


128  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

from  Italian  and  Austrian  ports,  which  work  fell  to  the 
two  frigates  "  Essex"  and  "  Congress"  and  the  schooner 
"Enterprise"  (Robinson).  The  schooners  "Argus" 
(Hull)  and  "Nautilus"  (Dent)  and  the  sloop  "Hor 
net"  (Evans)  found  employment  in  a  third  undertak 
ing.  This  requires  some  explanation. 

As  a  passenger  on  board  the  "  President"  with  Com 
modore  Barren,  there  returned  to  the  Mediterranean 
in  the  summer  of  1804  William  Eaton,  formerly  a  cap 
tain  in  the  United  States  army,  later  consul  to  Tunis, 
and  now  navy  agent  to  the  Barbary  regencies.  This 
erratic  genius  was  authorized  by  Jefferson  to  undertake 
an  expedition  designed  to  place  upon  the  throne  of 
Tripoli  Hamet  Karamanli,  an  older  brother  of  the 
reigning  pasha,  and  by  descent  the  rightful  ruler  of 
the  nation.  Hamet,  it  was  said,  was  willing  to  make 
a  most  favorable  treaty  of  peace  with  us,  and  his  friends 
and  allies  would  aid  us  in  reducing  the  pasha's  capital. 
The  first  step  in  this  ambitious  undertaking  was  to  find 
Hamet,  who  had  sought  refuge  in  Egypt.  In  Novem 
ber,  1804,  Eaton  was  conveyed  to  Alexandria  by  Lieu 
tenant  Isaac  Hull  in  the  "Argus."  He  finally  found 
the  refugee  some  hundreds  of  miles  up  the  Nile  among 
the  Mamelukes,  and  returned  with  him  to  the  coast. 
Forty  miles  to  the  westward  of  Alexandria  Eaton  col 
lected  an  "army",  consisting  of  about  four  hundred 
men,  one  hundred  and  five  camels,  a  few  asses,  and  a 
quantity  of  military  stores.  It  contained  ten  Ameri 
cans:  General  William  Eaton,  commander-in-chief, 
Lieutenant  P.  N.  O'Bannon  of  the  marine  corps,  Mid 
shipmen  P.  P.  Peck,  one  noncommissioned  officer,  and 
six  marines.  In  Eaton's  motley  troop  there  were  twenty- 
five  cannoneers  of  various  nationalities,  with  three  offi 
cers;  thirty-eight  Greeks,  with  two  officers;  Hamet  and 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  129 

his  suite  of  about  ninety  men;  a  party  of  Arabian  cav 
alry;  and  several  footmen  and  camel-drivers. 

On  March  8,  1805,  the  army  began  its  march  across 
the  Libyan  desert  to  the  port  of  Derne,  distant  some 
six  hundred  miles.  This  town,  the  second  largest  in 
Tripoli,  was  the  capital  of  an  extensive  province.  All 
the  genius,  resource,  and  valor  of  the  general  were  need 
ed  to  bring  to  a  successful  conclusion  his  daring  ven 
ture.  After  encountering1  many  obstacles  and  under 
going  great  privations  and  dangers,  he  brought  his 
army,  now  reenforced  by  a  rabble  of  Arabs,  before 
Derne,  which  place,  with  the  aid  of  the  "Argus," 
"Nautilus,"  and  "  Hornet,"  he  captured  on  April 
twenty-seventh.  Here  for  several  days  his  position  was 
exceedingly  precarious.  He  succeeded  however,  in 
defeating  the  forces  of  the  pasha  that  were  sent  against 
him,  and  in  strengthening  his  army;  and  he  felt  confi 
dent  that  by  the  aid  of  the  fleet  he  could  continue  his 
march  westward  to  the  capital,  some  seven  hundred 
miles  distant,  and  capture  it.  His  plans,  however,  seem 
chimerical  in  view  of  the  long  march  across  the  desert, 
the  exhaustion  of  his  resources,  the  timidity  and  irreso 
lution  of  Hamet,  and  the  poverty  and  small  number  of 
the  exiled  pasha's  followers.  It  is  not  clear  how  Eaton 
could  do  more  than  hold  Derne. 

Rodgers  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  Eaton's 
daring  exploit.  He  spent  almost  the  whole  of  the 
spring  of  1805  before  Tripoli  in  command  of  the  block 
ading  squadron.  Once  in  March  he  made  a  brief  visit 
to  Malta  to  see  the  commodore  who  was  still  sick. 
When  the  weather  was  fine  he  frequently  reconnoitered 
the  harbor  in  quest  of  information  respecting  the  ene 
my's  forces.  On  the  twenty- fourth  of  April,  some  five 
miles  from  Tripoli,  he  fell  in  with  and  captured  a  pri- 


130  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

vateer  of  eight  guns,  accompanied  with  two  Neapolitan 
prizes,  and  bound  directly  into  port.  The  captured 
vessels  were  sent  to  Malta  in  charge  of  the  "  Presi 
dent,"  Captain  George  Cox. 

Several  times  during  the  spring,  Rodgers  communi 
cated  with  Bainbridge,  sending  him  letters  and  cloth 
ing  for  himself  and  men.  Since  all  correspondence 
was  censured  by  the  Tripolitan  officials,  Rodgers  was 
unable  to  write  as  freely  as  he  wished,  but  he  succeeded 
in  hinting  to  the  unfortunate  captain  that  the  prospects 
of  his  release  were  bright.  "  Chance  has  placed  you 
in  a  situation  which  requires  patience  and  fortitude  to 
withstand,"  he  wrote.  "  Fortitude  I  know  you  possess, 
and  patience  you  must  summon  to  her  aid  a  little  longer. 
The  officers  of  every  denomination  in  the  squadron  par 
ticipate  in  your  sufferings;  every  nerve  will  be  exerted 
in  your  behalf,  and  every  face  will  beam  with  pleasure 
the  day  that  fate  shall  decree  you  and  your  fellow  suffer 
ers  free  men.  Patience!  Pray  make  my  regards  to 
Messers.  Porter  and  Renshaw,  and  be  pleased  to  inform 
Mr.  Renshaw  that  his  friends  in  Philadelphia  are  well, 
as  also  those  of  Mr.  Gibbon  in  Washington  and  Vir 
ginia.  I  have  sent  two  trunks  containing  wearing  ap 
parel,  one  for  Dr.  Ridgely  and  Mr.  Harwood,  and  the 
other  for  Mr.  Gibbon,  which  were  sent  out  from  Wash 
ington  in  the  '  Congress'." 

As  Commodore  Barren  remained  sick  at  Malta 
throughout  the  spring,  his  arrangements  for  the  block 
ade  and  the  proposed  attack  on  Tripoli  were  not  made 
with  the  energy  or  vigor  that  he  otherwise  would  have 
shown.  In  March,  Rodgers  outlined  a  plan  for  con 
ducting  the  blockade,  intercepting  the  enemy's  cruis 
ers,  and  providing  an  auxiliary  force  for  offensive  oper 
ations,  which  he  sent  to  Barron.  "I  would  not  have 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  131 

ventured  to  have  given  an  opinion  unasked  for,  thus 
freely,"  he  wrote,  "was  it  not  with  an  intention  of  alle 
viating  the  anxiety  which  you  must  naturally  feel  in 
consequence  of  your  being  debarred  from  using  those 
exertions  which  your  capacity  would  enforce  were  you 
in  health."  Rodgers  believed  that  the  attack  on  Tripoli 
should  be  made  before  the  first  of  June.  April  went 
by  and  then  the  first  part  of  May,  without  a  sign  from 
the  commodore  that  he  planned  to  make  an  immediate 
movement.  These  were  anxious  days  for  Rodgers.  On 
April  seventeenth,  he  forcibly  expressed  his  views  thus 
in  a  letter  to  Lear:  "I  do  not  believe  that  he  [the 
pasha]  will  accede  to  what  you  will  consider  equal 
terms,  until  he  is  made  more  sensible  of  our  force  and 
demonstratively  convinced  of  our  capacity  to  use  it.  .  . 
I  feel  more  than  ever  confident  our  present  force,  with 
an  addition  of  two  mortars  and  two  gunboats,  will  en 
able  us  to  give  you  the  opportunity  of  negotiating  a 
peace  perfectly  to  your  wishes.  If  the  attack  is  made 
within  six  weeks,  under  proper  regulations,  I  will 
pledge  all  that's  sacred  and  dear  to  me  that  we  succeed 
in  the  most  perfect,  handsome  and  honorable  manner." 
At  this  time  Commodore  Barren  and  Colonel  Lear 
agreed  with  Rodgers  that  Tripoli  should  be  attacked 
before  negotiations  for  peace  were  begun,  a  view  that 
was  in  accordance  with  a  sound  military  judgment. 
A  more  favorable  treaty  could  certainly  be  negotiated 
after  the  pasha  had  seen  the  American  squadron  drawn 
up  in  battle  array  before  his  capital  and  had  felt  the 
full  force  of  the  argument  that  its  guns  were  capable 
of  making.  Moreover,  the  American  government  ex 
pected  Barron  to  reduce  Tripoli,  and  was  preparing 
to  send  him  a  fleet  of  gunboats.  Since  the  fall  of  1804, 
he  had  been  waiting  for  the  coming  of  spring  when 


132  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

favorable  weather  would  permit  offensive  operations. 

On  one  of  the  last  days  of  April  one  of  the  vessels 
of  the  squadron  arrived  at  Malta  bringing  direct  over 
tures  for  peace  from  the  pasha.  The  choice  of  refusing 
or  accepting  them  lay  with  Commodore  Barron. 
Lear's  orders  were  to  negotiate  a  treaty  when  in  the 
opinion  of  the  commander-in-chief  the  time  for  making 
peace  had  arrived.  Barron  wisely  declined  to  accept 
the  overtures.  His  views  on  May  first  may  be  obtained 
from  a  letter  that  he  wrote  to  Rodgers  on  that  date: 
"  My  health,  I  am  'happy  to  say,  has  greatly  improved 
within  a  few  days.  My  strength  begins  to  return  and 
I  have  sanguine  hopes  that  I  shall  be  able  to  appear 
personally  before  Tripoli  as  soon  as  the  season  is  suffi 
ciently  advanced  for  entering  upon  offensive  opera 
tions."  It  is  thus  seen  that  on  May  first  the  commo 
dore  intended  to  attack  Tripoli.  The  outlook  for  the 
success  of  the  American  arms  was  highly  favorable, 
even  more  favorable  than  Barron  at  the  time  had  rea 
son  to  expect,  for  he  did  not  then  know  that  Eaton  was 
in  possession  of  Derne  and  that  the  government  at 
Washington  was  sending  out  reenforcemerits. 

The  following  sentences  extracted  from  a  letter  of 
Lear  to  Rodgers  show  the  peace  commissioner's  views 
at  that  time:  "I  have  received  by  the  ketch  a  letter 
from  the  Spanish  consul  written  by  the  express  desire 
of  the  pasha,  saying  that  he  proposed  as  the  ground 
work  of  a  negotiation  that  we  should  pay  him  two  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars  for  peace  and  ransom  and  give 
up  all  his  subjects  in  our  hands  gratis  with  all  their 
property.  This  is  the  first  direct  overture  which  has 
been  officially  made,  and  altho  much  less  extravagant 
than  I  should  have  expected,  yet  is  totally  inadmissi- 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  133 

ble.  .  .  The  ground  work  must  however  be  very 
different  from  this  before  I  can  think  of  raising  a  su- 
perstruction.  .  .  I  see  no  prospect  of  all  our  force 
being  concentrated  and  ready  to  act  against  Tripoli 
before  the  beginning  or  middle  of  June,  so  that  I 
must  regret  that  you  will  not  have  your  just  and  san 
guine  wishes  accomplished  of  seeing  us  ready  to  make 
an  attack  before  that  time." 

A  few  days  later  Commodore  Barren's  plans  under 
went  a  complete  change.  By  May  eighteenth  he  had 
decided  to  relinquish  the  command  of  the  squadron  to 
Rodgers,  to  abandon  the  attack  on  Tripoli,  and  to 
accept  the  pasha's  overtures  for  peace  which  he  had 
recently  rejected.  Why  the  commodore  had  suddenly 
reached  conclusions  so  widely  different  from  his  for 
mer  ones  is  an  interesting  question.  In  the  first  place, 
the  expected  improvement  of  his  health  had  not  been 
effected,  and  he  was  therefore  constrained  to  surrender 
the  command  of  the  squadron  to  Rodgers.  His  inter 
est  in  offensive  operations,  since  they  were  not  to  be 
directed  by  himself,  naturally  declined.  The  reasons 
for  the  abandonment  of  his  plans  that  he  gave  doubt 
less  had  much  weight  with  him:  his  application  to  the 
Neapolitan  and  Venetian  governments  for  the  loan  of 
some  bombards  and  gunboats  had  resulted  in  disap 
pointment  and  failure,  and  such  craft  were  "essential 
to  ensure  the  complete  success  of  offensive  operations;" 
several  vessels  must  be  sent  home,  since  the  term  of 
enlistment  of  their  crews  would  soon  expire;  the  weak 
ness  of  Hamet  and  his  cause  did  not  warrant  further 
cooperation  with  him;  the  capture  of  Derne  would 
lead  the  pasha  to  moderate  his  pretensions  and  to  accept 
a  peace  honorable  to  the  United  States;  and  no  oppor- 


134  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

tunity  to  release  Bainbridge  and  his  men  that  promised 
success  should  be  lost. 

The  commodore  was  probably  assisted  in  arriving 
at  his  conclusions  by  his  brother,  Captain  James  Bar- 
ron,  who  reached  Malta  from  Venice  and  Trieste  on 
May  twelfth.  Since  October,  1804,  the  captain  had 
greatly  aided  the  commodore  in  managing  the  fleet. 
Rodgers  believed  that  the  younger  Barren  was  his  ene 
my,  and  was  intriguing  against  him.  He  said  that 
Captain  James  used  "every  means  which  his  imagina 
tion  could  invent  to  induce  the  commodore  not  to  give 
up  the  command,"  while  at  the  same  time  he  was  "assur 
ing  me  with  the  gravity  of  a  Judas  that  he  had  been 
endeavoring  to  prevail  on  his  brother  to  resign."  Lear 
was  accused  of  exerting  an  undue  influence  over  the 
commodore  in  behalf  of  peace,  but  Rodgers  emphat 
ically  denied  the  charges  made  against  his  friend.  It 
must  be  said,  however,  that  Lear  was  not  a  bellicose 
man.  The  choice  of  peace  or  war  lay  with  the  elder 
Barron,  and  he  must  be  held  responsible  for  his  official 
acts.  It  is  true  that  his  health  was  bad ;  but  his  mind, 
if  we  may  judge  from  his  letters,  was  clear  and  sound. 
Certainly  Rodgers  had  no  part  in  determining  the  com 
modore's  decision.  He  was  on  the  blockade  before 
Tripoli,  and  was  daily  expecting  the  arrival  of  the 
whole  squadron  prepared  for  offensive  operations.  He 
declared  afterwards  that  he  was  always  positively  of 
the  opinion  that  a  negotiaton  ought  never  to  have  been 
attempted  until  "  our  whole  force  was  drawn  up  before 
the  enemy's  walls."  19 

Commodore  Barren's  action  was  precipitate.  The 
sudden  withdrawal  of  his  support  from  General  Eaton, 
with  whom  he  had  been  cooperating  for  several  months, 

!9  Rodgers,  Commodore  John.     Reply  to  General  William  Eaton  (undated). 


SECOND  MEDITERRANEAN  CRUISE  135 

placed  his  ally  in  a  most  embarrassing  position.  Nor 
was  it  just  to  Rodgers  that  the  commodore  should  adopt 
a  wholly  new  policy  at  the  very  moment  of  his  resigna 
tion  and  bind  his  successor  to  carry  it  out.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  should  be  said  that  had  Barron  been  a  well 
man  he  would  certainly  have  attacked  Tripoli;  and 
that  his  decision  to  make  peace  was  not  without  bene 
ficial  results  to  the  United  States. 

The  commodore's  letter  resigning  his  command  and 
notifying  Rodgers  of  his  determination  to  begin  nego 
tiations  for  a  treaty  was  dated  Malta,  May  22,  1805. 
After  referring  to  his  ill  health,  he  said:  "To  relin 
quish  my  command  therefore  is,  I  conceive,  a  duty 
which  I  owe  to  our  country  and  to  the  service  in  gener 
al,  but  more  particularly  to  the  present  squadron -an 
act  of  justice  which  the  skill,  courage  and  general  mer 
its  of  the  officers  and  the  order  and  discipline  of  the 
crews  at  once  enforce  and  embitter.  For  you,  Sir,  need 
not  be  informed  that  this  decision  could  not  be  made 
without  a  long  and  painful  struggle  as  well  as  mature 
deliberation;  but  it  is  made,  and  accordingly  I  do  here 
by  resign  my  command  of  the  naval  forces  of  the  United 
States  in  these  seas,  and  by  this  letter  communicate 
officially  my  resignation  to  you  on  whom  the  command 
devolves  by  the  law  of  seniority;  reserving  to  myself 
however  the  right  of  reassuming  it  in  case  the  war 
should  be  protracted  beyond  my  hopes  and  expecta 
tions,  and  my  health  be  fully  restored."  He  then  added : 
"The  pain  inseparable  from  this  act  of  duty  is  greatly 
alleviated  by  two  reflections.  First  that  in  having  you, 
Sir,  for  my  senior  captain  I  am  enabled  to  resign  my 
station  to  an  officer  who  already  in  a  high  degree  enjoys 
the  confidence  of  our  government.  And  secondly,  that 
previous  to  my  resignation  the  consul-general  has  ex- 


136  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

pressed  his  coincidence  with  the  opinion  which  I  offi 
cially  communicated  to  him  respecting  the  propriety 
and  policy  of  meeting  the  recent  overture  of  the  pasha 
of  Tripoli  so  far  as  to  offer  a  negotiation,  for  which  I 
am  persuaded  that  the  present  moment  is  eminently 
favorable  and  of  the  success  of  which  I  entertain  san 
guine  expectations,  conducted  as  it  will  be  by  a  gentle 
man  of  such  ability,  experience,  and  moderation  as 
Colonel  Lear,  with  the  ready  assistance  and  co-opera 
tion  which  I  doubt  not  he  will  find  in  your  activity  and 
zeal." 


VII.  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  MED 
ITERRANEAN  SQUADRON:  1805-1806 

ON  May  24,  1805,  tne  frigate  "Essex,"  Captain 
James  Barren,  with  Peace  Commissioner  Lear 
as  a  passenger,  sailed  from  Malta  for  Tripoli,  where 
she  arrived  on  the  twenty-sixth.  At  ten  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  that  day  Barron  and  Lear  went  aboard 
the  frigate  "  Constitution"  and  notified  her  command 
er,  Captain  John  Rodgers,  that  Commodore  Samuel 
Barron  had  relinquished  his  office  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Mediterranean  station  and  had  author 
ized  the  beginning  of  negotiations  for  peace  with  the 
pasha.  Rodgers  at  once  assumed  his  new  command, 
with  the  "  Constitution"  as  his  flag-ship.  Captain  Bar 
ron,  Lear,  and  the  new  commander-in-chief  then  went 
aboard  the  "  Essex"  and  stood  towards  the  town,  hoist 
ing  a  flag  of  truce,  which  was  answered  by  a  similar 
flag  from  the  pasha's  castle.  Soon  a  boat  containing 
the  Spanish  consul  and  an  officer  of  the  pasha  came  off 
and  boarded  the  "  Essex."  Negotiations  for  peace  were 
at  once  begun.  In  the  initial  conferences,  the  pasha 
was  represented  by  the  Spanish  consul;  but,  on  Lear's 
objecting  to  him,  the  Danish  consul,  Nicholas  C.  Nis- 
sen,  a  good  friend  of  the  Americans,  took  his  place. 
Humilated  by  the  successes  of  the  navy  and  alarmed 
by  the  movements  of  Eaton,  the  Tripolitan  ruler  was 
disposed  to  end  the  war.  He  acknowledged  that  he 
was  defeated  and  that  the  squadron  then  in  the  Medi 
terranean  was  sufficient  to  reduce  his  capital.  He 
declared,  however,  that  should  his  enemy  drive  him 


138  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  the  last  extremity  he  would  retire  from  the  capital 
with  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  "  Philadelphia"  to 
a  castle  in  the  interior  of  his  dominions  which  he  had 
prepared  for  them.20 

On  opening  the  negotiations  Lear  rejected  the  pasha's 
original  offer  of  peace  for  two  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars.  After  some  time  had  been  spent  in  discussion  and 
bargaining,  the  peace  commissioner  stated  his  ulti 
matum,  and  it  was  accepted.  On  June  fourth,  a  treaty  of 
peace  and  amity  between  the  United  States  and  Tripoli 
was  signed.  It  provided  that  the  prisoners  in  the  posses 
sion  of  the  belligerents  should  be  exchanged  man  for 
man,  and  that  for  the  excess  remaining  in  the  hands  of 
the  pasha  our  government  should  pay  sixty  thousand 
dollars.  Derne  was  to  be  evacuated,  and  Hamet's  fam 
ily  was  to  be  restored  to  him.  The  peace  established 
by  the  treaty  was  to  be  on  the  terms  granted  by  each 
country  to  the  most  favored  nations. 

While  Lear's  treaty  was  an  honorable  one  and  was 
satisfactory  to  the  government  at  Washington,  its  stipu 
lation  respecting  a  ransom  was  justly  objected  to  by  the 
opponents  of  the  administration.  It  must  be  remem 
bered,  however,  that  the  practice  of  ransoming  pris 
oners  had  at  this  time  the  sanction  of  Christendom,  and 
that  by  the  payment  of  a  small  sum  of  money  more  than 
three  hundred  captive  Americans  were  released,  and 
possibly  saved  from  death,  since  the  pasha  frequently 
threatened  to  kill  them.  Preble  had  once  offered  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  for  peace.  A  great  advan 
tage  was  yielded  by  Commodore  Barron  when  he  decid 
ed  to  treat  with  the  pasha  before  he  attacked  Tripoli 
and  while  the  vessels  of  the  squadron  were  scattered 
over  the  Mediterranean.  Under  all  the  circumstances 

20Rodgers,  Commodore  John.     Reply  to  General  William  Eaton  (undated). 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  139 

the  terms  obtained  by  Lear  were  as  favorable  as  could 
be  expected.  It  has  been  said  that  his  treaty  awakened 
the  conscience  of  Europe.  "  From  the  day  that  it  was 
signed  the  power  of  the  Barbary  corsairs  began  to 
wane.  The  older  countries  saw  their  duty  more  clearly, 
and  ceased  to  legalize  robbery  on  the  high  seas.  To 
America  the  success  gave  an  immediate  position  which 
could  not  easily  have  been  gained  in  any  other  way,  and, 
apart  from  its  moral  results,  the  contest  with  Tripoli 
was  the  most  potent  factor  in  consolidating  the  navy 
of  the  United  States."21 

The  initial  conferences  were  held  on  board  the 
"  Essex" ;  but  on  May  twenty-ninth  the  negotiations 
were  moved  to  Rodgers's  flag-ship,  the  "  Constitution," 
and  on  June  third  the  preliminary  articles  were  signed 
on  board  that  vessel.  Commodore  Rodgers  doubtless 
aided  the  peace  commissioner  with  his  counsel.  Al 
though  he  supported  the  treaty,  he  was  not  wholly 
satisfied  with  it.  His  views  and  wishes  at  this  time  are 
disclosed  by  the  following  words  of  Lear,  written  on 
June  third:  "This,  I  believe,  is  the  first  instance 
where  peace  has  been  concluded  by  any  of  the  Barbary 
states  on  board  a  ship  of  war.  I  must  pay  a  tribute  to 
Commodore  Rodgers,  whose  conduct  during  the  nego 
tiation  on  board  was  mixed  with  that  manly  firmness 
and  evident  wish  to  continue  the  war  if  it  could  be 
done  with  propriety,  while  he  displayed  the  magna 
nimity  of  an  American  in  declaring  that  we  fought  not 
for  conquest  but  to  maintain  our  just  rights  and  national 
dignity."  Lear  then  adds,  "You  will  pardon  me  if 
I  here  introduce  a  circumstance  evincive  of  the  spirit 
of  our  countrymen.  At  breakfast  this  morning  Com 
modore  Rodgers  observed  that,  if  the  pasha  would 

21  Lane-Poole,  Stanley.     The  Story  of  the  Barbary  Corsairs,  291. 


140  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

consent  to  deliver  up  our  countrymen  without  mak 
ing  peace,  he  would  engage  to  give  him  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars  instead  of  sixty  thousand,  and  raise 
the  difference  between  the  two  sums  from  the  officers 
of  the  navy,  who,  he  was  perfectly  assured,  would  con 
tribute  to  it  with  the  highest  satisfaction."22 

On  the  evening  of  June  third,  Commodore  Rodgers 
.and  Colonel  Lear  went  ashore  to  visit  the  officers  of 
the  "  Philadelphia"  and  congratulate  them  on  their 
liberation.  On  the  next  day  a  symbol  of  the  restoration 
of  peace  was  displayed  at  the  American  consulate 
(where  a  little  more  than  four  years  before  the  flag 
staff  had  been  cut  down)  by  raising  a  new  flagstaff  and 
again  hoisting  the  American  flag.  Dr.  John  Ridgely, 
the  surgeon  of  the  "  Philadelphia,"  was  appointed 
charge  d'affaires.  The  American  prisoners,  after  a 
captivity  of  nineteen  months,  were  released  and  sent 
aboard  the  ships  of  the  squadron.  On  June  sixth,  Rod 
gers  sailed  to  Malta  in  the  "  Constitution"  to  fetch  the 
Tripolitan  prisoners  and  the  money  due  the  pasha.  He 
was  again  at  Tripoli  on  the  seventeenth,  and  three  days 
later  he  visited  the  pasha  and  received  his  assurances  of 
good-will  and  friendship.  On  June  twenty-first,  ac 
companied  by  Lear,  the  commodore  returned  to  Malta. 

A  few  days  before  Commodore  Barren  resigned  the 
command  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron,  he  wrote  to 
General  Eaton  of  his  decision  to  begin  negotiations  for 
peace  and  intimated  that  Derne  would  in  all  probability 
have  to  be  evacuated.  He  also  ordered  the  vessels  that 
had  been  cooperating  with  Eaton  to  leave  Derne  and 
proceed  to  Syracuse  after  giving  the  general  an  oppor 
tunity  to  embark  his  forces.  This  gallant  officer,  how 
ever,  was  determined  not  to  abandon  the  captured  town 

22  American  State  Papers,  "Foreign  Relations,"   vol.   ii,  718. 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  141 

and  his  allies  until  compelled  to  do  so.  On  June  fifth, 
Commodore  Rodgers,  thinking  that  possibly  Eaton 
might  be  still  at  Derne,  sent  the  "  Constellation,"  Cap 
tain  H.  G.  Campbell,  to  inform  him  of  the  conclusion 
of  peace  and  to  convey  him  and  his  party  to  Syracuse. 
Campbell  reached  Derne  on  the  eleventh,  and  soon  af 
ter  his  arrival  received  on  board  his  ship  Eaton,  O'Ban- 
non,  and  the  other  Americans  of  the  army,  a  company 
of  cannoneers,  a  party  of  Greeks,  and  Hamet  and  his 
suite  of  some  forty  dependants.  On  June  twenty-fifth 
the  "  Constellation"  arrived  at  Syracuse.  Here  Hamet 
and  his  followers  found  quarters  ashore.  Commodore 
Rodgers  allowed  him  two  hundred  Spanish  dollars  a 
month  for  his  support.  The  commodore  wished  to  send 
him  to  America,  but,  being  fearful  of  a  sea  voyage  he 
declined  to  go.  Hamet  received  no  little  sympathy  in 
the  States.  In  April,  1806,  Congress  voted  him  twenty- 
four  hundred  dollars.  Some  of  the  critics  of  the  Re 
publican  administration  contended  that  he  had  been  un 
justly  treated  and  that  his  cause  had  been  dishonorably 
abandoned.  In  view  of  the  hopelessness  of  his  pros 
pects  when  Eaton  found  him  among  the  Mamelukes  and 
the  little  aid  that  he  rendered  in  the  march  to  Derne  and 
in  the  capture  of  that  port,  it  can  not  be  said  that  this 
weak  irresolute  man  fared  ill  at  the  hands  of  the  Amer 
ican  government. 

While  the  negotiations  with  Tripoli  were  being 
conducted,  Rodgers  decided  that,  if  they  resulted  in  the 
concluding  of  a  peace,  he  would  make  an  expedition  to 
Tunis,  with  the  ruler  of  which  power  he  had  been  hav 
ing  trouble.  For  several  weeks  during  the  early  sum 
mer  of  1805  the  commodore  was  at  Syracuse  and  Malta 
preparing  his  fleet  for  a  visit  to  the  Tunisian  capital. 
Various  other  matters  also  demanded  his  attention  at 


142  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

this  time.  The  usual  disciplinary  measures  of  a  fleet  in 
port  had  to  be  attended  to.  A  rather  important  duty  that 
fell  to  him  late  in  June  was  the  appointing  of  a  court  of 
enquiry  to  investigate  the  loss  of  the  "  Philadelphia." 
Its  members  were  Captains  James  Barren,  H.  G.  Camp 
bell,  and  Stephen  Decatur;  and  its  judge  advocate,  Gen 
eral  William  Eaton.  Its  sessions  were  held  at  Syracuse 
on  board  the  "  President."  After  examining  Lieuten 
ant  David  Porter  and  several  other  witnesses,  the  court 
decided  that  Bainbridge  had  acted  with  fortitude  and 
good  judgment  and  that  he  was  not  censurable  for  the 
loss  of  his  ship. 

During  his  stay  at  Syracuse  and  Malta,  the  commo 
dore  decided  several  controversies  that  had  arisen  be 
tween  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  squadron  and  for 
eign  governments  over  captured  vessels.  In  September, 
1804,  the  "Argus"  had  taken  the  ship  "St.  Miguel." 
Some  of  the  subjects  of  the  Czar  of  Russia  claimed  her 
as  their  property,  and  Rodgers  finally  agreed  to  surren 
der  her  to  the  Russian  consul  at  Malta.  In  the  summer 
of  1805,  the  Sublime  Porte  sent  a  Turkish  frigate  to 
Malta  to  claim  the  Ottoman  ketch  "  Gheretti"  and  two 
Greek  polacres,  "  La  Madona"  and  "Jebra."  The  ketch 
had  aided  the  Tripolitan  gunboats  in  capturing  the 
"  Philadelphia"  when  she  ran  aground  in  October,  1803. 
Later  she  was  taken  by  Preble  and  named  the  "  Intre 
pid,"  and  under  the  command  of  Decatur  she  burned 
the  vessel  in  whose  capture  she  had  participated.  Fin 
ally  Preble  converted  her  into  a  fire-ship  and  sent  her 
into  the  harbor  of  Tripoli  to  destroy  the  enemy's  gun 
boats,  where  she  blew  up  killing  Somers,  Wadsworth, 
and  Israel.  The  two  polacres  were  captured  by  Com 
modore  Barren  for  a  violation  of  the  blockade.  Rod 
gers  pacified  the  Porte  by  agreeing  to  give  up  the 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  143 

polacres  and  to  refer  the  case  of  the  "Gheretti"  to 
Washington  for  adjudication. 

Another  matter  that  gave  the  commodore  much 
anxiety  at  this  time  was  the  trial  of  Lieutenant  C.  L. 
Ridgely,  who  in  January,  1805,  was  arrested  at  Messina 
and  charged  with  killing  George  Hutchinson,  a  mate  of 
an  English  transport.  Protesting  his  innocence,  Ridge 
ly  gave  himself  up  for  trial.  A  court  constituted  by  the 
King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  tried  him  and  found  him  guilt 
less,  restoring  him  (as  Rodgers  said)  "spotless  to  his 
country  and  to  his  friends." 

In  July,  while  the  commodore  was  at  Malta  with  his 
fleet,  several  British  men  of  war,  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  Hammond  of  the  Royal  Navy,  were  an 
chored  in  the  harbor.  The  desertion  of  seamen  from 
one  squadron  and  their  enlistment  by  the  other  gave  the 
commodores  grounds  for  complaint  against  each  other. 
Remonstrances  and  demands  for  restitution  were  made 
on  each  side.  In  the  end  the  differences  were  settled  in 
a  manner  satisfactory  to  Rodgers,  as  may  be  seen  from 
the  following  words  which  he  addressed  to  the  secretary 
of  the  navy:  "After  receiving  the  men  which  I  had  de 
manded,  it  was  stipulated  between  Commodore  Ham 
mond  and  myself  that  all  deserters  from  our  respective 
squadrons,  impressed  Americans  excepted,  should  be 
given  up;  he  saying  at  the  same  time  that  he  did  not 
conceive  I  was  bound  to  give  up  men  which  had  entered 
our  service  in  the  United  States,  whatever  might  have 
been  their  previous  situation.  This  is  what  the  British 
have  never  in  any  one  instance  acknowledged  before." 
During  the  Barbary  Wars  difficulties  with  the  English 
over  seamen  were  frequent,  but  they  were  not  always 
settled  as  happily  as  those  between  Rodgers  and  Ham 
mond. 


144  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

About  this  time  the  Mediterranean  squadron  was  re 
inforced.  An  addition  made  by  Lieutenant  Thomas 
Robinson  of  the  "  Enterprise,"  however,  did  not  greatly 
strengthen  the  fleet.  He  purchased  at  Alcona,  in  the 
Adriatic  Sea,  six  "miserable,  defenceless  trabaccoloes 
and  lateen  boats,"  which  had  neither  guns  nor  crews. 
Eight  gunboats  arrived  at  Syracuse  from  America  be 
tween  the  seventh  and  ninth  of  July,  all  within  forty- 
eight  hours  of  each  other.  "This,"  Rodgers  wrote,  "is 
a  very  extraordinary  circumstance  and  equally  worthy 
of  remark  when  we  consider  that  they  all  sailed  on  dif 
ferent  days  from  all  the  different  principal  ports  be 
tween  and  including  Charleston  (S.C.)  and  Boston 
(Mass.).  In  point  of  effective  force  and  utility  they 
are  vastly  superior  to  any  thing  of  the  kind  I  have 
yet  seen,  and  they  sail  in  all  respects  uncommonly 
well."  It  should  be  said  that  a  gunboat  of  the  Old 
Navy  was  a  vessel  some  sixty  feet  long  and  fifteen 
feet  wide,  carrying  from  twenty-five  to  forty-five  men 
and  mounting  one  or  two  large  guns.  A  ninth  gun 
boat  sailed  for  the  Mediterranean,  but  was  lost  at 
sea.  About  the  first  of  September  two  bomb-ketches, 
the  "Vengeance"  and  "Spitfire,"  which  Preble  had  pur 
chased  in  Boston,  arrived  at  Syracuse. 

An  unfortunate  experience  of  "  Gunboat  No.  6," 
Lieutenant  James  Lawrence,  caused  Commodore  Rod 
gers  to  issue  an  important  order  to  the  fleet.  When  off 
Cadiz  this  vessel  was  boarded  by  the  British  ships 
"Tenedos"  and  "  Dreadnought,"  part  of  a  squadron  un 
der  the  command  of  Vice-admiral  Cuthbert  Colling- 
wood,  one  of  Nelson's  commanders.  While  Lawrence 
was  below  with  the  English  officers,  three  of  his  men, 
who  had  been  unruly  during  the  passage,  discovering 
some  of  their  former  shipmates  on  board  the  visiting 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  145 

boat,  declared  themselves  English  subjects  with  a  view 
to  obtaining  their  release  from  the  American  service. 
One  of  them  claimed  to  be  a  deserter  from  the  British 
frigate  "  Flora."  The  officers,  on  being  told  of  the 
declaration  of  the  men,  demanded  their  release,  but 
Lawrence  refused  to  surrender  them.  Deeming  it  ad 
visable  to  state  his  case  to  the  admiral  of  the  fleet,  the 
young  lieutenant,  after  giving  strict  orders  to  his  first 
officer,  Midshipman  James  Roach,  not  to  permit  any 
one  to  leave  the  vessel,  went  on  board  the  British  flag 
ship  "  Dreadnought."  During  his  absence  another  Eng 
lish  boat  came  alongside  of  the  gunboat  and  the  three 
men  jumped  into  it  before  Roach  could  prevent  them, 
and  were  conveyed  to  the  flag-ship.  On  learning  of 
the  desertion  of  his  men,  Lawrence  demanded  their 
release,  but  Collingwood  refused  to  give  them  up. 
Lawrence  then  offered  to  surrender  the  gunboat,  but 
the  admiral  would  not  accept  it.  Finally  the  offended 
lieutenant  returned  to  his  vessel  without  his  men.  On 
receiving  an  official  account  of  this  outrage,  Rodgers 
issued  the  following  spirited  order  to  the  commanders 
of  his  fleet: 

"An  insult  offered  to  the  flag  of  the  United  States  of 
America  on  the  i2th  of  June  last  near  Cadiz  by  a 
British  squadron  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Col 
lingwood  induces  me  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
United  States'  forces  in  these  seas  to  direct  that  you  do 
not  under  any  pretence  whatever  suffer  your  vessel  to  be 
detained  or  your  men  to  be  taken  out  of  your  vessel  with 
out  you  are  compelled  so  to  do  by  superior  force;  in 
which  case,  having  resisted  to  the  utmost  of  your  power, 
you  are  directed  to  surrender  your  vessel  as  you  would 
to  any  other  common  enemy,  but  on  no  account  to  leave 
her  until  after  you  have  struck  your  colors ;  after  which, 


146  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

if  you  are  not  compelled  by  the  author  or  authors  of 
such  insult  and  violence  to  quit  your  vessel,  you  are  di 
rected  by  me  so  to  do ;  and  going  on  board  the  enemy  to 
deliver  your  sword  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
enemy's  vessel,  and  not  return  to  your  own  again  unless 
you  are  absolutely  put  on  board  her  by  force.  On  say 
ing  that  you  are  not  to  suffer  your  vessel  to  be  detained, 
you  are  not  to  consider  that  it  extends  to  the  prevention 
of  your  giving  every  satisfaction  to  the  vessels  of  war 
you  may  meet  on  the  high  seas  whose  nations  are  at 
peace  with  the  United  States,  so  far  as  a  friendly  inter 
course  will  justify." 

While  the  commodore  was  preparing  his  fleet  for  the 
expedition  against  Tunis,  he  ordered  several  ships  to 
proceed  on  detached  service.  The  brig  "Argus,"  Mas 
ter-commandant  Isaac  Hull,  was  sent  to  Alexandria 
with  fourteen  thousand  dollars  to  pay  a  debt  incurred 
by  Eaton.  As  a  measure  of  precaution  the  frigate  "  Con 
gress,"  Captain  Stephen  Decatur,  and  schooner  "Vix 
en,"  Master-commandant  George  Cox,  were  directed  to 
cruise  off  Tunis  and  guard  our  interests  in  that  quarter. 
Captain  James  Barron  was  ordered  to  convey  home  in 
the  "  President"  his  sick  brother  and  several  of  the  offi 
cers  of  the  "  Philadelphia."  Commodore  Barron  had 
recently  visited  Catania  and  Mount  Etna  for  the  benefit 
of  his  health.  Rodgers  always  spoke  of  him  in  the  high 
est  terms  and  seems  to  have  regarded  him  as  a  friend. 
For  Captain  James,  however,  he  acquired  during  this 
cruise  a  strong  antipathy. 

On  July  14,  1805,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Syracuse  for 
Malta  where  additional  supplies  were  taken  on  board, 
and  on  the  twenty-second  it  was  ready  for  sea.  The 
commodore's  largest  vessel  was  his  flag-ship  "  Constitu 
tion,"  44.  Next  in  size  and  armament  were  the  fri- 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  147 

gates  "Constellation,"  36,  Captain  H.  G.  Campbell; 
"Essex,"  32,  Master-commandant  Charles  Stewart;  and 
"John  Adams,"  28,  Master-commandant  John  Shaw. 
The  small  craft  consisted  of  the  brig  "  Siren,"  schooners 
"Nautilus"  and  "Enterprise,"  sloop  "Hornet,"  trans 
port  "  Franklin,"  and  eight  gunboats.  There  were  in 
all  seventeen  vessels,  the  largest  fleet  of  the  American 
navy  that  had  ever  gone  to  sea.  On  board  the  flag-ship 
was  Colonel  Tobias  Lear,  whose  credentials  empowered 
him  to  adjust  terms  of  conciliation  with  any  or  all  of  the 
Barbary  rulers.  On  July  twenty-third,  Rodgers  sailed 
from  Malta,  and  eight  days  later,  after  a  tedious  pas 
sage,  arrived  in  Tunis  Bay,  where  he  was  joined  by 
several  other  vessels  of  his  squadron.  On  August  first, 
the  fleet  anchored  in  the  road  of  the  Goletta,  about  four 
miles  from  the  city. 

The  bey  of  Tunis  at  this  time  was  Hamuda  Pasha, 
a  most  interesting  character.  During  his  long  rule, 
which  began  in  1782,  he  had  been  frequently  at  war 
with  the  neighboring  powers.  Like  other  Barbary  po 
tentates  in  his  pride,  cruelty,  ignorance,  religious  fanati 
cism,  and  love  of  pomp,  he  was  nevertheless  in  many 
respects  far  superior  to  the  generality  of  them.  He  had 
a  quick  understanding  and  was  able  to  pursue  a  course 
of  action  with  firmness  and  decision.  At  times  rash 
and  foolish,  he  was  more  often  prudent  and  circumspect. 
One  of  our  consuls  said  that  the  bey  was  as  ignorant  as 
the  figurehead  of  the  "  Constitution"  in  respect  to  letters 
or  the  political  history  or  situation  of  any  country  on 
earth  beyond  the  bounds  of  his  horizon,  and  that  he  had 
no  knowledge  of  the  strength,  wealth,  and  size  of  the 
United  States.  "  I  do  not  esteem  him  a  man  of  duplic 
ity,"  the  consul  wrote,  "although  there  is  a  great  deal  of 
what  might  be  styled  finesse  and  court  intrigue  in  him, 


148  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

joined  with  a  degree  of  candor  and  simplicity  which 
in  my  estimation  form  a  strange  or  rather  curious  ac 
commodation  in  his  character.  It  would  require  a  sor 
cerer  to  find  him  out  and  the  Witch  of  Endor  to  render 
him  a  reason." 

In  1797,  Hamuda  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  United 
States,  but  he  soon  became  dissatisfied  with  it  and 
began  to  make  unreasonable  demands  of  our  consuls  for 
tribute.  At  times  he  would  threaten  war,  first  blowing 
hot  and  then  cold.  Sympathizing  with  the  pasha  in  his 
difficulties  with  our  government,  the  bey  viewed  with 
alarm  the  increase  of  the  American  squadron  in  the 
Mediterranean  and  its  probable  reduction  of  Tripoli. 
He  refused  to  recognize  Tripoli  as  a  blockaded  port, 
and  claimed  that  it  was  open  to  his  vessels.  He  de 
manded  as  a  right  the  release  of  a  certain  Tunisian 
xebec  and  her  two  prizes  that  were  captured  in  April, 
1805,  by  our  forces,  when  they  were  trying  to  run  the 
blockade;  and  he  charged  our  consul  at  Tunis  to  tell 
the  American  commander-in-chief  that  the  bey  would 
never  cease  from  his  demands  whatever  the  issue.  Rod- 
gers  wrote  to  Hamuda  that  his  claims  respecting  the 
ships  were  wholly  inadmissible,  and  that  he  intended  to 
convince  him  that  his  subjects  would  be  no  longer  per 
mitted  to  infringe  our  rights  with  impunity.  The  bey 
well  deserved  the  chastisement  that  Rodgers  was  anxious 
to  administer  to  him.  The  peace  with  Tripoli  and  the 
presence  of  a  large  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean  made  it 
possible  for  the  commodore  to  take  a  bold  and  indepen 
dent  stand. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Tunis  Bay,  Rodgers  sent  the 
schooner  "  Nautilus"  to  the  city  to  bring  off  the  Ameri 
can  consul,  Dr.  George  Davis,  who  on  August  second, 
came  aboard  the  flag-ship  and  gave  a  complete  account 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  149 

of  all  his  conferences  with  Hamuda.  In  conversation 
with  Davis  the  bey  had  recently  assumed  a  most  men 
acing  tone.  "  The  President  of  the  United  States  must 
know,"  he  said,  "that  my  father  and  grandfather  have 
sat  on  the  throne  and  ruled  a  kingdom.  He  shall  learn 
from  me  that  Hamuda  is  not  yet  dead,  and  every  crown 
ed  head  of  Europe  shall  approve  the  eternal  continu 
ance  of  that  war  which  you  seem  resolved  to  force  me 
into;  for  I  solemnly  pledge  myself  that,  if  war  is  the 
result,  never  while  I  have  a  soldier  to  fire  a  gun  will  I 
accord  peace.  You  may  form  some  idea  of  my  character 
from  the  difficulty  you  had  to  negotiate  a  peace  because 
you  weakly  permitted  the  dey  of  Algiers  to  interfere. 
You  may  also  learn  my  conduct  to  the  Venetians  who 
rashly  forced  me  into  a  war;  and  if  I  am  doomed  to 
engage  in  another,  it  shall  be  continued  to  the  last  hour 
of  my  existence.  I  frankly  tell  you  that  the  famine  in 
my  country  has  prevented  my  declaring  war  against  you, 
in  order  that  I  might  convince  my  subjects  that  their 
miseries  should  not  be  increased  unless  I  was  forced 
thereto.  Without  such  a  motive  you  certainly  never 
would  have  been  asked  the  reason  why  you  captured  my 
vessels,  but  that  a  just  motive  to  a  protraction  of  our 
difficulties  must  be  sacrificed  to  those  considerations 
which  I  owe  myself  and  all  Europe.  You  are  the  first 
power  which  has  ever  captured  a  Tunisian  cruiser  in 
full  peace  on  any  pretext  whatever.  You  are  the  first 
that  has  ever  offered  unprovoked  insults  to  Hamuda 
Pasha,  who  has  ruled  a  kingdom  for  twenty-seven  years 
and  been  respected  by  all  the  world  as  a  sovereign.  If  I 
was  to  submit  to  such  acts  of  outrage,  what  should  I  ex 
pect  from  nations  far  more  powerful  than  yourselves?"23 

23  For  this  and  the  succeeding  quotations  respecting  the  bey,  see  the  Rod- 
gers  Papers  and  Goldsborough's  United  States  Naval  Chronicle,  279-287. 


150  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

After  conferring  with  Davis,  the  commodore  sum 
moned  Colonel  Lear  and  the  senior  commanders  of  the 
squadron  to  a  council  of  war  on  board  the  "  Constitu 
tion,"  and  submitted  to  them  all  the  information  respect 
ing  the  conduct  of  the  bey  that  he  possessed.  The  coun 
cil  of  war  decided  that  the  commodore  should  send  the 
following  spirited  ultimatum  to  the  bey:  "It  is  with 
equal  pain  and  astonishment  that  I  was  yesterday  made 
acquainted  by  George  Davis,  Esq.,  charge  d'affaires  to 
your  court,  with  your  declaration  wherein  you  informed 
him  that  my  appearance  here  with  the  squadron  under 
my  command  would  determine  an  immediate  declara 
tion  of  war  on  your  part.  If  this  be  the  case,  those  ex 
planations  which  brought  me  here,  and  which  I  had 
hoped  would  reestablish  a  good  understanding  between 
your  excellency  and  the  government  of  my  country,  are 
unnecessary,  as  it  now  only  rests  for  me  in  justification  of 
my  conduct  to  request  that  your  excellency  will  have  the 
goodness  to  inform  me  whether  there  has  been  any  mis 
take  in  the  application  of  your  assertion  tending  to  a 
declaration  of  war  with  the  United  States;  as  your  excel 
lency  will  without  doubt  see  the  propriety,  as  also  the 
necessity,  on  my  part  of  commencing  both  defensive  and 
offensive  operations  against  your  regency  in  the  course 
of  thirty-six  hours,  should  I  not  hear  from  you  on  this 
important  and  equally  (to  me)  painful  subject." 

Rodgers  considered  the  language  of  the  bey  highly 
insulting  to  our  government.  "  Indeed  so  much  so,"  he 
said,  "as  ought  in  my  humble  opinion  to  have  induced 
Mr.  Davis  (particularly  as  he  knew  the  force  we  had 
near  at  hand,  and  being  previously  informed  of  my 
intentions)  to  have  taken  his  leave.  This  would  have 
given  me  an  opportunity  to  have  assumed  entirely  a  dif 
ferent  posture.  .  .  War  was  the  interest  of  the  United 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  151 

States,  and  had  Mr.  Davis  have  left  the  regency  at  a  mo 
ment  when  such  violent  threats  and  gross  insult  were 
offered,  I  should  have  had  a  fair  pretext  for  discussing 
the  subject  by  the  language  of  our  cannon -the  only 
language  capable  of  making  an  imperious  Barbary  pi 
rate  correct  his  conduct.  .  .  Until  the  day  of  my 
death  I  shall  lament  that  our  affairs  were  now  at  a  point 
which  required  decisive  measures,  yet  neverthless  it  re 
quired  the  authority  of  government  to  authorize  my 
drawing  the  sword  of  the  nation  in  defence  of  its  honor 
and  interest  at  a  moment  when  I  knew  our  force  was 
sufficient,  in  ten  days,  to  have  made  him  call  for  mercy 
on  his  bended  knees." 

With  Rodgers's  letter,  dated  August  second  (and  also 
with  one  written  by  Lear  of  the  same  date)  Davis  re 
paired  to  the  royal  palace.  On  receiving  it,  the  bey 
explained  that  neither  he  nor  his  Christian  secretaries 
understood  English;  whereupon,  Davis  volunteered  to 
give  him  its  substance,  which  he  proceeded  to  do.  Ha- 
muda  replied  at  once.  While  his  words  were  free  from 
menace,  they  were  nevertheless  strong  and  bold.  Skilled 
in  the  tactics  of  diplomacy,  he  chose  his  position  with 
excellent  judgment.  "The  commodore  stipulates  thir 
ty-six  hours  for  my  answer,"  he  said.  "  If  he  will  have 
it  in  the  Turkish  or  Moorish  language,  it  shall  be  given 
immediately;  but  there  is  no  Christian  clerk  at  this  time 
to  write  him.  I  however  will  give  you  my  answer  by 
word  of  mouth  and  beg  you  to  communicate  it.  My 
conduct  shall  be  guided  wholly  by  the  letter  and  spirit 
of  the  treaty;  and  I  have  already  taken  the  measures 
which  it  points  out,  to  wit,  a  proper  representation  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States  for  redress  of  griev 
ances.  Until  an  answer  is  received  from  him,  I  shall 
strictly  maintain  the  peace  which  exists  between  us ;  but, 


152  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

if  your  commodore  attacks  or  detains  any  of  my  vessels, 
cruisers,  or  merchantmen,  or  fires  a  single  gun  with  a 
hostile  intention,  that  instant  your  flag  shall  be  hauled 
down.  I  will  hold  no  converse  with  him,  either  relative 
to  peace  or  war,  change  of  treaties,  or  any  other  public 
concerns,  excepting  on  the  subject  of  the  captured  ves 
sels.  No  hostilities  shall  be  commenced  by  me.  His 
boats  may  pass  freely  and  without  any  kind  of  interrup 
tion.  It  therefore  rests  with  him  to  respect  the  treaty 
made  by  his  master,  or  not;  for  altho  I  am  resolved  not 
to  provoke  a  commencement  of  hostilities,  still  I  shall 
not  shrink  from  it  when  properly  invited.  I  made  the 
treaty  with  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  not 
with  the  commodore." 

On  the  receipt  of  Hamuda's  reply,  Rodgers  called 
another  council  of  war.  It  took  the  position  that  the 
bey's  language  expressed  his  desire  to  avoid  hostilities. 
It  decided,  however,  that  his  word  alone  was  not  suffi 
cient,  and  that  he  should  be  required  to  give  a  written 
guarantee  of  his  intentions  to  maintain  peace,  duly  wit 
nessed  by  the  British  and  French  consuls.  On  August 
fourth,  the  commodore  gave  instructions  to  Davis  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  council  of  war's  decision.  In  case  the 
bey  refused  to  give  the  guarantee,  the  consul  was  to  in 
form  him  that  his  capital  was  to  be  blockaded  and  his 
cruisers  prevented  from  injuring  American  commerce 
until  the  commander-in-chief  should  receive  instruc 
tions  from  Washington.  After  Davis  had  gone  ashore, 
Rodgers  decided  to  be  more  specific  in  his  demands.  He 
therefore  prescribed  the  following  form  of  guarantee 
and  gave  the  bey  three  days  within  which  to  sign  it: 
"  Whereas  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  squadron  of 
the  United  States  of  America  now  lying  in  Tunis  bay 
has  been  induced  to  believe  that  it  was  my  determination 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  153 

to  declare  war  against  the  said  United  States  in  conse 
quence  of  one  of  my  cruisers  and  her  two  prizes  having 
been  detained  by  the  aforesaid  squadron  in  their  at 
tempting  to  enter  Tripoli  during  the  late  blockade  of 
that  place,  or  some  other  cause ;  I  do  hereby  solemnly 
declare  that  it  is  not  my  intention  and  that  I  will  not 
commence  hostilities  or  declare  war  against  the  said 
United  States  so  long  as  the  treaty  existing  between  my 
self  and  the  said  United  States  shall  be  faithfully  ad 
hered  to  by  them,  and  not  until  I  shall  have  made  an 
application  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  for 
redress  of  any  injuries  which  I  may  receive  or  have  re 
ceived  from  the  said  United  States  and  have  been  re 
fused  such  redress."  Captain  Stephen  Decatur  was 
chosen  to  carry  the  guarantee  to  Davis,  and  he  was  in 
structed  to  be  present  as  Rodgers's  representative  when 
it  was  presented  to  the  bey. 

In  the  meantime  the  bey  had  read  the  letters  of  Rod- 
gers  and  Lear  of  August  second.  From  the  communi 
cation  of  the  consul-general  he  learned  that  Lear  was 
empowered  by  his  government  to  treat  with  'him.  For 
this,  or  some  other,  reason  his  replies  were  quite  concili 
atory,  and  in  marked  contrast  with  his  verbal  answer  to 
Davis.  He  now  assumed  that  the  visit  of  the  squadron 
to  his  capital  was  a  friendly  one,  and  was  designed  to 
adjust  harmoniously  the  existing  differences  between 
the  two  governments.  His  letter  to  Rodgers,  dated  Au 
gust  fifth,  read  as  follows: 

"  In  answer  to  your  letter,  dated  2nd  of  August,  which 
I  received  the  day  before  yesterday,  I  declare  it  was 
never  my  intention  to  refuse  seeing  or  treating  with  you 
any  time  you  presented  yourself  in  a  friendly  manner, 
that  is  with  only  a  part  of  your  squadron,  as  I  have  al 
ways  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  done  by  commanders 


154  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

sent  by  other  powers,  my  friends.  But  it  is  certain  that 
I  have  positively  declared  to  the  person  charged  with 
the  affairs  of  your  government,  residing  here,  that  I  did 
not  know  how  to  tolerate  your  presenting  yourself  in  a 
hostile  and  powerful  manner,  as  you  now  have  done 
with  all  the  force  under  your  command,  when  there  was 
no  reason  for  so  doing,  except  that  of  a  friendly  treaty 
to  be  decided  on:  for  it  is  by  explanation  and  clearness 
of  different  points  that  the  consolations  of  good  har 
mony,  which  happily  subsist  between  your  government 
and  me,  are  to  exist  and  more  and  more  augment.  This 
for  my  part  I  have  always  maintained  and  will  main 
tain,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the  stipulated  and  solemn 
ratification  of  our  treaty.  But  I  am  now  informed  that 
Consul-general  Lear  is  invested  with  the  power  to  make 
with  me  a  final  treaty;  in  consequence  of  which  I  invite 
him  to  come  in  person  in  the  character  which  is  con 
ferred  on  him  by  the  President,  that  he  may  explain  to 
me  the  desires  of  the  same.  With  pleasure  I  declare  if 
you  find  it  proper  to  accompany  him  you  will  be  very 
welcome,  and  would  give  me  a  particular  pleasure.  In 
the  meantime  I  have  the  pleasure  of  wishing  you  all 
happiness." 

On  August  seventh,  Davis  returned  to  the  "  Constitu 
tion"  without  having  procured  the  bey's  signature  to  the 
written  guarantee.  The  bey  had  declined  to  receive 
Captain  Decatur  as  Rodgers's  official  representative, 
and  the  captain  had  in  a  most  spirited  manner  refused 
to  visit  him  in  any  other  capacity  and  had  at  once  re 
turned  to  the  flag-ship.  This  action  greatly  alarmed  the 
bey,  who  sent  a  messenger  post-haste  to  Lear  with  a 
most  conciliatory  letter.  He  declared  that  he  wished 
to  see  the  consul-general  and  speak  with  him  and  listen 
to  his  explanations.  "  Be  so  good,"  he  wrote  in  conclu- 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  155 

sion,  "as  to  make  my  compliments  to  Commodore  Rod- 
gers  and  inform  him  that  I  also  wrote  to  him  the  day 
before  yesterday  and  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  mes 
senger  has  consigned  to  him  my  answer." 

The  commodore  decided  to  insist  on  the  signing  of 
the  guarantee.  Accordingly  on  August  eighth,  he  gave 
Davis  the  following  instructions:  "As  I  have  not  re 
ceived  that  satisfaction  from  His  Excellency,  the  Bey  of 
Tunis,  which  the  nature  of  our  affairs  requires,  I  now 
am  induced  to  desire  that,  in  case  he  does  not  give  you 
the  guarantee  by  tomorrow  at  noon  which  you  have  been 
directed  to  demand,  you  inform  him  that  no  farther  ad 
vances  will  be  made  by  me,  and  that  in  consequence  of 
his  refusal  you  are  directed  to  repair  on  board  the 
squadron  tomorrow  by  4  o'clock  p.m."  Davis  went 
again  to  the  palace  and  presented  the  guarantee  to  Ha- 
muda,  who  refused  to  sign  it  in  the  presence  of  the 
British  and  French  consuls,  declaring  that  his  seal  was 
sufficient  authentication.  Our  consul  thereupon  took 
final  leave  of  the  bey,  collected  his  baggage,  and,  ac 
companied  by  his  secretary  and  dragoman,  went  on 
board  the  flag-ship. 

"  It  was  now,"  Rodgers  wrote,  "that  I  saw  our  situa 
tion  was  such  as  to  require  the  most  decisive  measures, 
at  least  to  a  certain  extent;  and  this  I  was  enabled  to  ex 
press  by  a  brig  (whose  colors  I  could  not  distinguish, 
but  believe  that  they  were  Rigutian)  that  got  under 
weight,  which  I  fired  two  shots  at,  conceiving  at  the 
time  that  she  had  been  ordered  to  get  under  sail  in  order 
to  prove  whether  I  would  verify  my  last  declaration,  of 
which  Mr.  Davis  was  the  medium  of  conveyance  and 
which  produced  the  cessation  of  his  functions.  .  .  I 
now  ordered  the  'Nautilus,'  Captain  Dent,  to  get  under- 
weigh  and  lay  off  the  entrance  of  the  bay  and  to  board 


156  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

all  vessels  going  out,  and  if  they  belonged  to  Tunis  and 
were  armed  in  any  shape,  to  send  them  into  port  again; 
and  all  ships  coming  in,  and  if  belonging  to  Tunis  to 
ascertain  whether  they  had  committed  any  depredations 
on  our  commerce,  previous  to  suffering  them  to  pass, 
and  at  any  rate  if  Tunisian  cruisers  to  oblige  them  to 
return  into  this  port.  On  the  morning  of  the  loth  of 
August  the  'Vixen,'  Captain  Cox,  and  'Enterprise,' 
Captain  Robinson,  were  directed  to  get  underweigh  and 
cruise  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay  under  the  same  orders 
which  Captain  Dent  had  received  the  preceding  day. 
At  noon  about  two  hours  after  the  sailing  of  the  two  lat 
ter  vessels  the  bey  sent  by  express  letter  *  L'  directed  to 
Colonel  Lear,  and  by  which  you  will  discover  the  panic 
that  had  taken  possession  of  his  royal  breast." 

The  communication  of  the  bey  to  which  Rodgers  re 
fers  is  a  lengthy  one,  and  is  dated  August  ninth.  In  this 
the  bey  declares  that  some  misunderstanding  of  his  in 
tentions  or  his  language  must  certainly  have  arisen.  He 
reiterates  his  sentiments  of  peace  and  friendship,  and  he 
insists  that  he  has  kept  his  treaty  with  the  United  States. 
He  says  that  he  is  quite  willing  to  negotiate  with  Lear. 
Most  important  of  all  are  his  concluding  words,  for 
they  formed  the  grounds  of  a  compromise:  "More 
again  to  convince  you  of  my  peacable  intentions  and 
good  friendship  and  also  the  esteem  I  have  for  the  Pres 
ident,  whatever  may  be  your  intentions  or  that  of  the 
commodore  no  more  to  treat  with  me  until  new  orders 
are  received.  After  what  has  happened,  I  propose  to 
you  to  send  a  person  of  distinction  of  my  regency  to 
your  government  to  explain  and  accommodate,  which 
will  accelerate  the  final  depending  between  us.  If  the 
commodore  will  receive  him  on  board  his  or  any  other 
vessel  of  the  squadron,  on  his  advisal  he  shall  be  imme- 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  157 

diately  sent;  but  if  not,  I  will  dispatch  him  in  a  vessel 
chartered  by  myself  for  that  purpose." 

Rodgers  now  decided  to  waive  the  guarantee  and  to 
begin  negotiations.  On  August  twelfth,  Consul-general 
Lear,  accompanied  by  Chaplain  Cruize  of  the  "  Con 
stellation,"  went  ashore,  and  on  the  two  succeeding 
days  held  conferences  with  the  bey,  in  which  the  differ 
ences  between  the  two  governments  were  thoroughly 
considered.  At  one  time  during  the  negotiations  Ham- 
uda  was  disposed  to  withdraw  his  proposal  in  respect 
to  the  sending  of  an  ambassador  to  the  United  States. 
Believing  that  the  wiley  ruler  was  equivocating,  Rod 
gers  wrote  to  Lear  that  Hamuda  must  do  one  of  three 
things  by  simple  request,  or  else  do  all  three  by  force. 
"He  must  give  the  guarantee  already  required;  or  he 
must  give  security  for  peace  and  send  a  minister  to  the 
United  States ;  or  he  must  make  such  alterations  in  the 
treaty  as  you  may  require.  I  have  only  to  repeat  that, 
if  he  does  not  do  all  that  is  necessary  and  proper,  at  the 
risk  of  my  conduct  being  disapproved  by  my  country  he 
shall  feel  the  vengeance  of  the  squadron  now  in  this 
bay." 

The  agreement  reached  by  Lear  and  Hamuda  was  in 
conformity  with  the  commodore's  second  demand.  The 
bey  agreed  to  send  an  ambassador  to  Washington  to  ad 
just  there  all  differences  between  the  two  governments, 
and  to  give  the  commodore  assurance  that  he  would 
maintain  peace  agreeable  to  the  treaty  of  1797.  On 
August  fourteenth,  he  wrote  Rodgers  the  following 
conciliatory  letter: 

"Leaving  to  Consul-general  Lear  the  care  of  in 
forming  you  how  long  and  friendly  were  our  confer 
ences  of  yesterday  and  today,  I  limit  myself  by  the  pres 
ent  to  confirm  in  the  most  solemn  manner  that  which 


158  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

I  have  wrote  to  you,  and  the  same  to  Consul-general 
Lear,  assuring  you  that  it  was  never  my  intention  to 
declare  war  against  your  nation  nor  to  begin  any  hos 
tilities  if  not  first  provoked  on  your  part.  I  conclude 
this  misunderstanding  between  us  must  have  originated 
from  those  who  have  not  well  understood  or  well  re 
membered  my  words,  or  my  writings  not  being  well 
understood  or  explained.  In  this  state  of  affairs,  and 
to  dispel  all  shade  of  coldness  or  misunderstanding  be 
tween  the  two  nations,  I  have  resolved  to  send,  without 
delay,  an  ambassador  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  make  a  reclamation  relative  to  the  xebec  and 
two  prizes  in  question.  I  do  not  hesitate  a  moment  in 
giving  you  my  word  of  honor  and  that  of  a  prince,  as  I 
reciprocally  demand  of  you,  that  I  will  not  commit  any 
hostilities  whatsoever  or  make  the  least  change  in  the 
present  peace  existing  between  us  until  the  return  of  my 
ambassador  from  your  country  with  the  ratification  of 
peace  or  some  other  propositions  or  determinations  of 
the  President.  Be  pleased  then,  in  this  interval,  to  send 
me  a  charge  d'affaires,  until  there  is  by  the  President 
chosen,  named,  and  sent  to  me  a  consul.  With  con 
firming  the  above  said,  I  salute  you  and  wish  you  happi 
ness." 

On  August  fifteenth,  Colonel  Lear  returned  to  the 
flag-ship  and  reported  that  his  mission  had  resulted  sat 
isfactorily.  The  commodore  at  once  called  in  the  cruis 
ers  that  had  been  stationed  at  the  mouth  of  the  bay  and 
suspended  all  defensive  operations.  He  appointed  Dr. 
James  Dodge,  the  surgeon  of  the  "  Constitution"  to  act 
as  charge  d'affaires  at  the  court  of  Tunis.  The  bey 
chose  as  his  ambassador  to  America  Suliman  Melli- 
melni,  a  distinguished  Tunisian  soldier  and  statesman. 
He  had  formerly  commanded  his  master's  army,  and 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  159 

had  fought  gallantly  in  his  country's  wars  with  Algiers 
and  Turkey.  On  August  twenty-seventh,  Mellimelni 
paid  Rodgers  a  visit  of  respect  on  board  the  "  Constitu 
tion."  The  yards  were  manned  and  a  salute  of  eleven 
guns  were  fired  in  his  honor.  After  inspecting  the  ship 
and  dining  with  the  commodore,  he  returned  to  Tunis. 
On  September  first,  the  ambassador  and  his  suite  em 
barked  for  America  on  board  the  frigate  "  Congress," 
Captain  Stephen  Decatur.  She  sailed  on  September 
fifth  and  arrived  at  Washington  on  November  twenty- 
ninth. 

The  expedition  to  Tunis  ended  with  the  sailing  of  the 
"  Congress."  It  had  resulted  in  giving  the  bey  an  im 
pression  of  the  strength  of  the  United  States  that  was 
a  revelation  to  him.  He  now  took  pains  to  collect  much 
information  respecting  the  size,  situation,  and  resources 
of  our  country.  The  foreign  consuls  at  Tunis  were 
much  astonished  at  Rodgers's  success,  and  some  of  them 
said  that  no  other  nation  had  ever  negotiated  with  Ham- 
uda  on  such  favorable  terms.  Formerly,  the  corsair 
rulers  had  refused  to  deliver  to  our  agents  in  Barbary 
American  vessels  wrongfully  captured;  now,  one  of 
these  potentates  was  sending  an  ambassador  to  America 
to  reclaim  Barbary  vessels  legally  captured.  "  It  must 
be  mortifying  to  some  of  the  neighboring  European 
powers,"  our  consul  at  Tripoli  wrote  to  Rodgers  on 
hearing  of  the  result  of  the  expedition,  "  to  see  that  the 
Barbary  states  have  been  taught  their  first  lessons  of 
humiliation  from  the  Western  World." 

As  soon  as  the  affair  with  Tunis  was  settled,  Rodgers 
reorganized  his  squadron.  The  frigate  "  Essex,"  Cap 
tain  H.  G.  Campbell,  and  the  schooner  "Vixen,"  Mas 
ter-commandant  George  Cox,  were  stationed  at  Gibral 
tar  to  protect  our  commerce  in  that  quarter.  The 


160  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

three  frigates  "Congress,"  "Constellation,"  and  "John 
Adams,"  and  brig  "  Franklin "  were  sent  home.  The 
rest  of  the  fleet,  under  the  immediate  command  of  the 
commodore,  remained  up  the  Mediterranean  with  its 
headquarters  at  Syracuse.  This  division  contained  the 
flag-ship  "Constitution,"  the  brig  "Argus,"  Master- 
commandant  Isaac  Hull;  schooner  "  Enterprise,"  Lieu 
tenant  David  Porter;  brig  "Siren,"  Master-command 
ant  John  Smith;  schooner  "Nautilus,"  Lieutenant 
Samuel  Evans ;  sloop  "  Hornet,"  Lieutenant  W.  M. 
Crane;  eight  gunboats;  and  the  bomb  vessels  "Ven 
geance"  and  "Spitfire."  During  the  ensuing  winter 
Rodgers  increased  his  forces  by  placing  in  commission 
some  of  the  small  craft  that  had  been  purchased  in  the 
Adriatic. 

Early  in  September  the  "  Constitution"  sailed  from 
Tunis  for  Syracuse,  and  thence  to  Leghorn  by  way  of 
Messina  and  Naples.  The  chief  object  of  the  commo 
dore's  visit  to  the  Italian  ports  was  the  procuring  of 
money  for  the  squadron  from  the  American  agents  resid 
ing  there.  Colonel  Lear,  who  was  returning  to  his  post 
at  Algiers,  accompanied  him,  wishing  to  purchase  in 
Italy  the  biennial  present  now  due  the  bey.  At  Leghorn 
Rodgers  was  grossly  insulted  by  the  military  authori 
ties.  Twice  in  attempting  to  enter  the  city,  he  was  rudely 
turned  back  by  a  guard  of  soldiers  and  refused  admit 
tance.  Mortified  at  such  treatment,  he  appealed  for 
redress  to  General  Villette,  the  chief  officer  of  the  city. 
Not  obtaining  it,  he  tartly  informed  the  general  that  an 
American  commodore  possessed  the  power  of  opening 
city  gates  with  as  much  facility  as  the  governor  of  Leg 
horn.  Finally  he  appealed  his  case  to  the  First  Minister 
of  the  Queen  Regent  of  Etruria,  but  the  "Constitu 
tion  "  sailed  before  the  difficulty  was  settled.  The  only 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  161 

other  instance  in  which  our  commanding  officers  met 
with  disrespect  from  Italian  port  officials  occurred  at 
Genoa.  The  commander  of  the  "  Siren,"  which  vessel 
by  the  way  was  the  first  ship  of  our  navy  to  visit  the 
birthplace  of  Columbus,  was  badly  treated  by  the 
French  agent  at  that  place. 

The  "  Constitution"  left  Leghorn  on  November 
ninth  and  eight  days  later  arrived  at  Algiers  bay.  A 
sudden  gale,  however,  forced  her  to  put  to  sea,  and  she 
did  not  come  to  anchor  until  the  nineteenth,  when  Col 
onel  Lear  disembarked.  During  his  absence  from  his 
post  the  dey  had  been  assassinated,  and  a  new  ruler,  the 
private  secretary  of  the  old  one,  had  assumed  the  su 
preme  power.  The  new  dey  received  Lear  with  mani 
festations  of  respect  and  friendship.  Since  our  affairs 
with  this  regency  were  on  a  satisfactory  footing,  the 
commodore  made  but  a  brief  stay.  On  November  twen 
tieth,  he  sailed  for  Syracuse  where  eight  days  later  he 
rejoined  his  squadron. 

Busy  with  his  naval  duties,  Rodgers  spent  the  ensuing 
winter  and  spring  chiefly  at  Syracuse.  Occasionally, 
however,  he  visited  Malta,  where  he  was  cordially  re 
ceived  by  the  English  governor  and  his  wife  Sir  Alex 
ander  and  Lady  Ball.  This  official,  who  had  been  one 
of  Nelson's  captains,  manifested  much  interest  in  our 
officers  and  navy  during  the  Tripolitan  War.  He  had 
been  exceedingly  attentive  to  the  needs  of  Commodore 
Preble,  who  on  his  return  home  purchased  two  fish 
ing  smacks  and  sent  them  to  the  governor  as  an 
expression  of  the  American  government's  appreciation 
of  his  kindness.  Sir  Alexander  was  greatly  pleased 
with  the  gift  and  he  wrote  a  very  handsome  letter  ex 
pressive  of  his  gratitude  to  Rodgers,  to  whom  had  fallen 
the  duty  of  delivering  the  vessels. 


162  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

During  his  stay  at  Syracuse,Rodgers  found  active  em 
ployment  for  several  of  the  smaller  vessels  of  his  fleet. 
First  the  "  Argus,"  Hull,  and  later  the  "  Enterprise," 
Porter,  was  sent  to  Naples  to  protect  our  interests  there 
in  the  winter  of  1805-1806  when  Joseph  Bonaparte  and 
a  French  army  took  possession  of  the  city.  Now  and 
then  vessels  were  ordered  to  the  straits,  the  Barbary 
capitals,  and  the  Italian  ports  to  communicate  with 
our  officials.  In  this  way  the  commodore  kept  himself 
in  touch  with  affairs  in  the  Mediterranean.  The  first 
vessel  to  visit  Tripoli  after  peace  was  restored  was  the 
"  Enterprise,"  Porter.  She  returned  to  Malta  in  the 
fall  of  1805  bringing  word  that  the  pasha  was  still  kind 
ly  disposed  towards  us.  She  was  followed  by  "  Gunboat 
No.  8,"  which  vessel,  Rodgers  wrote,  excited  much 
curiosity  in  Tripoli.  "  She  was  saluted  with  twenty-one 
guns  on  her  arrival,  which  she  returned  in  so  handsome 
a  manner  both  as  to  time  and  regularity  that  the  most 
knowing  of  the  Tripolitans  observed  that  it  would  have 
done  no  discredit  to  a  ship  of  the  line.  The  pasha  ob 
served  that  she  was  very  different  from  his  boats  and  re 
quested  permission  to  have  a  draft  taken  of  her  by  his 
Spanish  carpenter.  Lieutenant  Haraden,  her  command 
er,  informed  him  that  this  he  could  not  permit  without 
my  consent,  but  gave  permission  to  examine  her.  While 
'No.  8'  lay  at  Tripoli  one  of  her  marines  deserted  and 
took  the  necessary  steps  to  constitute  himself  a  Turk,  and 
afterwards  got  to  the  pasha's  castle  and  demanded  pro 
tection.  However,  after  a  remonstrance  by  Mr.  Ridge- 
ly,  our  charge  d'affaires,  he  was  delivered  up  by  the 
pasha  in  direct  opposition  to  their  religious  and  civil 
laws,  the  pasha  asserting,  I  understood  from  Lieutenant 
Haraden,  that  he  would  not  have  done  the  like  for  any 
other  Christian  nation." 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  163 

While  Rodgers  was  in  command  of  the  squadron, 
peace  and  harmony  prevailed  among  its  officers,  and 
the  discipline  on  board  its  vessels  (to  use  his  own  words) 
"would  not  have  done  discredit  to  a  much  older  ser 
vice  than  our  own."  That  this  state  of  affairs  was  ex 
ceptional  the  letters  written  home  by  some  of  the  officers 
in  the  early  part  of  the  Tripolitan  War  plainly  reveal. 
The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter  of  an  officer  of 
the  "New  York,"  dated  March  26,  1803:  "While  ly 
ing  at  Malta,  Lieutenant  Van  Dyke  and  the  first  lieu 
tenant  of  marines,  Mr.  Osborne,  went  on  shore  to  settle 
a  trifling  dispute.  After  exchanging  four  shots,  Lieu 
tenant  Van  Dyke  received  a  ball  in  his  right  thigh, 
which  passed  through  and  was  extracted  from  his  left, 
which  terminated  his  existence  after  an  illness  of  three 
weeks.  About  the  same  time  a  duel  was  fought  between 
Mr.  Bainbridge,  a  midshipman  of  the  '  New  York,'  and 
Mr.  Cochran,  an  English  gentleman.  The  latter  was 
the  challenger  and  was  killed." 

The  commodore  was  always  a  rigid  disciplinarian, 
and  his  ships  were  models  of  order,  neatness,  and  regu 
larity.  He  took  much  pride  in  his  profession,  and  ex 
acted  of  his  officers  an  unhesitating  obedience  and  a 
minute  observance  of  naval  customs.  Quick  to  discern 
merit  and  to  reward  it,  he  was  equally  quick  to  discover 
weakness  and  negligence  and  to  censure  them.  Of  his 
younger  commanding  officers,  he  valued  most  Hull  and 
Porter.  On  one  occasion  he  spoke  of  Lieutenant  James 
Lawrence  as  an  officer  from  whom  his  country  had 
much  to  expect.  Impressed  by  the  superior  qualities 
of  O.  H.  Perry,  he  ordered  him  to  report  for  duty  as 
a  lieutenant  on  board  the  flag-ship,  and  when  the  com 
modore  shifted  his  pennant  to  the  "  Essex,"  that  prom 
ising  young  officer  went  with  him.  Besides  Perry, 


164  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Lieutenants  David  Porter  and  Edward  Trenchard  and 
Midshipmen  John  Downes  and  G.  W.  Rodgers,  served 
on  board  the  "  Constitution."  All  of  these  officers  later 
reached  the  highest  naval  rank. 

Never  touching  strong  drink  himself,  Rodgers  had 
little  sympathy  for  any  one  who  used  it  to  excess.  In 
the  fall  of  1805,  he  sent  the  lieutenant  commandant 
of  the  "  Spitfire"  home  as  a  punishment  for  intem 
perance.  On  that  vessel's  passage  to  the  Mediterra 
nean,  her  commander  had  at  times  been  so  drunk  as  to 
be  unfit  for  duty.  He  had  delayed  the  progress  of  his 
vessel  in  order  to  keep  company  with  the  master  of  a 
merchantman,  whom  he  invited  to  dine  with  him. 
"  This  latter  circumstance  alone,"  Rodgers  wrote,  "  con 
sidering  the  orders  he  was  under  at  the  time,  is  proof 
positive  that  he  is  not,  to  give  it  no  harder  name,  calcu 
lated  for  the  service." 

The  five  months  that  Rodgers  spent  at  Syracuse  was 
a  period  of  much  anxiety  to  him.  In  the  fall  of  1805, 
soon  after  the  news  of  the  peace  with  Tripoli  reached 
Washington,  Jefferson  ordered  all  the  vessels  of  the 
Mediterranean  squadron  to  return  home,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  three,  a  frigate  and  two  small  craft.  Since 
the  orders  were  issued  before  the  president  learned  of 
the  expedition  to  Tunis,  the  commodore  felt  justified 
in  delaying  their  execution.  He  believed  that  it  was 
imprudent  to  reduce  the  squadron  until  the  return  of 
the  Tunisian  ambassador  and  the  ratification  by  the  bey 
of  the  measures  agreed  to  by  the  ambassador  and  the 
American  government.  He  expected  Jefferson  to  take  a 
similar  view  when  he  learned  all  the  circumstances  of 
the  Tunisian  affair  and  to  countermand  his  previous  or 
ders.  All  winter  the  commodore  awaited  the  receipt  of 
fresh  commands  from  Washington.  Spring  came,  and 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  165 

still  no  letters.  There  was  nothing  to  do,  but  to  execute 
the  orders  of  the  previous  fall.  He  therefore  prepared 
his  squadron  for  its  return  home. 

After  abandoning  the  naval  hospital  at  Syracuse  and 
settling  the  naval  accounts  at  that  port  and  at  Malta, 
the  commodore  on  May  first  sailed  with  his  fleet  for 
Gibraltar,  calling  on  his  way  at  Tunis  and  Algiers.  At 
the  latter  capital,  accompanied  by  Lear,  he  paid  a  visit 
to  the  new  dey  who  showed  him  much  civility,  and  con 
sented  to  receive  him  wearing  his  sword.  "  I  am  the 
first  Christian,"  Rodgers  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  the 
navy,  "  that  has  ever  been  permitted  to  visit  the  dey  of 
Algiers  with  side  arms,  and  I  think  it  worth  remarking 
to  you,  particularly  as  I  have  reason  to  believe  he  had 
understood  by  Colonel  Lear's  dragoman  that  a  refusal 
to  receive  me  with  my  sword  would  be  to  him  a  depri 
vation  of  my  intended  visit."  The  squadron  arrived  at 
Gibraltar  on  the  twenty-first  of  May. 

Here  Rodgers  received  a  brief  letter  from  the  depart 
ment  implying  that  its  previous  orders  were  to  be  ex 
ecuted.  While  he  had  a  naval  man's  respect  for  his 
official  superiors  and  seldom  criticised  them,  he  did  on 
this  occasion  express  warmly  his  disapprobation  of  the 
policy  of  his  government,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  fol 
lowing  words  addressed  to  Lear:  "No  doubt  the  gun 
boats  will  be  sent  directly  back  to  the  Mediterranean  af 
ter  their  arrival  in  America.  This  is  singular  work. 
God  help  our  country!"  On  May  twenty-seventh,  he  re 
moved  his  pennant  to  the  "Essex"  and  gave  Captain 
Campbell  command  of  the  "Constitution"  and  of  the 
squadron  that  was  to  be  left  in  the  Mediterranean, 
which,  in  addition  to  the  flag-ship,  was  to  consist  of  the 
"  Enterprise,"  Master-commandant  David  Porter,  and 
the  brig  "  Hornet,"  Lieutenant  J.  H.  Dent.  On  May 


166  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

twenty-eighth,  the  "Argus"  and  "Siren"  sailed  for 
America.  On  account  of  adverse  winds,  Rodgers  did 
not  weigh  anchor  until  the  third  of  June,  on  which  day 
the  "Essex,"  "Vixen,"  "Vengeance,"  "Spitfire,"  sloop 
"  Hornet,"  and  the  eight  gunboats  went  to  sea.  They 
were  soon  followed  by  the  "Nautilus."  After  seeing 
the  ships  under  his  immediate  command  safely  out  of 
the  straits,  the  commodore  parted  company  with  them, 
having  ordered  Master-commandant  George  Cox  to 
conduct  them  to  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  The  "  Es 
sex"  reached  Washington  on  July  twenty-seventh, 
1806. 

It  had  now  been  more  than  two  years  since  Rodgers 
left  America.  His  naval  service  during  this  period 
had  been  most  varied  and  most  arduous.  As  senior  offi 
cer  under  Commodore  Barren,  he  had  commanded  the 
blockading  squadron  off  Tripoli.  When  suddenly 
called  to  assume  the  duties  of  commander-in-chief,  he 
had  carried  out  his  predecessor's  policy  and/had  assist 
ed  Lear  in  making  a  permanent  peace  with  the  pasha 
and  in  obtaining  the  release  of  more  than  three  hundred 
captive  officers  and  seamen.  He  had  brought  before 
Tunis  the  largest  fleet  of  American  naval  vessels  that 
had  ever  been  assembled,  and  under  the  mouths  of  his 
cannon  had  conducted  a  successful  negotiation  with 
the  sagacious  ruler  of  that  country.  In  the  performance 
of  these  and  many  other  duties,  the  commodore  had  ex 
hibited  energy,  skill,  resource,  decision,  power  of  com 
bination,  and  ardent  devotion  to  his  country's  inter 
ests.  His  fellow  officers  freely  expressed  their  appre* 
ciation  of  his  sterling  character  and  substantial  services. 
The  principal  lieutenants  commandant  of  the  fleet  unit 
ed  in  writing  him  a  friendly  letter  approving  of  his  con 
duct  and  testifying  to  their  high  regard  for  him,  and  he 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  167 

received  several  similar  communications  from  the  offi 
cers  of  the  "  Constitution." 

A  few  weeks  after  Rodgers  arrived  in  America  the 
Tunisian  ambassador,  Mellimelni,  sailed  home,  after  a 
stay  of  about  nine  months.  On  establishing  himself  in 
Washington,  in  November,  1805,  the  ambassador  for 
mally  demanded  of  our  government  the  restoration  of 
the  three  vessels  whose  ownership  was  in  dispute.  To 
conciliate  the  bey,  Jefferson  relinquished  all  claims  to 
them.  Encouraged  by  his  success,  Mellimelni  asked 
for  a  supply  of  naval  stores  as  the  price  of  a  three  years' 
armistice.  This  was  too  much  for  even  our  peace-lov 
ing  president,  who  refused  to  grant  the  extortion.  Later, 
however,  his  resolution  weakened,  and  he  decided  to 
give  the  bey  the  brig  "  Franklin  "  and  a  load  of  naval 
stores,  and  to  send  the  ambassador  home  on  board  of 
her.  This  plan  was  abandoned  when  Mellimelni  re 
fused  for  some  trivial  reason  to  return  in  this  manner. 
Finally  the  government  chartered  the  ship  "Two 
Brothers"  and  indulged  the  ambassador  to  the  extent 
of  furnishing  him  with  an  agent  to  purchase  a  cargo  and 
of  permitting  him  to  load  it  on  board  the  ship  and  have 
it  conveyed  to  the  Mediterranean,  where  he  doubt 
less  realized  a  handsome  profit  on  his  venture.  In  Sep 
tember,  1806,  the  "Two  Brothers,"  with  Mellimelni  as 
a  passenger,  sailed  from  Boston  for  Tunis. 

The  bey's  ambassador  attracted  much  attention  in 
Washington  and  other  eastern  cities  which  he  visited. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  African  potentates  to  honor  this 
country  with  his  presence.  His  stay  at  the  capital  af 
forded  much  amusement  to  its  inhabitants,  who  long 
remembered  his  strange  costumes,  his  Arabian  horses, 
his  oriental  customs,  and  his  peculiar  prayers  and  reli 
gious  exercises.  Among  his  attendants  was  a  passionate 


168  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

fellow  named  Hadji  Mohammed,  who  quarreled  with 
a  barber  and  threatened  to  kill  him.  The  barber  com 
plained  to  Secretary  of  State  James  Madison,  who  sent 
one  of  the  officials  of  his  department  to  call  upon  Melli- 
melni  and  request  him  to  curb  the  impetuosity  of  his 
follower.  The  ambassador  received  the  official  with  the 
usual  forms  of  oriental  politeness,  and  having  heard  his 
complaint  spoke  a  few  words  to  one  of  his  attendants 
who  went  out  and  presently  returned  with  poor  Hadji 
Mohammed  guarded  by  four  Tunisians  with  drawn 
swords.  The  official,  who  was  a  mild  and  gentle  man, 
was  greatly  alarmed  at  this  spectacle.  He  was  still 
more  shocked  when  Mellimelni  expressed  a  desire  to 
please  the  American  government  and  offered  to  have 
the  culprit's  head  taken  off  at  once  and  sent  to  Madison, 
unless  the  secretary  of  state  or  the  president  might  pre 
fer  to  witness  the  decapitation.  The  frightened  official 
hastened  to  assure  the  ambassador  that  no  such  repara 
tion  was  demanded,  and  that  it  was  only  necessary  for 
him  to  enjoin  his  attendant  to  refrain  from  acts  of  vio 
lence. 

Jefferson's  friendly  yielding  to  the  demands  of  Melli 
melni  is  one  of  many  indications  that  he  did  not  enter 
into  the  commodore's  plans  and  wishes  to  discipline  the 
bey  of  Tunis  by  the  use  of  force.  In  his  annual  messages 
he  made  no  mention  of  the  Tunisian  expedition.  He  did 
not  publicly  commend  Rodgers  for  his  efficient  services 
in  ending  the  war  with  Tripoli  and  in  humiliating  the 
bey.  It  ill  befitted  the  peaceful  president,  now  embark 
ed  on  his  cheese-paring  naval  policy,  to  welcome  home 
the  returning  hero. 

With  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  in  the  United  States  in 
the  summer  of  1806,  our  wars  with  the  Barbary  corsairs 
came  to  an  end.  No  other  officer  played  so  large  a  part 


MEDITERRANEAN  SERVICE  169 

in  them  as  Rodgers.  As  senior  officer  under  Morris  and 
Barren,  he  served  as  their  chief  of  staff  and  as  com 
mander  of  the  blockading  fleet  off  Tripoli.  He  was 
three  times  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mediterranean 
squadron.  Two  of  the  largest  cruisers  of  the  pasha's 
navy  and  several  smaller  craft  surrendered  to  him.  In 
settling  our  difficulties  with  Morocco  he  shared  the 
honors  with  Preble;  during  the  peace  negotiations  with 
Tripoli  he  commanded  the  American  squadron;  and  in 
the  expedition  to  Tunis  he  was  the  chief  actor  and  the 
commanding  officer.  Commodore  John  Rodgers  must 
.always  be  given  a  conspicuous  and  honorable  place  in 
the  history  of  our  wars  with  the  Barbary  States.  Upon 
him  and  Commodore  Edward  Preble  devolved  the  ex 
ecution  of  nearly  all  the  important  naval  operations. 
It  was  these  two  officers  who  humbled  the  proud  and 
insulting  corsairs,  set  an  example  to  all  Europe  of  a 
spirited  and  forcible  resistance  to  extortion  and  black 
mail,  strengthened  abroad  our  reputation  as  a  nation 
for  military  courage  and  political  initiative,  and  popu 
larized,  trained,  and  consolidated  our  infant  navy. 


VIII.     DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA 
1806-1810 

AS  soon  as  the  wars  with  Barbary  were  ended,  the 
President  and  Congress  decided  to  reduce  the 
navy  in  commission  to  the  lowest  possible  terms.  In 
April,  1806,  Congress  fixed  the  number  of  seamen  and 
boys  at  nine  hundred  and  twenty-five.  In  the  summer 
of  that  year  most  of  the  vessels  of  Rodgers's  squadron 
of  1805-1806  were  laid  up  in  ordinary,  chiefly  at 
Washington.  By  the  fall  the  fleet  then  in  active  service 
consisted  of  a  frigate  and  two  small  craft  in  the  Mediter 
ranean  and  two  bomb-ketches  at  New  Orleans.  Under 
these  circumstances,  it  is  not  surprising  that  some  of  the 
leading  officers  sought  employment  in  the  merchant 
marine.  For  a  time  Rodgers  was  casting  about  for  the 
command  of  an  East  Indiaman.  For  those  officers  who 
were  willing  to  remain  in  the  service,  Jefferson  had  a 
somewhat  engrossing  task,  the  superintending  of  the 
construction  of  gunboats.  Since  these  small  craft  cost 
but  little  to  build,  and  almost  nothing  for  maintenance 
as  they  could  be  hauled  up  on  shore  safe  from  the  rav 
ages  of  wind  and  wave,  Congress  readily  fell  in  with 
the  president's  plans,  and  in  1803-1805,  authorized  the 
construction  of  forty  gunboats,  in  1806,  fifty,  and  in  1807, 
one  hundred  eighty-eight.  Jefferson  set  some  of  his 
ablest  commanders  to  building  these  vessels,  Preble  at 
Portland,  Decatur  at  Newport,  Hull  at  Middletown, 
Stewart  at  New  York,  and  the  Barrons  in  Virginia.  In 
the  fall  of  1806,  Commodore  Rodgers  was  ordered  to 
construct  a  gunboat  at  Havre  de  Grace,  Maryland.  He 


172  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

was  also  to  prove  the  naval  cannon  that  were  being 
made  at  Cecil  furnace  near  the  mouth  of  the  Susque- 
hanna.  He  was  employed  at  this  work  until  July,  1807. 
The  craft  that  he  built  was  designated  "  Gunboat  No. 
7,"  and  she  had  "  the  renown  of  being  counted  one  of 
the  fastest  sailing  vessels  on  our  waters  "-according  to 
Commodore  Tingey. 

Soon  after  Rodgers's  arrival  at  Havre  de  Grace  the 
date  of  his  marriage  with  Miss  Minerva  Denison  was 
fixed.  He  was  now  thirty-three  years  old,  and  she  twen 
ty-two.  Unfortunately  no  description  of  the  bride  has 
come  down  to  us.  We  know  that  she  was  a  most  comely 
and  amiable  young  woman,  a  blonde  with  "pretty  yel 
low  hair,"  and  rather  short  in  stature.  She  sang  re 
markably  well,  preferring  the  old  ballads;  and  played 
the  piano-forte  with  much  skill  and  spirit.  Of  the 
English  poets,  she  was  partial  to  Gray,  Thomson,  and 
Pope.  The  appearance  of  the  bridegroom  at  this  time  is 
somewhat  more  distinct.  He  was  a  muscular,  vigorous 
man,  buoyantly  alive,  brave  and  modest,  capable  of  deep 
feelings  and  strenuous  energy;  a  little  above  the  average 
in  height,  abundant  coal-black  hair,  dark  eyes  and  dark 
shaggy  eyebrows;  a  handsome  face  bronzed  by  sea- 
winds  and  sunshine,  an  open  countenance  as  befitted  a 
sailor,  and  a  look  of  firmness  and  resolution  with  a  touch 
of  imperiousness. 

The  young  couple  were  quietly  married  in  the  green 
room  at  Sion  Hill.  The  newspapers  made  but  the  brief 
est  mention  of  the  wedding,  for  in  the  olden  days  before 
the  modern  itch  for  publicity  afflicted  society  the  pub 
lication  of  intimate  personal  facts  was  considered  vul 
gar.  The  Baltimore  Federal  Gazette  for  October  31, 
1806,  contains  the  following  brief  note:  "  Married  on 
Tuesday,  2ist  instant,  at  Sion  Hill,  Harford  county, 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  173 

Maryland,  by  the  Rev.  John  Allen,  Commodore  John 
Rodgers  to  Miss  Minerva  Denison." 

For  some  time  Commodore  and  Mrs.  Rodgers  re 
mained  at  Sion  Hill,  but  soon  they  went  to  live  with 
the  commodore's  mother  in  Havre  de  Grace.  While 
Rodgers  was  staying  at  the  home  of  his  mother  an  inci 
dent  occurred  which  is  characteristic  of  his  daring  and 
generous  spirit.  One  evening  in  spring  when  the  ice 
in  the  Susquehanna  was  breaking  up  and  was  moving 
down  the  river  with  great  force,  it  was  reported  that  a 
cow  or  other  animal  was  to  be  seen  floating  on  a  block  of 
ice.  The  commodore,  who  was  at  home,  took  a  spyglass 
and  after  watching  the  object  steadily  for  a  few  minutes 
said  to  his  wife,  "  It  is  a  woman ! "  and  he  ran  at  once  to 
the  shore.  A  negress  had  been  crossing  the  river  some 
five  miles  above  Havre  de  Grace,  when  the  ice  at  that 
point  suddenly  broke  up  and  began  moving  down  stream 
carrying  her  rapidly  toward  the  open  bay.  At  the  vil 
lage  a  crowd  of  spectators  thronged  the  shore  gaping  in 
alarm  at  the  unusual  spectacle  and  listening  to  the  faint 
cries  for  help  that  came  from  the  poor  creature.  Rod 
gers  offered  a  hundred  dollars  to  any  one  who  would 
go  with  him  to  her  rescue,  but  no  one  accepted  the  offer. 
The  spectators  were  unwilling  to  risk  their  lives  in  what 
seemed  a  vain  attempt  to  save  a  human  being  doomed  to 
destruction.  Resolving  to  act  alone,  Rodgers  seized 
two  planks  and  by  laying  them  alternately  from  one 
piece  of  ice  to  another  finally  reached  the  middle  of  the 
swollen  stream  where  the  frightened  woman,  now  near 
ly  overcome  with  cold  and  terror,  was  still  supported  on 
her  frail  craft.  Taking  her  under  his  arm,  he  began 
his  perilous  return,  which  to  the  great  astonishment  of 
the  spectators  he  accomplished,  reaching  the  shore  a 
considerable  distance  below  the  town.  Inexpressible 


174  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

was  the  relief  of  his  wife  and  mother,  who  with  bated 
breath  watched  the  whole  proceeding  by  means  of  a 
spyglass  from  the  upper  windows  of  their  house. 

Another  incident  which  belongs  to  this  period  of 
Rodgers's  life  may  be  properly  related  at  this  point. 
While  he  never  fought  a  duel,  he  came  near  doing  so 
soon  after  he  returned  from  the  Mediterranean.  In  his 
day  dueling  was  exceedingly  common  in  the  United 
States,  and  it  received  the  sanction  of  many  men  of  the 
highest  social  standing.  Hamilton,  Clay,  Randolph, 
and  Jackson  gave  or  accepted  challenges.  The  old 
newspapers  abound  with  notices  of  these  hostile  meet 
ings.  For  instance  take  the  following  extract,  dated 
New  York,  April  26,  1786:  "Died,  much  regretted,  on 
Monday  Evening,  the  24th  Instant,  of  a  wound  received 
last  Friday  in  a  Duel  with  Mr.  Burling  of  Baltimore, 
Samuel  Curson,  Esq.,  of  this  City,  a  very  respectable 
Citizen  and  one  of  the  most  eminent  Merchants  in  the 
United  States."  In  June,  1800,  an  American  newspa 
per  announced  that  twenty-one  duels  had  been  fought 
within  six  weeks,  resulting  in  the  killing  of  six  men  and 
the  wounding  of  eleven. 

The  officer  with  whom  Rodgers  had  a  serious  alter 
cation  was  no  less  a  man  than  Captain  James  Barren, 
who  in  1820  killed  Captain  Stephen  Decatur  in  a  duel- 
the  most  notorious  ever  fought  in  this  country.  Of 
all  the  commanders  of  the  Old  Navy,  the  tragic  mark 
was  graven  deepest  on  Barren.  A  Virginian  by  birth, 
he  sprang  from  excellent  naval  stock.  His  father,  James 
Barren  Sr.,  was  for  several  years  during  the  American 
Revolution  commodore  of  the  Virginia  navy,  and  his 
uncle,  Richard  Barren  was  one  of  its  captains.  A  third 
brother,  Lieutenant  William  Barren,  was  killed  in  1778 
by  the  bursting  of  a  gun  on  board  the  frigate  "  Boston." 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  175 

Commodore  Samuel  Barron  was  Captain  James's  broth 
er,  and  Captain  Samuel  Barron,  of  both  the  Union  and 
Confederate  navies,  was  his  nephew.  A  strange  fate 
brought  John  Rodgers  and  James  Barron  into  a  close 
professional  association  and  made  them  in  the  end  bit 
ter  enemies.  They  were  nominated  and  confirmed  as 
lieutenants,  and  later  as  captains,  on  the  same  day.  There 
is  a  letter  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Stoddert  to  Presi 
dent  Adams  written  during  the  French  War  that  cou 
ples  these  two  officers  in  an  official  recommendation: 
"  Lieutenant  Rodgers,  appointed  first  lieutenant  of  the 
1  Constellation'  and  now  commanding  the  '  Insurgente' 
is  a  brave  man  and  a  good  seaman ;  .  .  Lieutenant 
Barron  .  .  .  is  represented  by  Barry  and  indeed  by 
every  officer  in  the  navy  with  whom  I  have  communi 
cated  on  the  subject  as  one  of  the  best  officers  in  the 
navy."  The  first  two  gunboats  of  Jefferson's  numerous 
flotilla  were  built  respectively  by  Rodgers  and  Barron. 
From  1807  to  1838,  Barron's  name  was  next  to  Rod- 
gers's  on  the  navy  list,  and  on  the  death  of  Rodgers  in 
the  latter  year  Barron  succeeded  him  as  the  senior  offi 
cer  of  the  navy. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  Commodore 
Rodgers's  firm  conviction  that  Captain  Barron  was  se 
cretly  trying  to  prevent  his  succession  to  the  office  of 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron  in 
1804-1805.  The  failure  of  Barron  to  leave  at  Gibral 
tar  certain  official  statements  respecting  the  crew  of  the 
"  President,"  in  accordance  with  Rodgers's  orders  to 
him,  became  the  subject  of  a  complaint  of  the  commo 
dore  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  in  January,  1806.  In 
May  while  Rodgers  was  at  Gibraltar  preparing  to  re 
turn  home  with  his  fleet,  he  was  informed  by  the  offi 
cers  of  the  brig  "  Hornet,"  which  vessel  had  recently 


176  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

arrived  in  the  Mediterranean,  that  various  slanders  in 
jurious  to  his  reputation  were  being  circulated  in  Amer 
ica.  The  commodore  was  satisfied  that  the  prime  in 
stigator  of  this  personal  abuse  was  Captain  Barren.  He 
seems  also  to  have  connected  the  captain  with  a  mali 
cious  libel  that  appeared  in  the  public  prints  about  this 
time.  One  version  of  it  read  as  follows :  "  No  doubt 
you  have  heard  of  the  death  of  Captain  Gale  of  marines 
on  board  one  of  our  frigates,  run  through  by  Captain 
Rodgers,  who  is  under  arrest.  Some  say  Gale  was  shot. 
There  is  no  doubt  of  his  death."  This  calumny  was 
publicly  contradicted  by  Gale  in  the  summer  of  1806  by 
his  insertion  of  the  following  note  in  the  columns  of  the 
National  Intelligencer,  published  at  Washington: 

"To  the  Public- 1  have  seen  with  no  little  surprise  a 
piece  in  a  New  York  paper  of  the  first  of  March  last, 
wherein  it  states  that  I  was  run  through  the  body  and 
killed  by  Commodore  Rodgers  for  remonstrating  with 
him  on  the  impropriety  of  flogging  a  marine.  This  has 
been  done  by  some  scandalous  person,  no  doubt,  to  in 
jure  his  character,  and  although  the  effect  could  only  be 
temporary,  yet  people  in  general  may  suppose  that  it 
originated  from  some  misunderstanding  subsisting  be 
tween  him  and  me.  I  can  assure  the  public  that  not 
only  myself,  but  that  every  officer  that  served  under  his 
command,  have  always  been  on  the  most  friendly  terms 
with  him.  And  the  best  proof  of  this  is  that  every  offi 
cer  of  us  will  be  happy  to  sail  with  him  at  any  future 
period.  During  the  time  that  I  was  under  his  com 
mand  it  is  only  justice  to  say  that  he  behaved  towards 
me  with  every  attention  and  politeness  due  an  officer." 

As  soon  as  the  commodore  heard  of  these  attacks  on 
his  character  he  decided  on  his  course  of  action.  On 
May  twenty-seventh,  he  wrote  from  Gibraltar  to  Lear 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  177 

at  Algiers  as  follows :  "  I  am  sorry  to  find,  more  by 
verbal  accounts  than  any  thing  I  have  seen  in  the  pa 
pers,  that  my  presence  in  America  has  become  absolute 
ly  necessary  in  support  of  my  character,  which  has  been 
secretly  aspersed  in  the  most  gross  manner.  As  the 
newspapers  will  inform  you  in  three  months  from  this 
date  I  expect,  I  shall  forbear  at  present  troubling  you 
with  the  effusions  of  my  wounded  soul."  On  June 
fourth,  Rodgers  sailed  from  Gibraltar  for  home.  On 
July  twenty-fourth,  off  Cape  Henry,  having  sighted 
land,  he  addressed  the  following  spirited  letter  to  Cap 
tain  Barren: 

"  From  an  honorable  motive  I  am  induced  to  acquaint 
you  that  I  have  at  length  arrived  in  America.  I  am 
now  on  my  passage  to  Washington,  and  as  it  is  full  likely 
that  I  shall  not  remain  many  weeks  in  the  United  States, 
in  justice  to  your  reputation,  I  take  this  method  to  in 
form  you  that  I  shall  hold  myself  ready  to  account  to 
you  at  any  time  from  the  present  immediate  epoch  to 
the  same  date  of  the  ensuing  month;  and  as  I  possess 
a  mind  superior  to  giving  you  any  unnecessary  trouble, 
permit  me  to  add  that  in  case  I  leave  Washington  it 
will  only  be  for  a  few  days  to  visit  my  friends  in  the 
country  and  to  settle  some  family  concerns  which  re 
quire  my  early  attention.  In  this  case  by  application  to 
Captain  Tingey  at  Washington,  you  may  know  where  to 
address  me.  My  reason  for  giving  you  this  early  infor 
mation  is  because  your  rank  as  an  officer  and  the  nature 
of  your  claim  entitles  you  to  my  first  consideration.  I 
therefore  must  request  that  you  will  not  delay,  as  I  con 
sider  myself  bound  by  honor  to  answer  to  your  demands 
before  I  can  make  any  positive  engagements  with  any 
other  persons  who  may  have  similar  claims." 

On  July  twenty-ninth,  Captain  Barren  replied  brief- 


178  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ly,  but  firmly,  as  follows,  in  a  letter  dated  at  Hampton, 
Virginia :  "  I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  yours 
of  the  24  inst.,  in  bed,  where  I  have  been  confined  for 
some  days  with  a  most  painful  indisposition.  The  mo 
ment  I  am  able  to  report,  you  shall  hear  from  me." 

Rodgers  chose  his  most  intimate  naval  friend,  Com 
modore  Thomas  Tingey,  the  commandant  of  the  Wash 
ington  navy-yard,  to  act  as  his  second.  Barron  was  repre 
sented  by  Colonel  Franklin  Wharton,  the  commandant 
of  the  marine  corps,  and  also  a  resident  of  the  capital. 
During  August  several  letters  passed  between  the  sec 
onds,  but  the  continued  illness  of  Barron  prevented 
a  hostile  meeting.  The  progress  of  this  unfortunate  af 
fair  may  be  traced  in  a  letter  of  Wharton  to  Tingey, 
dated  August  24,  1806: 

"  In  reply  to  your  letter  of  yesterday  I  must  remark 
that  the  extreme  indisposition  of  Captain  Barron  by  the 
last  accounts  received  had  confined  him  to  his  quarters, 
which  consequently  prevented  and  delayed  his  intended 
journey  to  Washington  in  order  to  call  on  Commodore 
Rodgers  for  the  explanation  which  I  have  asked  for  and 
which  it  was  necessary  to  demand  within  the  time  al 
lowed  by  Commodore  R.  The  answer  now  received  to 
my  application,  viewed  as  an  ultimatum,  will  render  it 
necessary  that  Captain  B.  should  repair  with  all  prac 
ticable  dispatch  which  his  situation  by  disease  will  per 
mit.  This  however  must  be  uncertain,  as  it  surely  can 
not  be  expected  that  he  is  limited  so  rigidly  to  time  as 
to  counteract  the  opinion  of  his  physicians  or  to  make 
unavailing  his  directions.  I  however  shall  immediately 
communicate  to  Captain  Barron  the  necessity  of  his 
presence  at  this  place  as  soon  as  possible,  and  must  then 
leave  the  propriety  of  the  journey,  as  to  his  health  at 
this  moment,  to  the  opinion  of  his  surgeon,  on  which  I 


COMMODORE  THOMAS  TRUXTUN 
1799 

From  an  engraving  by  G.  Tiebout  of 
the  portrait  made  by  A.  Robertson 


REAR-ADMIRAL  JOHN  RODGERS 

about  1870 

Son   of   Commodore  John     Rodgers. 
From  a  negative  by  M.  B.  Brady 


COMMODORE  THOMAS  TINGEY 

about  1810 

From  an  engraving  by  C.  B.  J.  F.  de 

St.  Memin,  in  the  possession  of   Mrs. 

Aulick  Palmer,  Washington,  D.C. 


COMMODORE  STEHPHEN  DECATUR 
1813 

From  the  Analectic  Magazine  (Phila 
delphia),  vol.  i,  502.  Engraved  by  D. 
Edwin  from  a  portrait  by  G.  Stuart 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  181 

presume  it  ought  to  rest.  I  must  now  observe  in  reply 
to  your  observation  that  Commodore  Rodgers  is  here 
solely  at  the  instance  of  Captain  Barren  and  is  desirous 
of  knowing  whether  I  have  any  other  claims  on  him  for 
that  gentleman,  that,  should  Commodore  Rodgers  think 
delay  may  be  the  result  of  Captain  B.'s  illness  or  con 
valescence,  I  am  authorized  to  state  that  if  Commodore 
R.  will  proceed  to  Norfolk  and  by  written  or  verbal 
communication  inform  Captain  B.  that  he  is  there,  then 
he,  Captain  B.,  will  make  every  exertion  which  an  in 
valid  ought  to  do  in  bringing  the  affair  to  issue.  Until 
the  arrival  of  Captain  B.  here  I  certainly  can  have  no 
further  demand  on  Commodore  R.  You  must  be  con 
vinced  that  it  would  be  highly  improper  to  proceed  in 
this  business  as  is  customary,  without  the  parties  were 
present.  My  communication  to  Captain  B.  will  be 
made  by  the  mail  of  this  day.  Should  Commodore  R. 
prefer  the  journey  to  Norfolk  as  the  most  expeditious 
way  of  bringing  to  a  close  this  business,  I  have  to  request 
that  you  will  so  inform  me  as  early  as  possible." 

Tingey  now  sought  an  assurance  that  the  duel  would 
be  fought  if  Rodgers  went  to  Norfolk,  but  Wharton 
was  unable  to  give  it,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  letter  of 
August  twenty-sixth:  "Captain  Barren  has  been  re 
quested  to  hasten  to  this  place  agreeably  to  my  intima 
tion  to  you  on  the  24th.  I  shall  by  this  mail  communi 
cate  the  contents  of  your  letter  just  received.  I  could 
not  possibly  assert  that  an  immediate  meeting  of  the 
parties  would  take  place  should  Commodore  Rodgers 
proceed  to  Norfolk.  You  will  advert  to  my  letter  of 
the  24th  on  that  subject.  I  have  observed  that  as  an 
invalid  he  will  make  every  exertion  to  cause  it." 

The  dispute  dragged  along  during  the  succeeding  au 
tumn  and  early  winter.  The  ardor  of  the  principals 


182  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

doubtless  cooled  with  the  elapsing  of  time.  The  com 
modore's  friends  urged  him  to  seek  an  honorable  recon 
ciliation,  as  in  their  opinion  no  adequate  cause  for  an 
appeal  to  arms  existed.  On  January  30,  1807,  Rodgers 
being  then  in  Havre  de  Grace,  where  he  was  spending 
a  short  time  with  his  family,  wrote  the  following  let 
ter  to  Commodore  Tingey: 

"  I  have  to  acquaint  you  that  I  this  morning  received 
through  the  hands  of  my  friend,  Colonel  Samuel  Hughes 
of  this  place,  a  letter  from  Colonel  John  Strieker  of 
Baltimore,  stating  his  desire  as  also  those  of  my  other 
friends  that  an  accommodation  of  the  dispute  between 
Captain  Barren  and  myself  might,  if  possible,  take 
place.  Impelled,  my  dear  sir,  from  an  honorable  mo 
tive  on  my  own  account  and  from  one  equally  respectful 
for  the  consideration  of  my  friends,  I  have  resolved  not 
to  push  the  affair  between  Captain  Barren  and  myself 
farther  than  the  laws  of  honor  on  my  part  absolutely 
direct.  I,  therefore,  feeling  the  most  implicit  reliance 
in  the  discretion,  judgment,  and  honor  of  yourself  and 
Colonel  Strieker,  do  hereby  consent  that  through  you  an 
accommodation,  if  you  shall  agree  that  such  is  practica 
ble,  may  take  place.  Any  further  exposition  of  the  mo 
tives  which  have  thus  actuated  me,  I  am  sure  you  will 
consider  unnecessary.  Enclosed  is  the  copy  of  Colonel 
Strieker's  letter  to  me." 

Rodgers's  concession  led  at  once  to  a  peaceful  settle 
ment  of  the  differences  between  himself  and  Barren. 
Printed  circulars  stating  the  terms  of  the  adjustment 
were  issued  and  were  sent  by  the  principals  to  their 
friends.  Commodore  Thomas  Truxtun  said  that  Rod- 
gers  was  universally  allowed  to  have  acted  with  high 
honor.  Tingey  was  overjoyed  at  the  peaceful  termina 
tion  of  the  affair.  "What  my  friend,"  he  wrote  to 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  183 

Rodgers  on  February  sixth,  "can  avail  from  the  most 
favorable  issue  of  this  business,  if  pushed  to  the  last  ex 
treme.  Can  such  an  issue,  be  it  what  it  may,  add  one 
laurel  to  your  brow?  No.  Your  theme  in  the  paths 
of  honor  and  strict  attention  to  duty  in  your  country's 
service  has  been  too  conspicuous,  and  the  knowledge 
thereof  too  widely  extended,  to  gain  an  atom  by  the  re 
sult  of  such  a  contest  as  this.  Do  you  owe  nothing  to 
society,  to  your  friends,  your  family,  your  country?  Yes, 
you  do,  you  are  dear  to  the  whole  of  which  I  have 
enumerated.  And  your  life  therefore  ought  not  thus 
cruelly  to  be  sported  with,  when  a  small  and  honorable 
acknowledgement  will  thus  tend  to  insure  its  continued 
service  to  all.  I  could  continue  long  on  this  subject, 
but  assure  myself  that  you  will  be  well  convinced  that 
your  compliance  with  the  laudable  mediation  of  your 
friends,  as  heretofore  notified  to  me,  can  not,  may  not, 
shall  not,  but  reflect  to  your  honor." 

Had  not  the  differences  between  the  two  officers  been 
peaceably  settled,  the  duel  would  in  all  probability  have 
taken  place  at  Washington  in  February,  1807;  for  about 
the  first  of  that  month  Barron  arrived  at  the  capital  un 
der  orders  from  the  secretary  of  the  navy  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  frigate  "  Chesapeake"  and  to  proceed  to 
the  Mediterranean.  This  vessel  and  the  ship  "Wasp" 
were  to  relieve  the  "Constitution"  and  "Enterprise," 
and  Commodore  Barron  was  to  succeed  Commodore 
Campbell  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mediterranean 
squadron.  For  two  months  or  more  Barron  was  at 
Washington  assisting  in  the  preparation  of  the  "  Ches 
apeake"  for  sea,  which  ship  having  been  out  of  commis 
sion  for  some  time  needed  much  repairing  and  equip 
ping  to  fit  her  for  service.  About  the  middle  of  April, 
the  commodore  went  to  Hampton  to  await  the  arrival  of 


184  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

his  vessel,  leaving  her  in  charge  of  Acting  Captain 
Charles  Gordon. 

At  this  time  British  ships  of  war  and  privateers  in 
fested  our  coast,  and  committed  many  outrages  upon  our 
commerce  and  seamen.  It  is  not  here  necessary  to  con 
sider  the  defense  offered  by  Great  Britain  in  justifica 
tion  of  her  conduct,  for  even  if  it  be  deemed  adequate, 
it  still  remains  true  that  the  United  States  had  many 
just  grounds  of  complaint.  Not  a  few  of  the  seamen 
that  Great  Britain  impressed  were  native-born  Ameri 
cans,  and  often  the  place  and  manner  of  her  impress 
ment  of  British-born  subjects  were  such  as  to  make  her 
acts  flagrant  violations  of  our  national  character.  For 
a  time  her  ships  blockaded  New  York,  stopped  Ameri 
can  merchantmen  entering  or  leaving  that  port,  and  im 
pressed  from  them  our  seamen.  In  1806,  an  American 
was  killed  by  a  shot  fired  off  New  York  by  a  British 
man-of-war  in  bringing  to  a  passing  ship. 

In  1807,  a  British  squadron,  which  was  blockading 
some  French  frigates  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  lost  several 
men  by  desertion.  In  February  of  that  year,  five  sea 
men  deserted  from  the  frigate  "  Melampus,"  one  of  the 
vessels  of  this  squadron,  while  she  was  lying  at  Hamp 
ton  Roads.  Three  of  them  were  enlisted  by  the  recruit 
ing  officer  of  the  "  Chesapeake."  On  being  informed 
of  this  fact,  the  commander  of  the  "  Melampus"  made 
a  complaint  to  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  who 
requested  the  American  government  to  discharge  them. 
When  their  case  was  referred  to  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
Smith,  he  ordered  Commodore  Barron  to  investigate  it. 
Barren  found  that  the  three  seamen  were  American 
citizens  and  had  been  pressed  into  the  British  navy;  and 
our  government  of  course  declined  to  dismiss  them. 

On  June  4,  1807,  the  "  Chesapeake"  arrived  at  Hamp- 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  185 

ton  Roads  from  Washington,  and  two  days  later  Barren 
came  aboard  her  and  hoisted  his  broad  pennant.  He 
then  went  ashore  where  he  remained,  with  the  exception 
of  a  single  visit,  until  June  twenty-first,  when  he  em 
barked  for  the  last  time.  On  the  morning  of  the  twen 
ty-second  the  "  Chesapeake"  weighed  anchor  to  proceed 
on  her  voyage  to  the  Mediterranean.  As  she  stood  from 
shore,  she  noticed  a  British  squadron  of  four  vessels  ly 
ing  to  the  south  of  her  in  Lynnhaven  Bay.  She  also 
noted  that  one  of  these  vessels,  the  "  Leopard,"  50,  Cap 
tain  S.  P.  Humphreys,  got  under  way  and  went  to  sea 
ahead  of  her.  At  half  past  three  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon,  when  the  two  ships  were  about  nine  miles  south 
east  by  east  of  Cape  Henry,  the  "  Leopard"  stood  to 
ward  the  "  Chesapeake,"  and  on  coming  near  hailed 
that  ship,  saying  that  she  had  dispatches  for  the  commo 
dore.  Barren  replied  that  he  would  heave  to  and  would 
receive  a  boat  from  her.  Presently  a  British  officer, 
Lieutenant  John  Meade,  came  on  board  the  American 
frigate  and  was  shown  to  the  commodore's  cabin.  He 
presented  Barron  with  a  note  from  Captain  Hum 
phreys  in  which  was  enclosed  an  order  from  Vice-ad 
miral  G.  C.  Berkley,  commander-in-chief  of  His  Maj 
esty's  squadron  on  the  North  Atlantic  station,  requiring 
the  British  commanders  to  search  the  "Chesapeake,"  in 
case  they  should  meet  her  on  the  high  seas,  for  deserters 
from  the  British  ships  "  Belisle,"  "  Bellona,"  "Tri 
umph,"  "  Chichester,"  "  Halifax,"  and  "Zenobia."  Bar 
ron  replied  in  writing  that  he  knew  of  no  such  men  as 
were  described,  that  his  recruiting  officers  were  partic 
ularly  instructed  not  to  enter  British  deserters,  and  that 
his  own  instructions  would  not  permit  the  crew  of  his 
ship  to  be  mustered  by  any  other  than  their  own  men. 
After  a  stay  of  somewhat  more  than  half  an  hour, 


186  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Meade  returned  to  the  "  Leopard"  with  Barren's  reply. 
On  receiving  it,  Humphreys  again  hailed  the  "  Chesa 
peake  "  and  immediately  fired  several  shots  across  her 
bow.  Then  ranging  alongside  of  her,  distant  about  two 
hundred  feet,  he  discharged  his  guns,  loaded  with  solid 
shot  and  canister,  point  blank  into  his  surprised  antag 
onist.  Within  fifteen  minutes  he  had  fired  three  broad 
sides. 

As  soon  as  Meade  left  the  "  Chesapeake,"  Barren  or 
dered  his  gun  deck  to  be  cleared.  Then,  seeing  that 
the  "  Leopard"  was  prepared  for  action,  he  requested 
Captain /jordon  to  send  the  men  to  quarters  with  as  lit 
tle  noise  as  possible.  Unfortunately  his  ship  was  (in 
his  own  words)  "in  an  unprepared  and  unsuspicious 
state."  Her  gun  deck  was  lumbered  with  sails,  cables, 
and  various  other  articles.  Some  of  her  guns  were  im 
properly  mounted,  and  none  of  them  were  primed. 
There  was  no  gunpowder,  matches,  or  loggerheads  at 
hand  ready  for  use,  nor  was  there  a  supply  of  wads  and 
cartridges  nearer  than  the  magazine.  Owing  to  the 
unusual  way  in  which  the  men  were  summoned,  not  all 
of  them  went  to  quarters;  and  there  was  considerable 
confusion  on  board  the  ship.  Under  these  distressing 
circumstances,  Barren's  attempts  to  return  the  fire  of 
the  "  Leopard"  were  in  vain.  The  guns  were  loaded, 
but  the  instruments  for  discharging  them  were  wanting. 
After  having  withstood  the  frightful  punishment  of  the 
"  Leopard"  for  fifteen  minutes,  the  commodore  ordered 
his  flag  to  be  struck.  While  it  was  being  hauled  down, 
one  gun  was  discharged  by  Lieutenant  Allen  by  means 
of  a  live  coal  which  was  brought  from  the  galley.  Had 
the  surrender  been  delayed  a  few  minutes,  most  of  the 
guns  could  have  been  discharged,  but  they  could  not 
have  been  reloaded  in  time  to  have  been  of  service. 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  187 

As  soon  as  the  firing  ceased,  Humphreys  sent  several 
of  his  officers  to  the  "  Chesapeake."  They  came  aboard 
and  mustered  the  crew  and  impressed  into  their  service 
four  seamen,  the  three  deserters  from  the  "  Melampus" 
and  one  from  the  "  Halifax."  Barren  now  informed 
the  British  commander  that  he  considered  the  "  Chesa 
peake"  his  prize.  Humphreys,  however,  refused  to  ac 
cept  her,  and,  after  offering  his  assistance  to  the  injured 
ship,  which  was  refused,  he  stood  away  for  the  British 
fleet  in  Lynnhaven  Bay.  The  "  Chesapeake  "  had  three 
men  killed,  eight  badly  wounded,  and  ten  slightly 
wounded.  Among  the  latter  were  the  commodore  and 
Midshipman  Broome.  She  was  much  damaged  in 
masts,  shrouds,  and  stays.  Disgraced  and  humiliated, 
she  returned  to  Norfolk. 

This  flagrant  outrage  created  profound  excitement 
throughout  the  nation,  and  was  regarded  by  many  as  a 
proper  cause  for  war.  At  Hampton  a  mob  rendered 
furious  by  the  sight  of  their  dead  and  wounded  com 
rades,  wreaked  their  vengeance  by  destroying  two  hun 
dred  casks  that  had  been  used  to  carry  water  to  the 
British  squadron.  At  both  Hampton  and  Norfolk  the 
militia  was  called  out  to  maintain  order.  Public  meet 
ings  denouncing  the  "dastardly  and  unprovoked  assault" 
were  held  in  all  parts  of  the  Union.  On  July  second, 
Jefferson  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  British 
armed  vessels  to  enter  our  harbors.  The  administration, 
although  determined  to  avoid  war,  felt  compelled  for 
the  time  being  to  prepare  for  it.  The  three  vessels  in 
the  Mediterranean  were  recalled,  many  officers  that  were 
on  furlough  were  ordered  to  report  for  duty,  and  the 
enlistment  of  seamen  was  begun.  Since  most  of  the 
larger  ships  were  out  of  commission  and  in  need  of  ex 
tensive  repairs,  the  government  turned  to  its  gunboats 


i88  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

as  its  principal  reliance.  Early  in  July  orders  were 
given  to  assemble  two  fleets  of  these  small  craft,  one  at 
New  York  and  the  other  at  Norfolk.  The  command 
of  the  latter  fell  to  Captain  Stephen  Decatur,  who  on 
June  twenty-sixth  had  been  directed  to  relieve  Barren 
as  the  commander  of  the  "  Chesapeake." 

The  beginning  of  the  war  scare  found  Rodgers  at 
Havre  de  Grace  fitting  out  "  Gunboat  No.  7."  On 
July  3,  1807,  he  was  ordered  to  repair  immediately  to 
Washington;  and  six  days  later,  being  then  present  in 
the  navy  department,  he  was  directed  to  go  to  New 
York  and  take  command  of  the  gunboats  and  bomb  ves 
sel  at  that  place  and  have  them  prepared  for  service  so 
as  "to  be  ready  at  a  moment's  warning  to  receive  their 
crews."  He  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  sixteenth  of 
July  and  for  the  four  succeeding  months  was  busily 
occupied  with  his  new  duties.  His  flotilla,  which  at 
first  consisted  of  the  bomb-ketch  "Vengeance"  and 
fourteen  gunboats,  was  soon  augmented  by  the  addition 
of  the  two  bomb-ketches  "Aetna"  and  "Vesuvius,"  pre 
viously  stationed  at  New  Orleans,  and  of  seventeen  gun 
boats,  constructed  at  Portland,  Newport,  and  Middle- 
town,  in  New  England.  The  Portland  boats  were  built 
by  Commodore  Preble  and  were  brought  to  New  York 
by  Lieutenant  James  Lawrence.  The  Newport  craft 
were  commanded  by  Lieutenant  O.  H.  Perry  previous 
to  their  joining  the  flotilla. 

By  the  middle  of  September,  Rodgers  had  assembled 
a  squadron  of  thirty-one  gunboats  and  three  bomb- 
ketches,  and  had  armed,  officered,  and  partly  manned 
it.  At  this  time  the  manufactory  of  cannon  nearest  to 
New  York  was  eighty  miles  up  the  Hudson,  of  small 
arms  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  and  of  gunpowder 
at  Brandywine,  Delaware.  The  gunboats  were  mounted 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  189 

with  24'$  and  3a's,  and  the  ketches  with  smaller  guns. 
All  the  craft  were  supplied  with  muskets,  pistols,  sa 
bres,  pikes,  and  battle-axes.  The  flotilla  was  divided 
into  two  fleets  of  seventeen  vessels  each.  The  senior 
officer  of  the  first  division  was  Lieutenant  James  Law 
rence,  and  of  the  second  Lieutenant  O.  H.  Perry- names 
soon  to  become  famous.  The  flag-boats  of  the  com 
manders  were  fitted  out  with  furnaces  for  heating  shot. 
Practice  cruises  were  made  now  and  then.  The  head 
quarters  for  the  flotilla  was  the  New  York  navy-yard, 
whose  superintendent,  Captain  Isaac  Chauncey,  was  un 
der  the  command  of  Rodgers. 

The  office  of  the  commodore  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  New  York  flotilla  and  naval  station  was  the  most 
important  in  the  gift  of  the  navy  department.  His 
duties,  however,  while  they  were  quite  numerous  and 
varied,  were  generally  trivial  and  monotonous.  The 
naval  officers  never  liked  the  gunboat  service,  regarding 
it  as  but  little  better  than  soldiering  in  a  garrison.  In 
frequently  the  routine  of  the  New  York  station  was  in 
terrupted  by  some  striking  incident.  Early  in  Septem 
ber,  1807,  His  Britannic  Majesty's  frigate  "Jason"  and 
brig  "Columbine"  arrived  off  New  York.  Rodgers 
decided  to  go  down  the  bay  and  ask  the  British  com 
mander  under  what  authority  these  vessels  entered  our 
waters,  and  if  a  satisfactory  answer  were  not  received, 
compel  them  to  retire.  He  therefore  signaled  to  five  of 
his  gunboats  to  get  under  way,  and  he  went  aboard  one 
of  them  and  hoisted  his  broad  pennant.  Regarding  his 
errand  as  a  delicate  one  and  fearing  that  he  might  have 
misconstrued  Jefferson's  proclamation  forbidding 
British  armed  vessels  to  enter  our  harbors,  he  came  to 
anchor  off  Governor's  Island  and  consulted  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  Albert  Gallatin,  who  informed  him 


igo  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

that  it  was  not  the  president's  intention  to  use  force  even 
if  the  British  ships  should  refuse  to  leave  our  waters. 
The  secretary  said  that  it  was  not  advisable  for  the  fleet 
of  gunboats  to  proceed  farther  as  their  movements 
"might  have  the  appearance  of  menace."  Rodgers 
therefore  waited  for  orders  from  the  department,  but 
before  he  received  them  the  British  vessels  had  sailed. 

On  the  organization  of  the  flotilla  at  New  York,  naval 
officers  in  considerable  numbers  were  for  the  first  time 
stationed  in  that  city,  and  some  friction  between  them 
and  certain  classes  of  the  citizens  arose.  The  Irish  res 
idents  and  several  newspapers  manifested  their  hatred 
of  the  navy  in  insulting  ways.  The  editor  of  the  Public 
Advertiser  appears  to  have  been  the  worst  offender. 
"Why,"  he  asked  in  his  paper,  "are  the  commanders 
of  these  gunboats  suffered  to  be  swaggering  through  our 
streets,  while  they  should  be  whetting  their  sabres?" 
Quick  to  resent  their  injuries,  the  officers  chose  Lieuten 
ant  James  Lawrence  to  reply  to  the  libel,  which  he  did 
in  a  letter  warm  with  feeling.  After  threatening  to 
chastise  the  offending  journalist,  he  referred  specific 
ally  to  the  query  quoted  above :  "  In  regard  to  the  com 
manders  of  gunboats,  whom  you  term  'swaggerers,'  I 
assure  you  their  'sabres'  are  sufficiently  keen  to  cut  off 
your  ears,  and  will  inevitably  be  employed  in  that  ser 
vice  if  any  future  remarks  injurious  to  their  reputation 
should  be  inserted  in  your  paper." 

The  outraged  commanders  made  preparations  to  car 
ry  out  their  threats,  but  were  moved  to  desist  by  reason 
of  a  letter  that  Rodgers  wrote  to  the  mayor  of  New 
York  complaining  of  the  insults  and  injuries  to  which 
his  officers  had  been  subjected.  The  commanders  great 
ly  appreciated  the  intervention  of  their  commodore,  and 
a  committee  consisting  of  Lieutenants  James  Lawrence, 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  191 

E.  N.  Cox,  O.  H.  Perry,  and  D.  T.  Patterson  wrote 
him  a  friendly  letter  expressive  of  their  gratitude.  An 
extract  from  Rodgers's  reply  will  show  on  which  side  his 
sympathies  lay:  "  Permit  me  to  inform  you  that,  altho 
my  particular  situation  forbids  my  taking  an  avowed 
interest  with  you  in  chastising  the  unmerited  insults 
which  you  had  received  from  the  editor  of  the  Public 
Advertiser,  my  heart  not  only  sanctioned  but  approved 
the  measures  you  pursued.  The  mayor  of  New  York, 
as  you  desire,  shall  be  made  acquainted  with  the  motives, 
so  highly  honorable  to  you,  which  produced  your  for 
bearance  of  an  infringement  of  the  civil  laws  in  redress 
ing  the  unjustifiable  attack  on  your  characters  as  offi 
cers,  and  which  was  evidently  intended  to  render  you 
contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  the  public." 

In  November,  1 807,  Rodgers's  work  at  New  York  was 
interrupted  by  a  call  to  duty  in  connection  with  the 
court  martial  of  Commodore  James  Barren.  The  sec 
retary  of  the  navy  gave  him  permission  to  visit  his  fam 
ily  at  Havre  de  Grace  and  directed  him  to  remain  there 
until  he  received  further  orders.  On  the  nineteenth  he 
turned  his  fleet  over  to  Captain  Isaac  Chauncey,  and 
soon  proceeded  southward  by  stage.  During  his  ab 
sence  from  home  his  oldest  child,  John  Henry  Rodgers, 
was  born  at  Sion  Hill -"a  noble  boy,"  Mrs.  Rodgers 
wrote  many  years  afterwards,  "whom  I  lost  when  he 
was  thirteen  months  old."  It  was  at  this  time  that  Rod 
gers  received  a  letter  from  his  good  friend  Tingey 
felicitating  him  on  being  once  more  safe  at  his  moor 
ings  "alongside  of  and  to  the  great  joy  of  the  good  Min 
erva.  I  should  really  be  delighted  could  I  come  and 
view  you  in  your  novitiate  of  nursing  the  darling  boy." 

On  June  twenty-third,  the  day  that  the  "  Chesapeake" 
returned  to  Hampton  Roads,  her  five  lieutenants,  Ben- 


192  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

jamin  Smith,  W.  M.  Crane,  W.  H.  Allen,  J.  O.  Creigh- 
ton,  and  Sidney  Smith,  and  Sailing-master  Samuel 
Brooke,  "feeling  deeply  sensible  of  the  disgrace  which 
must  be  attached  to  the  late  (in  their  opinion)  prema 
ture  surrender,"  wrote  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the 
navy  requesting  him  to  order  a  court  of  enquiry  into 
their  conduct.  "  Compelled  by  imperious  duty,  the 
honor  of  their  flag,  the  honor  of  their  countrymen,  and 
by  all  that  is  dear  to  themselves,"  they  also  asked  the 
secretary  to  issue  an  order  for  the  arrest  of  Commodore 
James  Barron  on  two  charges  which  they  pledged  them 
selves  to  prove  true:  "Firstly,  on  the  probability  of 
an  engagement  for  neglecting  to  clear  his  ship  for  ac 
tion;  secondly,  for  not  doing  his  utmost  to  take  or  de 
stroy  a  vessel,  which  we  conceive  it  his  duty  to  have 
done."  On  June  twenty-sixth,  the  secretary  chose  the 
members  of  a  court  of  enquiry  for  the  trial  of  Barron  - 
Captains  Edward  Preble,  Isaac  Hull,  and  Isaac  Chaun- 
cey.  Owing  to  ill  health,  Preble  declined ;  and  his  place 
was  taken  by  Captain  Alexander  Murray.  The  court 
was  in  session  at  Norfolk  from  October  fifth  until  No 
vember  fourth.  Its  report  was  wholly  adverse  to  Bar 
ron,  who  declined  to  offer  a  defense.  It  condemned  him 
for  not  sooner  clearing  his  ship  for  action,  for  the  way 
in  which  he  called  his  men  to  quarters,  for  indecision, 
inattention  to  duty,  using  language  tending  to  dispirit 
his  men,  and  prematurely  surrendering  his  vessel. 

On  the  receipt  of  this  report  the  next  step  of  the  de 
partment  in  the  trial  of  Barron  was  the  ordering  of  a 
court  martial.  Before  this  step  was  taken  the  first 
lieutenant  of  the  "  Chesapeake,"  Benjamin  Smith,  had 
died  of  a  bilious  fever;  two  of  the  midshipmen,  Broome 
and  Crump,  had  fought  a  duel  in  which  one  of  them 
was  wounded  in  the  thigh ;  and  the  executive  officer  of 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  193 

the  unfortunate  vessel,  Acting  Captain  Charles  Gordon, 
had,  in  accordance  with  the  prevailing  code,  settled  his 
differences  with  Doctor  Stark  and  A.  J.  M'Connico, 
citizens  of  Norfolk  and  friends  or  relatives  of  Barren. 
The  dispute  between  Captain  Gordon  and  Doctor  Stark 
arose  from  certain  remarks  made  by  the  doctor  reflect 
ing  upon  the  captain's  conduct  during  the  engagement. 
In  the  preliminary  arrangements  for  the  duel  it  was 
stipulated  that,  should  one  of  the  principals  fire  too 
soon,  the  second  of  the  other  might  shoot  him.  After 
six  shots  had  been  exchanged,  the  word  for  the  seventh 
was  given.  Stark  fired  prematurely,  so  Lieutenant  W. 
M.  Crane,  the  second  of  Gordon,  claimed,  who,  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  stipulation,  shot  at  the  doctor,  wound 
ing  him  in  the  arm.  Stark's  second,  A.  J.  M'Connico, 
denied  that  his  principal  had  fired  improperly.  This 
contention  was  duly  settled  by  Gordon  and  M'Connico, 
and  both  were  wounded.  These  hostile  meetings  show 
something  of  the  feelings  aroused  by  the  unfortunate 
encounter  of  the  two  vessels. 

On  December  seventh,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Smith 
issued  a  warrant  to  Commodore  John  Rodgers  for  the 
convening  of  a  general  court  martial  to  try  Commodore 
James  Barron,  Master-commandant  Charles  Gordon, 
Gunner  William  Hook,  and  Captain  John  Hall  of  the 
marines,  all  late  officers  of  the  "  Chesapeake."  The 
court  consisted  of  thirteen  officers -six  captains,  three 
masters-commandant,  and  four  lieutenants -any  five  of 
whom  were  sufficient  to  form  a  quorum.  The  secretary 
would  have  included  more  captains  had  more  been 
available  for  duty.  Nicholson  was  incapacitated  by 
age;  Murray,  Hull,  and  Chauncey  had  served  on  the 
court  of  enquiry;  Samuel  Barron  was  a  brother  of  the 
accused  officer,  and  Thomas  Tingey  was  unfriendly  to 


194  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

him.  All  the  remaining  captains,  Rodgers,  Bainbridge, 
Campbell,  Decatur,  Stewart,  and  Shaw  were  selected. 
Rodgers,  being  the  senior  officer,  was  the  president  of 
the  court.  David  Porter  was  one  of  the  masters-com 
mandant  named,  and  among  the  lieutenants  were  Jacob 
Jones,  James  Lawrence,  and  Charles  Ludlow.  The  Bar- 
ron  court  martial  was  undoubtedly  well  composed.  Its 
deliberations  were  dignified,  and  were  in  strict  accord 
ance  with  official  procedure.  In  the  navy  it  was  always 
spoken  of  with  respect  for  its  motives  and  impartiality. 

Commodore  Stephen  Decatur  may  be  thought,  how 
ever,  not  to  have  been  wholly  unbiased.  On  December 
seventeenth,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  sec 
retary  of  the  navy:  "  I  cannot  in  justice  to  Commodore 
Barren  and  my  own  feelings  sit  on  this  court  without 
stating  to  you  my  opinion  of  his  case.  When  the  unfor 
tunate  affair  of  the  22nd  of  June  occurred,  I  formed  and 
expressed  an  opinion  that  Commodore  Barren  had  not 
done  his  duty.  During  the  court  of  enquiry  I  was  pres 
ent  when  the  evidence  of  the  officers  was  given  in.  I 
have  since  seen  the  opinion  of  the  court,  which  opinion 
I  think  lenient.  It  is  probable  that  I  am  prejudiced 
against  Commodore  Barren  and  view  his  conduct  in 
this  case  with  more  severity  than  it  deserves.  Previous 
to  his  sailing  my  opinion  of  him  as  a  soldier  was  not 
favorable.  Altho,  sir,  I  hope  and  trust  I  should  most 
conscientiously  decide  on  Commodore  Barren's  case, 
still,  sir,  there  is  no  circumstance  that  would  occasion 
me  so  much  regret  as  to  be  compelled  to  serve  on  the 
court  martial  that  tries  him.  I  have  therefore  to  solicit 
that  I  may  be  excused  from  this  duty." 

The  department  overruled  Decatur's  objections,  say 
ing  that  it  had  every  confidence  in  his  honor  and  judg 
ment  and  was  satisfied  that  he  would  do  justice  to  Bar- 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  195 

ron  and  his  country.  Decatur  communicated  a  copy  of 
his  correspondence  with  the  secretary  of  the  navy  to 
Barren's  counsel,  in  order  that  the  commodore  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  object  to  him,  but  the  accused 
officer  did  not  avail  himself  of  it.  Nor  did  he  regard 
the  differences  that  he  had  had  with  Rodgers  as  suffi 
cient  grounds  for  challenging  the  president  of  the  court. 

On  December  nineteenth,  Rodgers,  being  then  pres 
ent  in  the  navy  department  at  Washington,  received 
from  Secretary  Smith  the  precept  for  the  convening  of 
the  court.  He  then  repaired  to  Norfolk  and  placed 
under  arrest  Commodore  James  Barren  and  the  other 
accused  officers.  The  trial  of  Barron  lasted  from  Jan 
uary  4  to  February  6,  1808.  It  was  made  the  more 
impressive  by  being  held  on  board  the  ill-fated  "  Ches 
apeake."  The  judge  advocate  was  Littleton  W.  Taze- 
well,  a  Norfolk  lawyer,  who  was  interested  in  the  navy. 
The  counsel  of  the  prisoner  was  Robert  B.  Taylor,  es 
quire,  who  defended  his  client  with  much  skill  and  elo 
quence.  The  principal  witnesses  were  the  captain, 
lieutenants,  sailing-master,  and  midshipmen  of  the 
"  Chesapeake."  The  testimony  of  all  these  officers,  with 
the  exception  of  that  of  a  few  midshipmen,  was  unfavor 
able  to  the  commodore.  Apparently  they  were  disposed 
to  make  him  bear  the  brunt  of  the  blame  for  the  disaster. 

Barron  was  tried  on  four  charges:  (i)  negligently 
performing  the  duty  assigned  him,  (2)  neglecting  on 
the  probability  of  an  engagement  to  clear  his  ship  for 
action,  (3)  failing  to  encourage  in  his  own  person  his 
inferior  officers  and  men  to  fight  courageously,  and  (4) 
not  doing  his  utmost  to  take  or  destroy  the  "  Leopard," 
which  vessel  it  was  his  duty  to  encounter.  The  court 
found  him  innocent  of  the  first,  third,  and  fourth  charg 
es,  but  guilty  of  the  second.  It  should  be  said  that  the 


196  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

first  charge  had  reference  to  the  commodore's  conduct 
at  Hampton  Roads.  The  court  found  the  prisoner 
guilty  of  several  specifications  under  the  fourth  charge, 
being  of  the  opinion  that  he  had  failed  to  repel  suitably 
the  attack  of  the  "  Leopard"  and  that  he  had  premature 
ly  surrendered  his  vessel. 

Under  the  second  charge  considerable  evidence  was 
offered  tending  to  prove  that  the  movements  of  the 
"  Leopard"  before  she  hailed  the  "  Chesapeake"  were 
suspicious  and  menacing,  and  that  Barren  was  at  fault 
for  not  clearing  his  ship  for  action  before  the  "Leo 
pard"  approached  her.  The  court  did  not  find  this 
evidence  conclusive,  holding  that  Barren's  acts  before 
the  British  officer  arrived  on  board  his  ship  were  blame 
less.  It,  however,  appeared  to  the  court  that  the  com 
modore  "did  receive  from  the  commanding  officer  of 
the  '  Leopard'  a  communication  clearly  intimating  that 
if  certain  men  were  not  delivered  up  to  him  he  should 
proceed  to  use  force,"  and  that  he  yet  neglected  to  clear 
his  ship  for  action.  Furthermore,  it  appeared,  from  the 
letters  of  Barron  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  and  from 
the  evidence  of  witnesses,  that  the  commodore  "  did 
verily  believe  from  the  communication  received  from 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  said  ship  *  Leopard'  that 
he  would  take  by  force,  if  they  could  not  be  obtained 
by  other  means,  any  British  deserters  that  could  be 
found  on  board  the  '  Chesapeake,'  and  still  that  the  said 
James  Barron  neglected  to  clear  his  ship  for  action." 
In  criticism  of  the  court's  decision,  it  should  be  said 
that  one  may  reasonably  doubt  whether  the  communica 
tion  received  from  the  British  commander  intimated 
that  he  would  use  force  if  the  deserters  were  not  given 
up.  Its  language  may  be  held  to  be  equivocal.  The 
decision  of  the  court  that  Barron  did  verily  believe  from 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  197 

the  communication  that  force  would  be  used,  is  strongly 
supported  by  one  of  his  letters  to  the  secretary  of  the 
navy.  He,  however,  after  writing  this  letter,  denied 
that  such  was  his  belief. 

Having  found  Barron  guilty  of  one  of  the  four  charges, 
the  court  sentenced  him  to  be  suspended  from  all  com 
mand  in  the  navy,  without  pay  or  official  emolument 
of  any  kind,  for  the  term  of  five  years  from  Feb 
ruary  8,  1808.  It  declared,  however,  that  it  was  abso 
lutely  convinced  of  the  "firmness  and  courage"  of  the 
accused  officer  throughout  the  action  between  the  two 
vessels.  President  Jefferson  approved  the  decision  of 
the  court. 

Commodore  Barron  was  undoubtedly  fully  punished 
for  his  offense.  Whether  his  sentence  was  substantially 
unjust  is  another  question.  He  was  at  fault  in  going  to 
sea  with  the  guns  of  the  "Chesapeake"  improperly 
mounted,  her  gun-deck  lumbered  with  stores,  and  her 
powderhorns  empty;  in  calling  his  men  tardily  to  quar 
ters;  and  in  surrendering  his  vessel  before  she  had  fired 
a  broadside.  On  the  other  hand,  much  may  be  said  in 
extenuation  of  his  conduct,  and  for  the  view  that  he 
was  the  victim  of  circumstances.  The  figure  that  Bar 
ron  presents  during  the  two  decades  succeeding  his 
trial  appeals  to  one's  sympathy.  He  went  forth  from 
the  court  a  discredited  officer,  broken  in  spirit,  feeling 
acutely  his  humiliation,  and  convinced  that  he  had  suf 
fered  a  gross  injustice.  There  will  be  occasion  later  to 
return  to  the  sad  sequel  of  the  affair  between  the  "  Ches 
apeake"  and  the  "  Leopard"  as  respects  the  fortunes  of 
Barron  and  Decatur. 

The  cases  of  the  three  other  accused  officers  were 
soon  disposed  of.  Gordon  and  Hall  were  found  guilty 
of  negligently  performing  the  duty  assigned  them  and 


198  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

were  sentenced  to  be  privately  reprimanded  by  the  sec 
retary  of  the  navy.  The  court,  however,  considered 
their  offenses  very  slight,  and  would  gladly  have  par 
doned  them  had  it  had  the  power.  The  gunner  of  the 
"  Chesapeake  "  was  found  guilty  of  mounting  the  guns 
insecurely,  of  not  filling  the  powderhorns,  and  of  not 
properly  reporting  his  work.  He  was  sentenced  to  be 
dismissed  from  the  navy.  The  court  adjourned  without 
a  day  on  February  22,  1808. 

Soon  after  the  adjournment,  Rodgers  proceeded 
northward,  stopping  at  Washington  and  Havre  de 
Grace.  After  visiting  his  family  at  the  latter  place  he 
continued  his  journey  to  New  York,  where  he  arrived 
about  the  middle  of  March.  He  at  once  assumed  com 
mand  of  his  flotilla,  relieving  Captain  Isaac  Chauncey. 
A  new  use  for  his  vessels  had  lately  arisen. 

President  Jefferson  had  now  embarked  upon  his  fat 
uous  policy  of  coercing  England  and  France  by  means 
of  commercial  restrictions.  These  two  nations,  which 
were  at  this  time  engaged  in  a  tremendous  struggle 
for  supremacy,  had  begun  to  despoil  neutral  commerce, 
and  especially  that  of  the  United  States.  By  the  winter 
of  1807-1808,  it  was  no  longer  safe  for  American  mer 
chantmen  to  go  to  sea.  Jefferson  believed  that  he  could 
bring  the  offending  nations  to  terms  by  refusing  to 
trade  with  them.  He  therefore  obtained  from  Congress 
an  embargo  prohibiting  the  departure  of  our  ships 
from  our  own  ports.  The  navy  and  revenue  service 
were  called  upon  to  enforce  the  law.  The  chief  part 
in  this  disagreeable  task  was  played  by  Rodgers  at  New 
York,  as  the  commander  of  the  principal  naval  flo 
tilla.  Decatur  with  his  squadron  at  Norfolk  aided  in 
the  work,  as  did  other  naval  officers  at  less  important 
ports. 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  199 

The  cruising-grounds  of  Rodgers's  vessels  were  off 
some  of  the  chief  towns  and  inlets  between  the  Dela 
ware  and  Passamaquoddy  Bays.  The  cruiser  "Re 
venge  "  and  several  gunboats  guarded  the  coast  of  Long 
Island  and  New  Jersey  and  New  York  harbor.  Two 
of  the  gunboats  were  stationed  in  Passamaquoddy  Bay, 
one  at  Newburyport,  two  at  Barnstable,  one  at  New 
Bedford,  and  one  at  Newport.  Rodgers's  officer  in 
command  of  the  Passamaquoddy  station  found  his  po 
sition  exceedingly  irksome  owing  to  friction  with  the 
British.  In  spite  of  the  commodore's  efforts  the  em 
bargo  was  often  violated -most  often  on  the  New 
England  coast.  The  illicit  traders  were  wont  to  sail 
without  a  cargo  and  then  clandestinely  receive  one 
at  some  by-port,  little  frequented  bay,  or  from  lighters 
at  sea.  Sometimes  they  escaped  detection  by  cunning 
ly  concealing  their  load  beneath  the  ballast.  Now  and 
then  a  prize  was  captured,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  fol 
lowing  incident.  One  morning  after  a  gale,  the  com 
mander  of  "  Gunboat  No.  6,"  Lieutenant  James  Ren- 
shaw,  discovered  a  sloop  on  shore  at  Sandy  Hook.  She 
was  loaded  with  a  valuable  cargo  of  tobacco,  flour,  and 
salted  meats,  together  with  some  small  articles  adapted 
for  the  West  India  market,  such  as  combs,  matches, 
chairs,  seals,  and  keys.  Her  captain  and  crew  desert 
ed  her  on  the  approach  of  Renshaw,  who  took  possession 
of  his  valuable  prize. 

By  no  means  all  of  the  commodore's  time  was  em 
ployed  in  enforcing  the  embargo.  He  superintended 
the  construction  of  twenty-three  gunboats,  the  last 
of  Jefferson's  craft  that  were  built  at  New  York. 
He  overhauled  the  "Constitution"  and  the  bomb- 
ketch  "  Vesuvius."  Being  now  an  officer  of  distinction, 
he  was  in  much  demand  on  public  occasions.  In  May, 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


1808,  he  and  his  seamen  participated  in  the  ceremonies 
connected  with  the  interment  of  the  patriots  that  died 
at  Wallabout  Bay  on  board  British  prison  ships  during 
the  Revolution.  The  exercises  of  the  day,  which  were 
quite  elaborate  and  included  an  oration  at  the  tomb, 
were  in  charge  of  the  Tammany  Society.  About  this 
time  the  commodore  became  a  member  of  the  United 
States  Military  Philosophical  Society. 

The  first  months  of  1809  constitute  a  turning-point 
in  our  naval  history.  With  the  retirement  of  Jefferson 
from  the  government,  the  gunboat  policy  was  abandoned, 
and  "  the  cockboats  or  whirligigs  of  the  sage  of  Monti- 
cello"  disappeared  from  view  with  their  promoter. 
Early  in  the  spring  the  chief  clerk  of  the  navy  depart 
ment,  Charles  W.  Goldsborough,  ordered  all  the  gun 
boats  (except  those  at  New  Orleans)  to  be  laid  up  in 
ordinary.  The  embargo  had  failed,  and  in  its  place 
was  now  substituted  nonintercourse  with  Great  Britain 
and  France;  with  all  other  countries  our  vessels  were 
permitted  to  trade.  The  enforcement  of  the  new  re 
strictive  measure  made  but  small  demands  upon  the 
navy.  The  failure  of  the  embargo,  our  unsettled  rela 
tions  with  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  the  continu 
ance  of  the  attacks  of  these  two  belligerents  on  our 
commerce  forced  the  administration,  however,  to  place 
almost  its  entire  seagoing  navy  in  commission.  Within 
a  few  months  some  three  thousand  seamen  were  enlisted 
and  eleven  vessels  were  prepared  for  sea.  These  ships 
with  the  four  that  had  been  used  in  enforcing  the  em 
bargo  made  a  considerable  fleet.  Its  largest  vessels 
were  the  frigates  "  Constitution,"  "  President,"  "  United 
States,"  "Chesapeake,"  "Essex,"  and  "John  Adams." 

In  the  midsummer  of  1809,  when  our  foreign  affairs 
had  assumed  a  more  peaceful  aspect,  the  navy  depart- 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  201 

ment  decided  to  follow  the  policy  of  keeping  its  ships 
in  commission  and  of  sending  them  on  practice  cruises. 
For  this  decision  credit  must  be  given  to  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  Paul  Hamilton  and  Chief  Clerk  Charles  W. 
Goldsborough.  From  1809  until  1812  the  larger  part 
of  our  seagoing  navy  was  engaged  in  cruising  off  the 
Atlantic  coast  and  in  carrying  dispatches  abroad.  The 
valuable  training  that  our  officers  and  seamen  thus  ob 
tained  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  their  signal 
success  in  the  War  of  1812.  During  these  years  not  a 
few  of  the  young  commanders  who  won  great  distinc 
tion  in  the  war  served  under  Commodores  Rodgers  and 
Decatur  and  received  from  these  two  veterans  in  the 
service  an  invaluable  professional  training. 

The  early  part  of  the  winter  of  1808-1809,  Rodgers 
spent  at  Washington,  whither  he  had  been  called  from 
New  York  to  act  as  president  of  a  court  of  enquiry  con 
vened  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  Commodore  Thomas 
Tingey,  the  commandant  of  the  Washington  navy-yard, 
who  had  been  charged  with  various  misdemeanors  by 
his  purser.  Rodgers  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
his  friend  exonerated.  On  the  completion  of  this 
duty  he  was  granted  a  brief  furlough  to  visit  his  family 
at  Havre  de  Grace.  Here  early  in  February,  1809,  he 
received  orders  to  proceed  to  New  York  and  prepare 
the  "Constitution"  for  sea.  He  arrived  at  his  station 
about  the  middle  of  the  month.  In  the  spring  and  early 
summer,  in  addition  to  the  "  Constitution,"  there  were 
at  New  York  under  his  command  the  "  Siren,"  Master- 
commandant  Charles  Gordon;  " Vixen,"  Lieutenant 
Charles  Ludlow;  "Argus,"  Lieutenant  O.  H.  Perry; 
and  "Wasp,"  Lieutenant  James  Lawrence;  all  of  which 
vessels  were  being  fitted  out  for  sea.  An  agreeable 
duty  that  fell  to  the  commodore  at  this  time  was  the 

13 


202  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

dismantling  and  laying  up  at  New  York  of  fifty-two 
gunboats. 

The  "Constitution"  weighed  anchor  on  her  first 
cruise  of  instruction  and  observation  on  August  15,  1809. 
After  visiting  Newport  and  New  London  she  returned 
to  New  York.  On  September  eighth,  she  again  went  to 
sea,  this  time  in  company  with  the  "Essex"  and  "Argus." 
Two  days  later  she  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  several 
masts  and  yards,  and  a  seaman  stationed  at  the  mast 
head  was  killed.  This  accident  was  not  caused  by 
heavy  weather,  as  the  wind  was  light  at  the  time,  but 
by  the  poor  quality  of  the  wood  used  in  the  construc 
tion  of  the  spars.  Returning  to  port,  Rodgers  soon 
sailed  for  Hampton  Roads  for  repairs.  By  the  middle 
of  November,  1809,  the  "Constitution"  was  once  more 
at  New  York,  where  she  remained  during  the  ensuing 
winter.  In  the  spring  of  1810,  she  was  again  at  sea,  and 
off  Sandy  Hook  she  captured  the  ships  "  Golconda"  of 
New  York  and  "Rose"  of  Philadelphia  for  violating 
the  nonintercourse  act  These  vessels  had  sailed  from 
Liverpool  and  were  laden  with  English  manufactures. 

In  January,  1810,  Rodgers  was  called  to  Washington 
to  preside  over  a  board,  composed  of  himself  and  Cap 
tains  Tingey  and  Chauncey,  and  convened  to  consider 
the  best  methods  for  repairing  the  frigates  "  Congress," 
"Constellation,"  "New  York,"  and  "Adams,"  which 
were  lying  in  ordinary  at  the  Washington  yard.  The 
convening  of  this  board  is  one  of  several  indications 
that  the  navy  was  awakening  from  the  lethargy  that  had 
fallen  over  it  during  the  last  administration  of  Jeffer 
son.  Rodgers  was  at  this  time  interested  in  the  creation 
of  a  permanent  board  of  navy  commissioners,  in  the  es 
tablishment  of  naval  hospitals,  and  in  several  other 
measures  of  naval  reform  and  betterment.  He  set  forth 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  203 

his  views  at  length  on  a  system  for  dockyards  and 
everything  connected  with  the  equipment  of  ships. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  Hamilton,  who  had  a  high  re 
gard  for  the  commodore's  professional  ability,  was  fa 
vorably  impressed  with  his  observations  on  these  sub 
jects. 

The  questions  of  naval  discipline  that  Rodgers  was 
called  upon  to  deal  with  during  these  years  of  peace 
were  not  especially  important.  Now  and  then  a  young 
officer  guilty  of  intoxication  or  other  improprieties  was 
permitted  to  resign  from  the  navy.  Too  often  the  com 
modore's  young  midshipmen,  over  sensitive  as  to  points 
of  honor  while  suffering  from  some  trivial  or  imagi 
nary  offense,  maintained  their  professional  reputation 
with  appropriate  weapons  and  bled  in  vindication  of 
their  pride.  On  one  occasion  Midshipman  Redick  en 
tered  the  mess-room  of  his  vessel  at  dinner  time  with 
his  hat  on;  thereupon  Midshipman  Barrymore  ex 
claimed  "  Damn  you,  Redick,  take  off  your  hat!"  To 
this  the  offending  youth  observed,  "  Barrymore  you 
have  often  taken  improper  liberties  with  me,  and  I 
therefore  wish  to  have  nothing  further  to  do  with  you." 
Barrymore  insisted  that  these  words  be  explained.  A 
hostile  meeting,  in  proper  form,  took  place  in  an  orchard 
about  a  mile  from  the  New  York  navy-yard.  One  of 
the  principals  was  wounded  in  the  hip;  the  other  es 
caped  injury.  On  another  occasion  Midshipman  Dan- 
ielson,  a  stepson  of  General  William  Eaton,  fought 
Midshipman  Schuyler  for  no  good  reason  that  was  ever 
assigned.  Having  repaired  to  the  dueling  grounds  they 
went  through  the  forms  from  motives  of  bravado,  since 
they  were  ashamed  to  return  without  fighting.  Dan- 
ielson  was  shot  through  the  heart,  and  Schuyler  ab 
sconded  into  New  Jersey.  In  1810,  Midshipman  Mor- 


204  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

gan  killed  Midshipman  Rodgers  in  a  duel.  Morgan 
was  badly  wounded.  His  second  was  Midshipman 
Hamilton  ,  a  son  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy. 

In  cases  of  this  sort  Rodgers,  with  a  view  (as  he  said) 
"  to  discourage  a  practice  so  much  at  variance  with 
morality  and  the  common  law  of  the  country,"  ordered 
the  arrest  and  the  suspension  from  duty  of  the  seconds 
and  the  surviving  principal  or  principals.  Since  the 
laws  of  the  navy  did  not  punish  dueling  and  the  naval 
customs  upheld  it,  the  offending  officers  were  usually 
after  a  brief  confinement  released  and  restored  to  duty. 
In  this  connection  it  is  a  pleasure  to  record  that  in  1807, 
six  of  Rodgers's  lieutenants,  headed  by  Lawrence  and 
Perry,  submitted  to  him  a  plan  for  a  "  Court  of  Honor" 
designed  to  prevent  dueling  in  the  navy.  The  character 
of  the  court  may  be  seen  from  the  following  provision: 
"  In  every  contest  between  officers  of  whatever  nature 
it  may  be,  the  party  aggrieved  shall  be  obliged  to  lay 
the  circumstances  before  the  court  for  their  investiga 
tion  and  decision."  What  action  was  taken  on  the  lieu 
tenant's  plan  is  not  known. 

In  1 8 10,  Robert  Fulton,  the  celebrated  inventor  and 
engineer,  published  a  work  on  torpedo  war  and  sub 
marine  explosions,  in  which  he  argued  that  his  newly- 
invented  torpedoes  were  destined  to  supersede  navies 
as  a  form  of  national  defense.  These  claims  aroused 
the  ire  of  Rodgers  who  naturally  held  a  brief  for  his 
profession.  He  rightly  regarded  them  as  highly  ex 
travagant.  In  his  opinion  the  navy  was  in  danger  of 
being  inflicted  with  a  torpedo  heresy  that  would  prove 
as  disastrous  to  it  as  Jefferson's  gunboat  heresy.  He 
therefore  wrote  and  spoke  most  spiritedly  against  Ful 
ton's  invention,  declaring  that  it  was  defective  in  prin 
ciple  and  futile  in  practice  as  far  as  ships  of  war  were 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  205 

concerned.  He  claimed  to  be  able  by  a  few  minutes' 
work  to  render  a  vessel  absolutely  proof  against  tor 
pedoes,  and  he  declared  that  he  would  be  as  safe  upon 
a  vessel  thus  prepared  for  defense  as  a  "  Spaniard  be 
lieves  himself  to  be  in  his  sanctuary  or  a  Turk  does  in 
his  mosque  during  the  service  of  the  alcoran."  The 
commodore  naturally  did  not  foresee  the  future  of  tor 
pedoes,  nor  did  he  at  this  time  do  justice  to  the  charac 
ter  and  genius  of  Fulton,  whom  he  (and  in  this  he  was 
not  alone)  was  inclined  to  regard  as  a  visionary  char 
latan. 

In  this  connection  one  may  quote  Rodgers's  account 
of  a  conversation  which  he  had  in  the  spring  of  iSiowith 
one  of  Napoleon's  great  generals,  who  was  exiled  to 
America  for  conspiring  against  his  master: 

"  I  dined  in  company  with  General  Moreau  a  few 
days  since,  who  gave  me  the  history  of  Fulton's  pro 
posing  the  scheme  [respecting  torpedoes]  to  Bonaparte, 
with  the  opinions  and  conduct  of  the  latter  on  the  sub 
ject.  I  asked,  moreover,  if  he  had  read  Fulton's  book, 
and  his  reply  was,  'No,'  that  he  would  not  read  such 
nonsense.  General  Moreau  is  too  communicative,  I 
think,  to  be  that  extraordinary  great  man  which  he  is 
generally  considered.  He  denies  that  the  world  has 
produced  an  honest  man  since  the  birth  of  Adam;  that 
between  nations,  according  to  his  maxims,  might  con 
stitutes  right;  and  that  nations  as  well  as  individuals  are 
justified  in  practicing  deceptions  of  any  kind  and  in  any 
way  for  their  own  benefit.  He  observed  that,  if  Mr. 
Fulton  could  so  far  deceive  Congress  as  to  obtain  fifteen 
or  twenty  thousand  dollars  for  nothing,  he  was  justified 
in  so  doing.  These  are  not  sentiments  which  a  great 
man  would  expose  to  the  world,  whatever  he  might 
think  on  such  subjects.  Some  allowance,  however,  is  to 


206  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

be  made  for  General  Moreau's  being  a  Frenchman. 
These  sentiments  accord  exactly  with  the  account  which 
the  history  of  the  French  Revolution  gives  of  this  denun 
ciation  of  his  friend  Pichegru  to  the  Directors." 

Moreau's  observation  in  respect  to  the  deceiving  of 
Congress  has  reference  to  Fulton's  application  to  that 
body  for  an  appropriation  to  try  his  torpedoes.  In 
March,  1810,  Fulton  was  voted  five  thousand  dollars 
for  that  purpose.  The  navy  department  appointed  a 
committee  of  distinguished  citizens,  among  whom  were 
Oliver  Wolcott  and  Chancellor  Livingston,  to  witness 
the  test.  It  also  requested  Commodore  Rodgers  and 
Captain  Chauncey  to  attend  it  and  to  conduct  the  de 
fense  against  the  torpedoes.  The  place  selected  for  the 
trial  was  the  East  River,  opposite  Corlear's  Hook,  in 
New  York  Harbor.  The  vessel  chosen  was  the  brig 
"  Argus,"  and  the  officer  to  make  the  preparations,  Lieu 
tenant  James  Lawrence.  He  borrowed  the  splinter- 
net  of  the  frigate  "President"  (an  article  designed  to 
catch  wooden  splinters  during  an  action)  ,  hung  it 
around  the  brig  at  the  end  of  some  extra  spars,  and 
weighted  it  with  grapnels  and  kentledge.  Lawrence  was 
only  fifteen  minutes  in  making  the  defense.  Fulton  ac 
knowledged  that  his  torpedoes  could  not  penetrate  the 
net,  and  he  asked  for  time  to  design  a  machine  that 
would  do  so.  This  was  to  consist  of  a  combination  of 
knives  and  was  to  be  fired  from  a  gun.  The  time  was 
granted,  but  Fulton  failed  to  make  good,  and  the  com 
mittee  reported  adversely  to  his  invention.  In  trans 
mitting  an  account  of  the  experiments  to  the  secretary 
of  the  navy,  Rodgers  wrote  as  follows :  "You  will  recol 
lect,  sir,  that  Mr.  Fulton  has  exerted  himself  to  impose 
a  belief  on  the  minds  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
that  his  project  was  calculated  to  supersede  the  necessi- 


DUTIES  ON  SHORE  AND  AT  SEA  207 

ty  of  a  navy,  and  that  under  these  expectations  much  was 
anticipated  from  the  experiments  which  were  author 
ized  to  be  made  at  this  place;  yet  that  nothing  has  been 
done  farther  than  what  serves  to  demonstrate  that  he 
has  not  only  deceived  himself  by  such  an  unqualified 
assertion,  but  every  other  individual  who  has  placed 
any  reliance  in  his  scheme  of  offensive  and  defensive 
war  as  described  in  his  book  entitled  'Torpedo  War.'" 


IX.    THE  "  PRESIDENT  "  AND  "  LITTLE 
BELT":     1810-1811 24 

LATE  in  May,  1810,  after  a  brief  cruise  on  the  At 
lantic  coast,  Commodore  Rodgers  arrived  at  Ann 
apolis  with  the  "  Constitution,""  Argus,"  and  "Wasp." 
From  that  place  he  soon  proceeded  to  Washington  to 
confer  with  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  who  was  about 
to  make  new  arrangements  for  the  fleet.  These  had 
been  rendered  necessary  by  the  expiration  on  May  first 
of  the  Nonintercourse  Act  and  the  passage  on  the  same 
day  of  Macon's  Bill  No.  10,  which  prohibited  the  en 
trance  into  our  waters  of  all  British  and  French  armed 
vessels,  except  official  packets  and  such  ships  as  might 
be  forced  into  port  by  distress  or  accident.  Morever, 
the  navy  department,  no  longer  dominated  by  Jefferson 
and  his  policy  of  nonresistance,  now  manifested  a  strong 
disposition  to  protect  American  interests,  redress  past 
injuries,  and  prepare  for  any  emergency.  Madison's 
secretary  of  the  navy,  Paul  Hamilton  of  South  Carolina, 
was  a  sober  dignified  gentleman  of  the  old  school,  ar 
dently  patriotic  after  the  fashion  of  1776.  He  was  dis 
posed  to  resist  by  force  any  insults  offered  to  our  sea 
men  and  commerce.  In  the  early  summer  of  1810,  he 
reorganized  the  fleet  and  issued  new  orders  to  the  com 
manders  in  conformity  with  the  new  naval  policy  of 
resistance  to  aggression.  He  gave  to  Rodgers  the  prin- 

24  This  chapter  is  based  chiefly  on  the  Rodgers  Papers,  the  official  letters 
of  the  navy  department,  the  correspondence  relating  to  the  "Little  Belt," 
printed  in  the  American  State  Papers,  "Foreign  Relations,"  vol.  iii,  471-499, 
and  the  log  of  the  "Little  Belt."  See  also  Henry  Adams's  History  of  the 
United  States,  vol.  vi,  chap,  ii,  and  the  Londop  Times,  Dec.  7,  1811. 


210  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

cipal  command,  "  the  northern  division  of  ships  for  the 
protection  of  the  American  coast."  Decatur  received 
the  command  of  the  southern  division.  His  rendezvous 
was  Norfolk,  and  Rodgers's  New  York.  In  addition  to 
the  two  chief  squadrons,  small  flotillas  were  maintained 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  and  New  Orleans. 

Rodgers's  division  as  organized  late  in  the  summer 
of  1 8 10  consisted  of  his  flag-ship  "  President,"  44,  Mas 
ter-commandant  Charles  Ludlow;  frigate  "Constitu 
tion,"  44,  Captain  Isaac  Hull;  brig  "Argus,"  18, 
Lieutenant  James  Lawrence;  and  also  schooner  "Re 
venge,"  12,  Lieutenant  O.  H.  Perry.  Always  fortu 
nate  in  his  choice  of  officers,  Rodgers  was  especially  so 
at  this  time.  A  more  brilliant  naval  trio  than  Hull, 
Lawrence,  and  Perry  was  not  to  be  found.  Ludlow, 
who  resigned  from  the  navy  in  1811,  was  as  highly  re 
garded  as  his  three  colleagues.  The  lieutenants  of  the 
"President,"  J.  O.  Creighton,  R.  H.  J.  Perry,  Thomas 
Gamble,  and  A.  J.  Dallas,  were  excellent  officers.  Three 
of  her  midshipmen,  Matthew  C.  Perry,  Joseph  Smith, 
and  Silas  Stringham,  rose  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  navy 
and  achieved  great  professional  honors. 

On  being  offered  his  choice  of  flag-ship,  Rodgers  pre 
ferred  the  "President"  to  her  sister  frigate,  the  "Con 
stitution."  The  "  President"  was  built  at  New  York 
in  1800  by  Forman  Cheeseman,  naval  constructor.  Her 
measurements  were  as  follows:  length  of  gun-deck  175 
feet,  breadth  of  beam  43.6  feet,  depth  of  hold  14.3  feet, 
length  of  main-yard  92  feet,  and  length  of  maintopmast 
58  feet.  Her  burden  was  1444  tons.  She  mounted 
fifty-eight  guns;  thirty-two  long  24-pounders  on  her 
main  deck;  sixteen  42-pound  carronades  on  her  quar 
ter-deck;  and  eight  42-pound  carronades,  and  two 
long  24's  as  chase  guns,  on  her  forecastle.  It  is  said 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       211 

that  the  lines  of  the  "President"  were  finer,  her  scant 
ling  heavier,  and  her  spars  proportionately  longer  and 
thicker  than  those  of  any  British  ship  of  equal  or  even 
superior  rate.  Her  sides  were  twenty  inches  thick, 
while  the  sides  of  the  seventy-four  gun  ship  "  Hero"  of 
the  Royal  Navy  were  only  nineteen  inches  thick.  Rod- 
gers  took  command  of  the  "  President"  on  June  17, 1810, 
at  Hampton  Roads,  exchanging  vessels,  officers,  and 
crews  with  Captain  Hull.  Pending  the  completion  of 
the  new  arrangements  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  the 
commodore  made  a  cruise  northward  to  New  York  and 
eastward  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  Passamaquoddy  Bay, 
returning  to  Hampton  Roads  on  July  sixteenth. 

Rodgers's  new  duties  are  set  forth  in  several  orders 
of  the  department  issued  in  June  and  July,  1810.  He 
was  to  protect  our  merchantmen  within  a  league  of  the 
coast  from  molestation  by  British  or  French  ships.  He 
was  to  seize  all  private  armed  vessels  that  were  illegally 
fitted  out  in  our  ports,  wherever  found.  He  was  to  re 
port  all  American  citizens  detected  in  assisting  or  sup 
plying  foreign  armed  ships.  When  called  upon  he  was 
to  aid  the  collector  of  a  port  in  compelling  armed  ves 
sels  to  depart  from  our  waters.  On  meeting  foreign 
ships  of  war,  he  was  to  govern  his  conduct  by  the  follow 
ing  general  directions  of  Secretary  Hamilton,  dated 
June  9,  1810: 

[As  in]  "the  arrangement  of  our  navy  according  to 
my  orders  of  the  5th  instant  authorizing  operations  on 
somewhat  of  an  extended  scale  it  is  probable  that  in 
your  cruising  you  may  meet  with  foreign  ships  of  war, 
it  is  proper  that  I  give  you  a  short  exposition  of  my  sen 
timents  on  this  occasion,  which  you  are  to  take  as  gen 
eral  orders  and  communicate  them  to  the  officers  and 
seamen  under  your  command.  You  like  every  other 


212  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

patriotic  American  have  observed  and  deeply  feel  the 
injuries  and  insults  heaped  on  our  country  by  the  two 
great  belligerents  of  Europe,  and  you  must  also  be 
lieve  that  (calculating  by  the  past)  from  neither  are 
we  to  expect  either  liberality  or  justice;  but  on  the  con 
trary  no  opportunity  will  be  lost  of  adding  to  the  out 
rages  to  which  for  years  we  have  been  subjected. 
Amongst  these  stand  most  conspicuous  the  inhuman 
and  dastardly  attack  on  our  frigate  l  Chesapeake  '-an 
outrage  which  prostrated  the  flag  of  our  country  and 
has  imposed  on  the  American  people  cause  of  ceaseless 
mourning.  That  same  spirit  which  originated  and  has 
refused  atonement  for  this  act  of  brutal  injustice  ex 
ists  still  with  Great  Britain;  and  from  France  likewise 
we  have  no  reason  to  expect  any  regard  for  our  rights. 
What  has  been  perpetrated,  may  again  be  attempted; 
it  is  therefore  our  duty  to  be  prepared  and  determined 
at  every  hazard  to  vindicate  the  injured  honor  of  our 
navy  and  revive  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  nation.  In 
fluenced  by  these  considerations,  it  is  expected  that 
while  you  conduct  the  force  under  your  command  con 
sistently  with  the  principles  of  a  strict  and  upright  neu 
trality,  you  are  to  maintain  and  support  at  any  risk  and 
cost  the  dignity  of  your  flag;  and  that  offering,  yourself, 
no  unjust  aggression,  you  are  to  submit  to  none -not 
even  a  menace  or  threat  from  a  force  not  materially 
your  superior.  Appreciating  as  I  do  your  good  sense 
and  honorable  feeling,  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  be 
more  particular  on  this  topic.  I  will  therefore  only  add 
that,  relying  on  your  patriotism  and  valor,  I  offer  you 
my  best  wishes  for  your  honor,  prosperity,  and  happi 
ness." 

These  fervid  expressions  of  patriotism  and  righteous 
indignation  met  with  a  hearty  response  in  the  breast  of 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       213 

every  officer  of  the  navy.  On  receiving  them  Rodgers 
wrote  to  Hamilton  that  he  highly  appreciated  the  mo 
tive  that  had  produced  them.  He  agreed  with  his  su 
perior  that  the  attack  on  the  "  Chesapeake "  was  as 
"  dastardly  as  it  was  inhuman  and  unjust,  and  altho  it 
has  not  taught  us  the  commission  of  insults,  it  has  never 
theless  (I  am  satisfied)  not  learned  us  to  submit  to 
them.  I  therefore  flatter  myself,  sir,  that  should  a  simi 
lar  indignity  be  again  offered  to  our  flag  by  any  force 
that  is  not  vastly  our  superior,  England  will  have  no  just 
reason  to  triumph  at  the  result.  Under  these  consider 
ations,  and  with  this  view  of  the  subject,  I  shall  agree 
ably  to  your  orders  conduct  the  force,  which  you  have 
been  pleased  to  place  under  my  command,  consistently 
with  the  principles  of  strict  neutrality,  at  the  same  time 
I  hope  in  a  manner  that  will  give  our  already  much 
injured  country  no  cause  to  blush  should  the  exercise 
of  that  disposition  not  meet  a  similar  return." 

In  accordance  with  his  orders,  the  commodore  sent 
each  of  his  commanders  a  copy  of  Hamilton's  short 
exposition,  to  which  he  added  a  few  words  of  his  own: 
"  I  have  only  to  observe,  that  in  the  event  of  such  indig 
nities  being  offered  to  our  flag  as  to  which  the  foregoing 
transcript  from  the  Honorable  the  Secretary's  letter  al 
ludes  (and  wrhich  I  consider  as  being  far  from  impos 
sible),  much  will  be  expected  of  us;  as  in  case  of  such 
an  occurrence,  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  our 
country  that  is  capable  of  distinguishing  meritorious 
conduct  from  that  of  a  different  character  will  be  dis 
posed  to  examine  into  our  actions  with  jealous  and 
scrutinizing  eyes,  equally  ready  to  applaud  those  cal 
culated  to  do  honor  to  our  insulted  country,  as  they  will 
be  active  in  consigning  our  names  to  disgrace  and  even 
the  very  vessels  composing  at  present  our  little  navy 


2i4  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  the  ravages  of  the  worms  or  the  detestable  transmi 
gration  to  merchantmen,  should  we  not  fulfil  their  ex 
pectations.  Circumstanced  as  we  are  with  the  two  great 
European  belligerents  of  Europe  (and  particularly 
England)  I  should  consider  the  firing  of  a  shot  by  a 
vessel  of  war  of  either  nation  at  one  of  our  public  ves 
sels,  whilst  the  colors  of  her  nation  are  flying  on  board 
of  her,  as  a  menace  of  the  grossest  order,  and  in  amount 
an  insult  which  it  would  be  disgraceful  not  to  resent 
by  the  return  of  two  shots  at  least.  And  that  under  sim 
ilar  circumstances,  should  a  shot  be  fired  at  one  of  our 
vessels  and  strike  any  part  of  her,  it  ought  to  be  consid 
ered  an  act  of  hostility  meriting  chastisement  to  the 
utmost  of  all  your  force." 

These  spirited  communications  show  that  the  secre 
tary  of  the  navy  and  his  commanders  were  no  longer  in 
a  mood  to  submit  patiently  to  injuries  committed  by  the 
ships  of  Great  Britain  and  France.  They  were  disposed 
to  welcome  an  opportunity  to  revenge  the  humiliation 
of  the  "  Chesapeake."  They,  however,  expressed  their 
intention  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality,  to  use  force 
only  to  repel  force,  to  fire  when  fired  upon.  That  the 
navy  was  determined  not  to  be  the  aggressor  is  indicat 
ed  by  the  fact  that  it  acted  under  the  foregoing  orders 
for  a  year  before  a  hostile  encounter  took  place.  More 
over,  on  at  least  one  occassion  a  naval  vessel  under  great 
provocation  showed  a  most  peaceable  spirit.  On  June 
24,  1810,  the  brig  "Vixen,"  Lieutenant  John  Trippe, 
on  a  voyage  to  New  Orleans  fell  in  with  His  Britannic 
Majesty's  brig  "Moselle"  and  was  fired  upon  by  the 
British  vessel.  One  shot  passed  over  the  quarter-deck 
of  the  "Vixen"  and  carried  away  her  mainboom. 
Trippe  did  not  return  the  fire;  and 'he  accepted  an  apol 
ogy,  which,  under  the  circumstances  attending  the  out- 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       215 

rage,  was  lamentably  weak.  The  commander  of  the 
"  Moselle "  said  that  he  mistook  the  American  vessel 
for  a  French  one  and  that  the  shot  which  carried  away 
the  mainboom  of  the  "Vixen"  was  not  intended. 

Acting  under  his  new  orders,  Rodgers  on  June  twen 
tieth  seized  at  Hampton  Roads  the  French  privateer 
schooner  "Revanche  du  Cerf,"  Captain  Jean  Jacques 
Bonne,  mounting  four  guns  and  carrying  forty-nine 
men.  In  April,  this  privateer  had  put  into  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  in  distress.  After  refitting,  she  sailed 
ostensibly  for  France.  She  proceeded,  however,  direct 
ly  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where  she  fell  in  with  and 
captured  two  Spanish  ships,  taking  out  of  them  all  their 
valuables  before  releasing  them.  She  then  returned 
to  the  Atlantic,  and,  running  out  of  water  and  pro 
visions,  came  into  Hampton  Roads  to  replenish  her  sup 
plies,  falsely  alleging  that  she  had  lost  some  of  her  spars 
off  Cape  Henry.  It  was  rumored  that  she  had  fired 
into  one  of  our  coasting  vessels.  The  case  of  her  cap 
ture  was  referred  to  the  United  States  district  court  at 
Richmond,  Virginia.  What  disposition  was  made  of 
her  by  the  court  is  not  known. 

Early  in  August  the  vessels  of  the  commodore's  fleet 
proceeded  to  their  stations.  The  "Argus"  made  her 
headquarters  at  Boston  and  cruised  from  Eastport, 
Maine,  to  the  South  Shoal  of  Nantucket.  The  cruising 
grounds  of  the  "  Revenge"  extended  from  the  southern 
limits  given  above  to  Montauk  Point,  and  her  rendez 
vous  was  Newport.  The  "President's"  station  lay 
between  Montauk  Point  and  Cape  May,  and  her  ren 
dezvous  was  New  York.  The  "  Constitution"  had  her 
rendezvous  at  Newcastle  and  she  cruised  between  Cape 
May  and  Cape  Henry.  With  the  details  of  the  opera 
tions  of  the  commodore's  fleet  this  narrative  is  not  con- 


2i6  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

cerned.  The  movements  of  the  "  President,"  however, 
will  be  illustrated  by  a  few  extracts  from  her  journal: 

"Aug.  12:  At  six  p.m.  discovered  a  sail  in  the  N.W., 
having  the  appearance  of  a  small  vessel  of  war,  made 
sail  and  gave  chase.  At  half  past  six,  supposing  the 
chase  to  be  the  '  Revenge,'  made  the  '  Revenge's '  signal, 
at  which  time  she  made  a  signal  consisting  of  three  flags 
and  hoisted  English  colors;  and  shortly  after  she  bore 
up  and  stood  for  us  and  at  the  distance  of  about  two 
gun-shots  to  windward  of  us,  finding  we  were  not  Eng 
lish  (which  from  her  maneuvers  I  judge  she  had  mis 
taken  us  for),  she  hauled  her  wind  and  made  sail  from 
us,  but  at  half  past  seven,  finding  we  were  coming  up 
with  her  very  fast  she  bore  up.  At  eight  spoke  her  and 
discovered  her  to  be  His  British  Majesty's  schooner 
*  Vesta'  on  a  cruise.  At  two  a.m.  sounded  in  forty  fath 
oms'  water.  At  eight  sounded  in  twenty-two  fathoms' 
water,  at  which  time  from  the  whitish  appearance  of  the 
water  I  judged  that  we  were  near  the  South  Shoal  of 
Nantucket,  but  it  being  extremely  foggy  saw  nothing 
of  it. 

"Aug.  1 6.  At  one  p.m.  spoke  an  English  schooner 
from  New  Providence,  thirteen  days  out  bound  to  Hal 
ifax.  From  midnight  to  meridian,  fresh  breezes  and 
clear  pleasant  weather.  At  half  past  eleven  a.m.  dis 
covered  a  sail  in  the  N.W.,  and  sent  up  topgallant  yards, 
made  sail  and  gave  chase. 

"Aug.  17.  Variable  winds  and  pleasant  weather,  all 
sail  set  in  chase.  At  half  past  five  p.m.  came  up  with 
and  spoke  the  chase,  which  proved  to  be  the  ship 
'Union'  of  Providence  (R.I.),  four  days  from  New 
York  bound  for  Liverpool. 

"Aug.  19.  At  half  past  five  a.m.  in  twenty-one  fath 
oms'  water,  Sandy  Hook  bearing  N.W.,  distant  nine  or 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       217 

ten  leagues,  spoke  His  British  Majesty's  schooner  'Ves 
ta'  on  a  cruise.  At  ten  a.m.  the  weather  assuming  a  very 
unsettled  appearance  and  the  wind  being  E.S.E.  tacked 
to  the  S.S.E.  At  meridian  the  schooner  'Vesta'  still  in 
sight. 

"Aug.  20.  At  half  past  five  a.m.  discovered  three  sail 
in  the  E.N.E.,  made  sail  and  gave  chase.  At  six  spoke  a 
schooner  from  Boston  bound  to  Norfolk.  At  a  quarter 
past  six  a  second  vessel  of  the  chase  hoisted  English  col 
ors  and  proved  to  be  the  'Vesta'  which  we  had  spoken 
the  day  before.  At  eight  spoke  the  third  vessel  of  the 
chase,  which  proved  to  be  the  ship  '  Huntress'  of  and 
bound  to  New  York,  thirty-seven  days  from  Madeira. 

"Aug.  22.  At  half  past  six  a.m.,  being  in  twenty-five 
fathoms'  water,  discovered  a  strange  sail  to  windward 
bearing  S.S.W.  At  seven  hauled  up  in  a  direction  to  in 
tersect  the  line  of  her  course.  At  nine  a.m.  the  before- 
mentioned  sail  hoisted  English  colors.  At  eleven  dis 
covered  her  to  be  a  frigate,  cleared  ship  for  action  and 
gave  chase.  At  meridian  the  chase  being  about  two 
leagues  to  windward  beat  to  quarters. 

"Aug.  23.  At  half  past  two  let  one  reef  out  of  top 
sails  and  set  top-gallant  sails.  At  a  quarter  past  three 
the  chase  tacked.  At  half  past  three  tacked  in  pursuit 
of  the  chase.  At  four  the  chase  hoved  to,  and  it  shortly 
after  falling  calm,  a  boat  was  sent  from  her  to  inform 
me  that  she  was  His  Britannic  Majesty's  frigate  'Ven 
us,'  commanded  by  Captain  Crawford  bound  to  New 
York,  and  that  the  object  of  her  mission  was  to  land  Mr. 
Morier,  as  minister  resident  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Jackson 
who  was  to  return  to  England  in  the  same  frigate.  At 
half  past  five  beat  a  retreat  and  secured  the  guns.  At 
sunset  the  Highlands  of  Neversink  bore  N.W.  by  N.  ^ 
N.,  distant  eight  or  nine  leagues.  At  nine  a.m.  received 


218  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

a  pilot  on  board  and  anchored  outside  of  Sandy  Hook 
Bar. 

"Aug.  24.  At  half  past  nine  a.m.  discovered  the  na 
tional  schooner  '  Vesta'  in  the  act  of  boarding  a  ship, 
about  four  or  five  leagues  from  the  land,  weighed  and 
gave  chase,  at  which  instant  she  made  all  sail  and  stood 
to  the  E.N.E.  At  three  quarters  past  ten  tacked  for  the 
purpose  of  speaking  the  ship  that  the  '  Vesta'  had  board 
ed,  and  which  proved  to  be  the  Spanish  ship  'Oceana,' 
fifty-four  days  from  Liverpool.  The  master  of  the 
'Oceana'  informed  me  that  the  'Vesta'  had  impressed 
a  seaman  from  him  (by  birth  a  Spaniard),  but,  after 
taking  him  on  board  and  discovering  that  he  was  an  in 
valid,  returned  him  again. 

"Aug.  25.  At  one  p.m.  made  sail  and  stood  in  for  the 
bar.  At  three  passed  the  British  national  brig  *  Snap  ' 
(commanded  by  Lieutenant  Barclay  and  said  to  be 
charged  with  dispatches)  lying  at  anchor  inside  of 
Sandy  Hook.  At  half  past  five  p.m.  anchored  in  seven 
fathoms'  water  in  a  direction  between  the  Battery  and 
Pouler's  Hook. 

"Aug.  25  to  Aug.  31,  civil  time.  Nothing  occurred 
worthy  of  remark  further  than  that  the  U.S.  brig  'Ar 
gus,'  Lieutenant  James  Lawrence,  commander,  arrived 
on  the  3Oth  from  a  cruise  in  Boston  bay;  and  that  the 
U.S.  schooner  '  Revenge,'  commanded  by  Lieutenant  O. 
H.  Perry,  sailed  for  Newport,  her  rendezvous,  on  the 


The  ships  of  Rodgers's  squadron  spent  the  fall  of  1810 
alternately  cruising  on  their  stations  and  refitting  in 
port.  About  the  middle  of  December  they  all  arrived 
at  New  London,  their  winter  quarters.  The  three  suc 
ceeding  months  were  not  especially  eventful  to  the  com 
modore.  That  his  young  officers  might  be  usefully 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       219 

employed  and  be  kept  from  mischief,  he  ordered  a  sur 
vey  of  Gardiner's  Bay  and  the  harbors  of  Newport  and 
New  London  to  be  made.  These  were  among  the  very 
first  surveying  duties  performed  by  our  naval  officers. 
While  the  "  Revenge"  was  engaged  in  this  work  she  ran 
aground  and  was  lost.  A  court  of  enquiry  that  investi 
gated  the  cause  of  the  accident  decided  that  the  com 
mander  of  the  vessel,  Lieutenant  O.  H.  Perry,  was 
blameless.  The  monotony  of  the  winter  was  further 
broken  by  a  duel  between  two  midshipmen  of  the  "  Con 
stitution."  The  hostile  meeting  was  held  about  fifteen 
miles  from  New  London,  and  resulted  in  the  death  of 
one  of  the  principals,  Charles  L.  Fowle.  Late  in  Feb 
ruary,  1811,  the  commodore  visited  Newport  to  ascer 
tain  the  fitness  of  the  frigate  "John  Adams"  for  a  Euro 
pean  voyage. 

The  rendezvous  at  New  London  was  broken  up  on 
March  twentieth,  when  the  "  President"  sailed  for  New 
York  and  the  "  Constitution"  for  Boston.  On  April 
twenty-second,  Rodgers  left  New  York  for  a  brief  prac 
tice  cruise  on  his  station,  with  permission  to  touch  at 
Annapolis  and  to  spend  a  few  days  visiting  his  family 
at  Havre  de  Grace  and  transacting  some  private  business 
at  Baltimore.  After  cruising  eight  days  between  Sandy 
Hook  and  the  Chesapeake,  during  which  time  he  saw 
no  foreign  ships  of  war,  he  sailed  for  Annapolis,  where 
he  arrived  on  May  second.  Some  two  or  three  days 
later  he  went  to  Havre  de  Grace.  Here  on  May  eighth, 
he  received  the  following  order  from  Secretary  Hamil 
ton:  "I  am  informed  that  the  trade  of  New  York  is 
now  interrupted  by  British  and  French  cruisers  off  that 
port.  You  will  therefore  resume  your  station  at  New 
York  and  proceed  to  execute  my  orders  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  commerce  of  the  United  States."  A  similar 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


order  was  sent  to  Lieutenant  James  Lawrence,  of  the 
"Argus,"  which  vessel  also  was  at  Annapolis.  These 
communications  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy  were  plain, 
brief  statements  ordering  the  commanders  to  return  to 
their  stations  and  resume  their  duties.  The  one  ad 
dressed  to  Rodgers  was  dated  May  sixth  and  was  first 
sent  to  Annapolis,  since  Hamilton  supposed  that  the 
commodore  was  still  at  that  place.  From  Annapolis 
it  was  taken  to  Havre  de  Grace  by  Midshipman  M.  C. 
Perry  in  the  gig  of  the  "  President."  It  was  issued 
partly,  or  possibly  entirely,  as  the  result  of  the  impress 
ment  on  board  a  British  ship  of  an  American  citizen. 
Soon  after  Rodgers  left  New  York  two  British  naval 
vessels  appeared  off  that  port.  On  May  first  one  of 
them,  the  frigate  "  Guerriere,"  overhauled  the  Ameri 
can  merchant  brig  "  Spitfire"  and  took  from  her  John 
Diggio,  an  apprentice  to  the  master  of  the  brig  and  a 
native  of  Maine. 

On  receiving  Hamilton's  order  Rodgers,  on  May 
eighth,  wrote  to  the  secretary  that  he  would  leave  Havre 
de  Grace  on  the  next  day  and  would  proceed  to  his 
station  without  a  moment's  delay.  He  reached  his  ship 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  ninth,  and  sailed  on  the  tenth. 
Owing  to  head  winds,  he  did  not  get  to  sea  until  about 
6  p.m.  of  the  fourteenth.  His  vessel  was  in  perfect 
order  and  in  most  respects  ready  for  action  at  a  mo 
ment's  notice.  Indeed,  since  the  "  Chesapeake"-"  Leo 
pard"  affair  none  of  our  naval  vessels  went  to  sea  with 
out  a  supply  of  cartridges  on  deck,  powderhorns  filled, 
and  matches  or  locks  in  trim.  Nor  did  its  commander 
permit  a  ship  of  war  to  approach  without  clearing  his 
vessel  for  action  and  sending  his  men  to  quarters.  At 
Annapolis  Rodgers  read  an  account  of  the  impressment 
of  Diggio.  This  information  caused  him  to  take  addi- 


FACSIMILE  OF  A  LETTER  OF  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  1811 

Addressed  to  Secretary  of   the   Navy   Paul   Hamilton,  dated   Havre    de  Grace 

(Maryland),    May     8,    1811.      From    the   archives   of   the   United   States   Navy 

Department,  Washington,  D.C. 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       223 

tional  precautions  in  preparing  his  ship  for  any  emer 
gency.  The  hasty  departure  of  the  "  President"  from 
port  and  the  bustle  on  board  her  greatly  aroused  the  in 
terest  and  curiosity  of  her  officers  and  crew. 2S 

At  half-past  twelve  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
sixteenth,  being  then  about  forty-five  miles  northeast 
ward  of  Cape  Henry,  the  commodore  discovered  a  ves 
sel  in  the  east-southeast  standing  towards  him  under  a 
heavy  press  of  sail.  She  later  proved  to  be  His  Britan 
nic  Majesty's  sloop  of  war  "  Little  Belt,"  20  guns,  Cap 
tain  Arthur  Batt  Bingham.  She  had  discovered  the 
"  President"  at  11:30  a.m.  and  had  made  all  sail  in 
chase.  By  1 130  p.m.  Rodgers,  being  able  to  fix  the 
character  of  the  approaching  vessel  by  the  symmetry 
of  her  sails,  decided  that  she  was  a  ship  of  war.  He 
now  hoisted  his  pennant  and  ensign.  Both  vessels  cleared 
for  action  and  sent  their  men  to  quarters.  At  about 
2:30  p.m.  the  "Little  Belt,"  finding  that  her  signals 
were  not  answered  and  discovering  that  the  vessel  she 
was  chasing  was  an  American  frigate,  bore  up,  wore 
ship,  and  stood  to  the  southward,  at  the  same  time  show 
ing  her  colors,  which  however  were  not  seen  by  the 
"  President." 

Rodgers  now  concluded  that  in  all  probability  the 
strange  ship  was  the  "  Guerriere,"  not  having  heard  that 
other  British  vessels  were  on  our  coast.  As  it  was  his 
duty  to  ascertain  the  name  and  character  of  the  retreat 
ing  ship,  he  decided  to  overhaul  her.  He  thought  that 
possibly,  if  she  proved  to  be  the  "  Guerriere,"  he  might 
be  able  to  procure  the  release  of  Diggio.  At  this  time 
it  was  customary  for  ships  of  war  to  chase  and  speak 

25  There  is  a  letter  (see  the  New  York  Herald  for  June  3,  1811)  that  pur 
ports  to  have  been  written  by  an  officer  on  board  the  "  President,"  off  Cape 
Henry,  on  May  14,  1811.  It  is  inaccurate  in  many  of  its  details.  The 
Herald  for  June  8  declares  that  it  is  utterly  false. 


224  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

each  other  on  the  high  seas,  and  to  do  so  was  not  con 
sidered  an  unfriendly  act.  Under  his  present  orders,  as 
we  have  seen,  Rodgers  had  frequently  chased  and  spo 
ken  British  naval  vessels. 

By  half-past  three  in  the  afternoon  the  "  President" 
had  gained  sufficiently  on  the  chase  to  bring  into  view 
the  upper  part  of  her  stern.  About  this  time  the  wind 
became  light,  and  the  "  President's"  rate  of  approach 
was  reduced.  At  4  p.m.  the  two  vessels,  according  to 
the  American  account,  were  still  thirteen  miles  apart. 
At  5  p.m.  the  "Little  Belt"  beat  to  quarters;  and  at 
7:30  p.m.,  since  the  American  ship  was  now  rapidly 
gaining  on  her,  she  shortened  sail,  hove  to,  hoisted  her 
colors,  and  double-shotted  her  guns.  At  this  time,  ac 
cording  to  her  log,  she  was  "all  clear  for  action."  Her 
flag  was  now  for  the  first  time  seen  on  board  the  "  Presi 
dent,"  but  its  nationality  could  not  be  discerned  owing 
to  the  gathering  twilight.  On  each  ship  the  guns  were 
loaded  and  ready  to  do  execution,  the  men  were  at  their 
quarters  anxious  and  attentive,  and  the  officers  were  on 
deck  eagerly  watchful  of  their  duties.  Each  command 
er  had  taken  precautions  to  prevent  accidents.  Rod- 
gers's  orders  were  not  to  fire  unless  fired  upon.  The 
locks  of  some  of  his  cannon  were  half-cocked.  The  sun 
had  set,  and  the  dusk  was  fading  into  darkness.  Under 
these  circumstances,  a  gun  was  likely  to  discharge  itself, 
so  to  speak,  on  either  or  both  of  the  vessels. 

At  about  a  quarter  of  eight,  when  the  ships  were  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  each  other,  Rodgers  ordered  his 
captain  to  take  a  position  to  the  windward  of  the  "  Lit 
tle  Belt,"  on  the  same  tack  with  her,  and  within  short 
speaking  distance.  As  this  would  give  the  American 
captain  the  weather-guage,  Bingham  maneuvered  his 
vessel  for  half  an  hour  with  a  view  to  keeping  his  advan- 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       225 

tage.  Finally  about  8 130  p.m.  the  "  President"  succeed 
ed  in  her  object  and  rounded  to  on  the  weather  beam 
of  the  "  Little  Belt,"  some  two  or  three  hundred  feet 
distant.  The  two  captains  now  hailed  each  other  al 
most  simultaneously,  asking,  "What  ship  is  that?" 
Neither  one  replied.  Each  repeated  his  hail. 

The  account  of  the  succeeding  events  as  related  by 
Rodgers  and  Bingham  differs  in  several  essential  partic 
ulars.  These  differences  will  be  considered  in  another 
connection.  As  the  narrative  of  the  American  captain 
is  more  detailed  than  that  of  the  British,  is  better  sup 
ported  by  evidence,  and  is  more  probable,  it  will  be 
followed : 

"  I  reiterated  my  first  enquiry  of  'What  ship  is  that?' 
and  before  I  had  time  to  take  the  trumpet  from  my 
mouth  was  answered  by  a  shot  that  cut  off  one  of  our 
main-topmast  breast-backstays  and  went  into  our  main 
mast.  At  this  instant  Captain  Caldwell  of  marines,  who 
was  standing  very  near  to  me  on  the  gangway,  having 
observed  '  Sir,  she  has  fired  at  us'  caused  me  to  pause  for 
a  moment  just  as  I  was  in  the  act  of  giving  an  order  to 
fire  a  shot  in  return,  and  before  I  had  time  to  resume 
the  repetition  of  the  intended  order,  a  shot  was  actually 
fired  from  the  second  division  of  this  ship,  and  was 
scarcely  out  of  the  gun  before  it  was  answered  from  our 
assumed  enemy  by  three  others  in  quick  succession,  and 
soon  after  by  the  rest  of  his  broadside  and  musketry. 
When  the  first  shot  was  fired,  being  under  an  impres 
sion  that  it  might  possibly  have  proceeded  from  acci 
dent  and  without  the  orders  of  the  commander,  I  had 
determined  at  the  moment  to  fire  only  a  single  shot  in 
return,  but  the  immediate  repetition  of  the  previous  un 
provoked  outrage  induced  me  to  believe  that  the  insult 
was  premeditated,  and  that  from  our  adversary's  being 


226  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

at  the  time  as  ignorant  of  our  real  force  as  I  was  of  his, 
he  thought  this  perhaps  a  favorable  opportunity  of  ac 
quiring  promotion,  altho  at  the  expense  of  violating 
our  neutrality  and  insulting  our  flag. 

"  I  accordingly,  with  that  degree  of  repugnance  inci 
dent  to  feeling  equally  determined  neither  to  be  the 
aggressor  nor  to  suffer  the  flag  of  my  country  to  be  in 
sulted  with  impunity,  gave  a  general  order  to  fire,  the 
effect  of  which  in  from  four  to  six  minutes,  as  near  as  I 
can  judge,  having  produced  a  partial  silence  of  his  guns, 
I  gave  orders  to  cease  firing,  discovering  by  the  feeble 
opposition  that  it  must  be  a  ship  of  very  inferior  force 
to  what  I  had  supposed,  or  that  some  untoward  accident 
had  happened  to  her.  My  orders  in  this  instance,  how 
ever,  altho  they  proceeded  alone  from  motives  of  hu 
manity  and  a  determination  not  to  spill  a  drop  of  blood 
unnecessarily,  I  had  in  less  than  four  minutes  some  rea 
son  to  regret,  as  he  renewed  his  fire,  of  which  two  32- 
pound  shot  cut  off  one  of  our  fore-shrouds  and  injured 
our  foremast.  It  was  now  that  I  found  myself  under 
the  painful  necessity  of  giving  orders  for  a  repetition 
of  our  fire  against  a  force  which  my  forbearance  alone 
had  enabled  to  do  us  any  injury  of  moment.  Our  fire 
was  accordingly  renewed  and  continued  from  three  to 
five  minutes  longer,  when  perceiving  our  opponent's 
gaffs  and  colors  down,  his  main-topsail  yard  upon  the 
cap,  and  his  fire  silenced,  altho  it  was  so  dark  that  I 
could  not  discern  any  other  particular  injury  we  had 
done,  or  how  far  he  was  in  a  situation  to  do  us  further 
harm,  I  nevertheless  embraced  the  earliest  moment  to 
stop  our  fire  and  prevent  the  further  effusion  of  blood. 

"  Here  a  pause  of  half  a  minute  took  place,  at  the  end 
of  which  our  adversary  not  showing  a  further  disposi 
tion  to  fire,  I  hailed  again  and  asked,  'What  ship  is 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       227 

that?'  and  learnt  for  the  first  time  that  it  was  a  ship  of 
His  Britannic  Majesty,  but  owing  to  its  blowing  rather 
fresher  than  it  had  done,  I  was  unable  to  learn  her 
name.  After  having  informed  her  commander  of  the 
name  of  this  ship,  I  gave  orders  to  wear,  run  under  his 
lee,  haul  by  the  wind  on  the  starboard  tack,  heave  to 
under  top-sails,  and  repair  what  little  injury  we  had 
sustained  in  our  rigging,  etc.,  which  was  accordingly 
executed ;  and  we  continued  lying  to  on  different  tacks 
with  a  number  of  lights  displayed,  in  order  that  our 
adversary  might  the  better  discern  our  position  and 
command  our  assistance  in  case  he  found  it  necessary 
during  the  night."26 

At  daylight  on  the  seventeenth  the  British  ship  was 
to  be  seen  about  seven  miles  to  the  leeward  of  the  "  Pres 
ident."  At  8  a.m.,  Rodgers  ran  down  under  easy  sail, 
hailed  the  "Little  Belt,"  and  sent  a  boat  aboard  her 
under  Lieutenant  J.  O.  Creighton,  with  orders  to  learn 
her  name  and  that  of  her  commander,  to  express  to  him 
the  commodore's  regrets  at  the  occurrence  and  to  offer 
him  assistance  in  repairing  his  ship's  injuries.  In  about 
an  hour  Creighton  returned  with  the  desired  informa 
tion  and  with  a  polite  message  from  Bingham  who  de 
clined  the  proffered  aid.  Rodgers  now  for  the  first 
time  learned  the  name  of  the  vessel  that  he  had  engaged 
and  that  she  was  only  about  half  the  force  of  the  "  Pres 
ident."  The  "  Little  Belt"  was  rated  as  a  2O-gun  sloop 
of  war.  However,  owing  to  her  great  length,  her  hav 
ing  a  poop,  topgallants,  and  forecastle,  and  the  manner 
in  which  her  hammocks  were  stored,  she  was  easily 
mistaken  for  a  two-decker -especially  by  one  who,  like 
Rodgers,  had  no  view  of  her  broadside  in  daylight  She 

26  Rodgers  Papers,  John  Rodgers  to  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Paul  Hamilton, 
May  23,  1811. 


228  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

was  a  Danish  built  vessel  and  had  been  captured  by  the 
British  at  Copenhagen. 

In  so  one-sided  a  contest  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
weaker  ship  should  fare  the  worse,  but  that  she  should 
fail  so  completely  to  inflict  serious  damage  upon  her 
antagonist  was  not  to  have  been  expected.  The  "  Little 
Belt"  lost  thirteen  men  killed,  including  a  midshipman 
and  a  lieutenant  of  marines,  and  nineteen  wounded, 
among  whom  were  the  acting  master  and  a  lieutenant 
of  marines.  The  "  President"  had  a  boy  wounded, 
the  only  loss  that  she  suffered.  The  spars,  sails,  and 
rigging  of  the  sloop  were  shattered;  her  upper  works 
and  her  starboard  pump  were  shot  away;  and  she  re 
ceived  many  shots  between  wind  and  water,  which,  pass 
ing  through  her  sides,  did  much  damage  to  her  interior 
furnishings.  The  "  President"  was  hit  by  two  32- 
pound  balls,  one  of  which  lodged  in  her  mainmast  and 
the  other  in  her  foremast.  With  these  exceptions,  her 
injuries  were  slight. 

After  communicating  with  Captain  Bingham  on  the 
morning  of  May  seventeenth,  Rodgers  sailed  for  New 
York.  As  soon  as  the  "  Little  Belt"  had  repaired  her 
injuries  sufficiently  to  return  to  port,  she  proceeded  to 
Halifax.  The  commodore  arrived  off  Sandy  Hook  on 
the  twenty-third,  and  at  once  dispatched  his  captain  of 
marines  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  at  Washington  with 
an  official  account  of  the  engagement,  from  which  we 
have  quoted  above.  In  this  document  he  expressed  deep 
regret  at  the  loss  of  life  on  board  the  British  vessel, 
which,  he  said,  would  cause  him  the  most  acute  pain 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  had  he  not  the  con 
solation  to  know  that  there  was  no  alternative  left  him 
between  such  a  sacrifice  and  one  which  would  have  been 
still  greater:  namely,  to  have  remained  a  passive  spec- 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       229 

tator  of  insult  to  the  flag  of  his  country  whilst  it  was 
confided  to  his  protection.  "And  I  would  have  you  to 
be  convinced,  sir,"  he  continued,  "that,  however  much 
individually  I  may  previously  had  reason  to  feel  in 
censed  at  the  repeated  outrages  committed  on  our  flag 
by  British  ships  of  war,  neither  my  passions  nor  preju 
dices  had  any  agency  in  this  affair.  To  my  country,  I 
am  well  convinced  of  the  importance  of  the  transaction 
which  has  imposed  upon  me  the  necessity  of  making 
you  this  communication.  I  must  therefore  from  mo 
tives  of  delicacy  connected  with  personal  considerations 
solicit  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  request  the  President 
to  authorize  a  formal  enquiry  to  be  instituted  into  all 
the  circumstances  as  well  as  into  every  part  of  my  con 
duct  connected  with  the  same."  Rodgers  from  the  first 
courted  the  fullest  and  most  candid  investigation  of  the 
causes  and  circumstances  of  the  engagement. 

Secretary  Hamilton  was  highly  pleased  with  the  ac 
tion  between  the  two  ships  and  the  success  of  the  Amer 
ican  arms.  An  amusing  story  was  told  at  the  time  that 
the  secretary  on  receiving  the  news  of  the  fight  fell  into 
a  rapture,  kissed  his  wife  and  children,  and  exclaimed 
"Thank  God,  the  attack  upon  the  '  Chesapeake'  is  now 
equalled."  Concerning  the  boy  that  was  wounded  on 
board  the  "  President,"  the  secretary  wrote  to  Rodgers 
thus:  "If  in  addition  to  his  gallantry  he  is  of  good 
character  generally,  I  would  hug  him  to  my  bosom 
(whatever  may  be  his  condition  or  circumstances  in 
life)  while  I  made  him  an  officer  in  the  American 
navy."  The  boy  was  given  a  midshipman's  warrant. 
His  name  was  Walter  Rodgers,  and  his  father  had  been 
a  Revolutionary  officer.  It  would  be  a  pleasure  to  re 
cord  that  Midshipman  Rodgers  rose  to  high  rank  and 
was  an  honor  to  the  service.  Unfortunately  his  career 


230  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

as  a  naval  officer  was  cut  short  by  his  misconduct.  In 
1812,  Commodore  Rodgers  permitted  him  to  resign 
from  the  navy,  writing  to  Hamilton  at  the  time  that 
the  service  would  do  well  to  rid  itself  of  him. 

Both  Secretary  Hamilton  and  President  Madison 
cordially  approved  the  commodore's  conduct.  "  I  de 
clare  that  my  sentiments  towards  and  estimation  of 
you,"  the  secretary  wrote  to  Rodgers,  "go  beyond  what 
may  be  expressed  by  the  words  'esteem'  and  'respect'." 
On  May  twenty-eighth,  he  wrote:  "Attacked  as  you 
were,  you  could  have  pursued  no  other  course  than  that 
which  you  adopted,  consistently  with  your  duty.  In 
supporting  properly  the  honor  of  the  flag  committed  to 
your  protection,  it  is  pleasing  to  perceive  that  you  were 
not  unmindful  of  the  dictates  of  humanity.  You  ceased 
your  fire  the  moment  that  your  country's  and  your  own 
honor  permitted  you  to  do  so.  The  president  thus  view 
ing  your  conduct  has  authorized  me  to  convey  to  you 
his  unqualified  approbation;  and  deeming  it  unneces 
sary  to  institute  any  further  investigation,  your  re 
quest  to  have  a  court  of  enquiry  appointed  on  the  occa 
sion  cannot  at  this  time  be  acceded  to  with  propriety." 
Rodgers  reluctantly  acquiesced  in  the  president's  deci 
sion  not  to  order  an  investigation.  The  instituting  of  a 
court  to  inquire  into  all  the  facts  of  the  engagement,  he 
said,  would  have  been  much  more  gratifying  to  him, 
"  inasmuch  as  it  would  have  proved  even  to  the  veriest 
Tory  in  the  United  States  that  the  British  government 
received  through  the  'Little  Belt'  chastisement  justly 
apportioned  to  the  merits  of  the  case." 

The  people  of  the  United  States  generally,  and  more 
particularly  those  of  the  Middle  and  Southern  States, 
were  highly  pleased  with  the  defeat  and  humiliation  of 
the  "  Little  Belt."  Rodgers  was  hailed  and  toasted  as 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       231 

a  hero.  At  New  York  he  was  serenaded  on  board  his 
ship  by  a  band  of  music.  Some  of  the  citizens  of  the 
metropolis  proposed  to  compliment  him  by  roasting  a 
pig  in  his  honor.  The  dwellers  on  George  Street  peti 
tioned  the  corporation  of  New  York  to  change  the  name 
of  their  thoroughfare  to  Rodgers  Street  in  order  to  com 
memorate  the  late  glorious  action  and  at  the  same  time 
to  remove  a  memorial  of  George  III,  "the  most  execra 
ble  tyrant  of  the  human  race." 

A  notion  of  the  patriotic  feelings  aroused  in  the  South 
by  the  engagement  may  be  obtained  from  the  following 
account  of  the  fight  that  appeared  in  a  North  Carolina 
newspaper.  The  editor  confessed  that  his  narrative 
might  not  be  "quite  perfect  in  detail"  : 

"The  President  (God  bless  him)  ordered  Commo 
dore  Rodgers  of  the  ship  *  President,'  who  is  as  brave  as 
Caesar,  to  go  in  quest  of  the  Pirate,  and  take  the  boy  and 
all  Americans  found  on  board  the  British  frigate,  at  the 
risk  of  his  life,  from  the  iron  grasp  of  a  minion  of  a 
tyrant.  Commodore  Rodgers  got  his  ship  under  way, 
and  stood  to  the  southward,  with  a  crew  whose  hearts 
were  stout  and  strong  and  who  did  not  forget  that  they 
were  Americans,  their  hearts  flowing  with  patriotism 
and  bosoms  burning  with  manly  rage  and  indignation 
at  the  insult  recently  offered  their  country,  and  fell  in 
with  the  British  frigate.  The  Captain  of  the  Ameri 
can,  with  his  Eagle  flying  at  his  main  and  foretop  (those 
eagles,  the  emblem  of  America,  whose  broad  wings  are 
yet  destined  to  overshadow  the  world  and  to  lead  John 
Bull  by  the  nose),  hailed  the  Briton,  and  demanded 
what  right  he  had  to  cruize  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States  and  the  waters  thereof,  to  stop  and  de 
tain  neutral  merchant  ships  belonging  to  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  and  impress  natural  born  American 


232  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

citizens  from  on  board  such  ships?  The  Briton  replied 
by  pointing  to  his  Cannon,  which  menace  instantaneous 
ly  produced  a  broadside.  She  blazed  from  her  poop 
to  her  bow.  The  action  lasted  about  one  hour;  the  re 
sult  and  issue  of  which  was  that  the  American  frigate 
took  the  Boy  from  on  board  of  the  English  frigate  and 
several  American  citizens  who  had  been  sometime  de 
tained  in  the  service  of  the  English  commander,  and  left 
the  *  Pizarro'  like  a  log  on  the  sea,  her  scuppers  running 
with  blood.  The  '  President'  bent  her  course  towards 
the  Capes  of  Virginia." 

The  fight  caused  not  a  few  local  poets  to  tune  their 
patriotic  harps -it  must  be  said,  however,  with  rather 
indifferent  success.  The  most  presentable  of  these  ef 
fusions  is  one  that  appeared  under  the  heading,  "  Rod- 
gers  and  Decatur;  Tit  for  Tat;  or  the  *  Chesapeake' 
paid  for  in  British  blood!!!  Tune,  Yankee  Doodle." 
After  reciting  in  half  a  score  of  stanzas  the  wrongs  that 
America  had  suffered  from  the  British,  the  poem  turned 
its  broadside  upon  the  affair  of  the  "  President"  and 
"  Little  Belt" : 

"But  finding  injuries  prolong'd 

Become  a  growing  evil, 
Our  Commodore  got  leave,  if  wrong'd 

To  blow  'em  to  the  devil. 
"And  Rodgers  is  a  spunky  lad, 

In  naval  battles  handy, 
'Twas  he  who  whipped  the  Turks,  sir, 
With  Yankee  doodle  dandy. 

"  So,  off  he  goes  and  tells  his  crew  — 

The  sails  are  quickly  bent,  sir, 
A  better  ship  you  never  knew, 
She's  called  the  'President',  sir. 

"They  hoisted  up  the  topsails  soon, 
The  sailors  are  so  handy; 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       233 

While  drums  and  fifes  struck  up  the  tune 
Of  Yankee  doodle  dandy. 

"On  Thursday  morn  we  saw  a  sail, 

Well  armed  with  gun  and  swivel; 
Says  Rodgers,  we  will  chase  and  hail, 
And  see  if  she'll  be  civil. 

"So  after  her  they  hasten'd  soon, 

The  chase  soon  brought  her  handy, 
While  drums  and  fifes  still  play'd  the  tune, 
Called  Yankee  doodle  dandy. 

"  'Where  are  you  from?'  bold  Rodgers  cried, 

Which  made  the  British  wonder, 
Then  with  a  gun  they  quick  replied, 
Which  made  a  noise  like  thunder. 

"Like  lightning  we  returned  the  joke, 

Our  matches  were  so  handy, 
The  Yankee  bull-dog  nobly  spoke 
The  tune  of  doodle  dandy. 

"A  brilliant  action  then  began, 

Our  fire  so  briskly  burn'd,  sir, 
While  blood  from  British  scuppers  ran, 
Like  seventy-six  returned,  sir. 

"Our  cannon  roar'd  and  men  huzza'd, 

And  fir'd  away  so  handy, 
Till  Bingham  struck,  he  was  so  scared, 
At  hearing  doodle  dandy. 

"Then  having  thus  chastis'd  the  foe, 

And  wounded  thirty  British, 

We  gave  the  rascals  leave  to  go, 

They  felt  so  deuced  skittish. 

"Now  toast  our  Commodore  so  brave, 

In  toddy,  flip,  or  brandy, 
And  strike  aloud  the  merry  stave, 
Of  Yankee  doodle  dandy." 


234  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

The  British  rhymsters,  like  their  brothers  in  Ameri 
ca,  rose  to  the  occasion,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  follow 
ing  verses,  entitled  "  Rodgers  and  the  'Little  Belt'": 

"  When  Rodgers  fighting  notions  felt, 

He  grasped  his  sword  in  haste, 
But  thought  he'd  better  get  a  belt 
To  hang  it  round  his  waist. 

"John  Bull  has  one,  though  small,  'tis  true, 

It's  yet  well  worth  a  joke, 
They  say  'tis  lin'd  with  good  'true  blue', 
And  tipp'd  with  '  heart  of  oak  '. 

"  Til  have  it,'  cried  the  Blust'ring  Prig, 

And  fierce  his  blade  he  drew, 
But  found  this  Little  Belt  too  big, 
It  would  not  buckle  too." 

In  England  Rodgers  was  called  a  buccaneer  or  pi 
rate,  as  had  been  John  Paul  Jones  many  years  before 
him.  According  to  one  fictitious  account  he  began  his 
nautical  career  in  the  Guinea  trade  and  from  the  lowest 
grade  on  board  a  slave-ship  rose  to  the  honor  of  being  a 
master.  "  He  sailed  out  of  Baltimore,  and  was  known 
by  the  names  of  Bully  Rodgers  and  Black  Jack,  the  lat 
ter  from  his  complexion  being  dark,  and  the  former 
from  his  tyrannical  and  blustering  disposition.  He  has 
been  often  known  to  strip  himself  to  his  shirt  and  fight 
with  one  of  his  foremast  hands.  .  .  His  manners  are 
coarse,  and  where  he  affects  the  contrary,  they  show  the 
sycophant.  His  education  has  been  bad;  he  is  very 
illiterate,  but  allowed  by  every  person  who  knows  him 
to  have  great  judgment  in  the  working  of  a  ship." 

Many  of  the  American  newspapers,  and  especially 
those  favorable  to  the  administration,  warmly  approved 
Rodgers's  conduct.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Federalist 
prints  censured  him  severely.  Some  of  them  blamed 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       235 

him  for  chasing  and  hailing  a  British  vessel  on  the  high 
seas,  and  others  for  pursuing  a  ship  after  sunset.  In 
New  England  where  the  adverse  criticism  was  most 
common,  the  view  was  expressed  that  the  "  Little  Belt" 
being  a  belligerent  ship  had  a  "right  to  the  first  shot." 
Party  spirit  ran  high  and  often  determined  men's  opin 
ion  of  the  engagement.  When  Captain  Bingham's  offi 
cial  statement  appeared  and  it  was  found  to  differ  in 
several  particulars  from  Rodgers's,  not  a  few  Federalist 
newspapers  espoused  the  British  side  of  the  dispute. 

Bingham's  statement  was  dated  at  sea,  May  21,  1811, 
and  was  addressed  to  Herbert  Sawyer,  esquire,  rear- 
admiral  of  the  red  and  commander-in-chief  of  His  Maj 
esty's  ships  and  vessels  on  the  coast  of  North  America. 
It  was  widely  at  variance  with  the  report  of  Rodgers. 
The  most  important  differences  related  to  (i)  the  time 
consumed  by  the  action  and  to  (2)  the  firing  of  the  first 
shot.  Bingham  said  that  the  fight  lasted  three-quarters 
of  an  hour,  while  Rodgers  gave  figures  that  make  its 
length  from  ten  to  fifteen  minutes  including  an  inter 
mission  of  about  four  minutes.  A  discrepancy  of  this  sort 
often  happens,  since  not  infrequently  no  one  actually 
times  an  engagement,  but  each  side  estimates  its  length. 
The  evidence  on  this  point  tends  to  support  the  state 
ment  of  the  American  captain.  The  log  of  the  "  Little 
Belt"  may  be  thought  to  show  that  the  fight  did  not  last 
three-quarters  of  an  hour.  The  journal  of  the  "  Presi 
dent,"  kept  by  Midshipman  M.  C.  Perry,  who  many 
years  later  became  illustrious  for  his  expedition  to  Ja 
pan,  gives  the  time  as  about  fifteen  minutes.  Captain 
Ludlow  thought  the  fight  might  have  lasted  as  long  as 
eighteen  minutes. 

A  more  important  matter  is  the  solution  of  the  ques 
tion,  Who  fired  the  first  shot?  In  all  probability,  the 


236  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

first  gun  was  fired  without  orders  and  accidentally. 
Captain  Bingham  was  positive  that  his  vessel  was  not 
the  aggressor.  Describing  the  beginning  of  the  engage 
ment,  he  said  that  on  his  hailing  a  second  time  the 
American  captain  "repeated  my  words,  and  fired  a 
broadside,  which  I  instantly  returned."  Rodgers's  ac 
count  is  still  more  specific:  "After  a  pause  of  fifteen 
or  twenty  seconds,  I  reiterated  my  first  enquiry  of 
'What  ship  is  that?'  and  before  I  had  time  to  take  the 
trumpet  from  my  mouth  was  answered  by  a  shot  that  cut 
off  our  main-topmast  breast-backstays  and  went  into 
our  mainmast."  It  is  useless  to  attempt  to  harmonize 
these  statements.  The  evidence  now  accessible  tends 
to  prove  that  the  fight  began  with  a  single  shot  from  the 
British  vessel  and  not  with  a  broadside  from  the  Amer 
ican.  The  inference  to  be  drawn  from  Bingham's  ac 
count  that  the  engagement  opened  with  an  overt  act  of 
violence  of  the  "  President"  is  certainly  false.  Rod 
gers's  account  permits  the  assumption,  which  is  highly 
probable,  that  the  first  shot  was  accidentally  fired,  while 
Bingham's  account  precludes  it. 

Bingham's  statement  certainly  shows  carelessness  in 
its  preparation,  if  not  a  more  reprehensible  failing.  He 
gives  his  position  on  May  twenty-first  as  "lat.  36°  53' 
N.,  long.  71°  49'  w.,  Cape  Charles  bearing  W.  48 
miles."  This  really  marks  two  positions  one  hundred 
fifty  miles  apart.  His  report  is  somewhat  more  favor 
able  to  the  British  side  of  the  dispute  than  the  official 
log  of  the  "  Little  Belt."  He  is  far  from  being  candid 
when  he  describes  the  close  of  the  fight  in  the  language 
of  a  British  victory:  "  The  action  then  became  general 
and  continued  so  for  three  quarters  of  an  hour  when  he 
ceased  firing  and  appeared  to  be  on  fire  about  the  main 
hatchway.  He  then  filled- 1  was  obliged  to  desist  from 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       237 

firing  as,  the  ship  falling  off,  no  gun  would  bear,  and 
had  no  after  sail  to  keep  her  too."  These  discrepancies 
give  some  color  to  the  probability  that  those  statements 
of  Bingham  which  conflict  with  Rodgers's  official  let 
ter  are  inaccurate. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  "  Little  Belt"  at  Halifax, 
the  Right  Honorable  Lord  James  Townshend,  captain 
of  the  British  ship  "Aeolus,"  and  two  other  officers  of 
the  Royal  Navy  investigated  briefly  the  late  action  and 
obtained  statements  from  several  of  the  sloop's  officers. 
The  inquiry  appears  to  have  been  a  more  or  less  in 
formal  one.  Five  officers,  the  senior  lieutenant,  a  jun 
ior  lieutenant,  the  boatswain,  purser,  and  surgeon,  gave 
accounts  of  the  fight.  Why  these  five  officers  were  ex 
amined  and  not  others  is  not  clear.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  regular  station  of  the  surgeon  and  purser  during 
an  engagement  is  in  the  cockpit.  In  this  fight  the  sur 
geon  was  below,  but  it  seems  that  the  purser  was  on 
deck.  Each  of  these  five  men  corroborated  in  all  essen 
tial  particulars  their  captain's  narrative.27 

Bingham's  official  letter  and  the  statements  of  his  offi 
cers,  together  with  the  unfavorable  comments  of  Feder 
alist  newspapers,  moved  Rodgers  to  ask  again  for  a  court 
of  enquiry.  "  I  am  again  impelled  by  motives  of  com 
mon  justice  as  well  as  delicacy  for  my  own  character  to 
request,"  the  commodore  wrote  to  Hamilton,  "that,  if  it 
is  not  at  variance  with  the  President's  determinations,  he 
will  authorize  you  to  order,  when  circumstances  will 
best  admit,  an  enquiry  to  be  instituted  into  all  the  facts 
connected  with  the  subject;  that  it  may  be  proved  incon- 
testably  that  my  official  communication  to  you  relative 

27  Henry  Adams,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  vi,  32,  succeeds 
in  discrediting  the  examination  and  information  of  William  Burkit,  a  seaman 
of  the  "  President." 


238  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  the  affair  in  question  was  not  only  founded  on  fact 
but  was  at  the  same  time  minutely  correct.  By  this 
mode  I  shall,  I  flatter  myself,  be  enabled  to  explain  in 
the  most  satisfactory  manner  why  I  was  justified  in  chas 
ing  the  '  Little  Belt,'  as  also  that  there  was  nothing  in 
my  conduct  of  a  hostile  nature  further  than  what  was 
imperiously  forced  upon  me  by  my  assumed  adversary. 
In  making  this  request  I  am  conscious  of  having  done 
my  duty  in  a  manner  the  most  honorable  to  my  country 
and  to  myself.  And  altho  the  occasion  was  in  itself  too 
insignificant  to  afford  me  an  opportunity  of  acquiring 
personal  fame,  I  am  nevertheless  desirous  these  facts 
should  be  established  and  that  too  on  a  basis  not  to  be 
effected  by  the  poisonous  tongue  of  slander  or  even 
doubted  by  the  most  mistrustful." 

Madison  now  acceded  to  Rodgers's  wishes.  "Your 
first  request  to  have  a  court  of  enquiry,"  Secretary 
Hamilton  wrote  to  Rodgers,  "was  refused  because  the 
President  would  not  for  a  moment  permit  himself  to 
entertain  a  doubt  as  to  the  entire  correctness  of  your 
communication.  The  refusal  to  grant  your  request  was 
therefore  to  be  considered  as  an  evidence  of  the  high 
confidence  reposed  in  your  candor  and  in  your  honor, 
and  I  can  assure  you  that  no  circumstance  has  since  oc 
curred  to  diminish  that  confidence.  But  as  a  statement 
essentially  different  from  yours,  bearing  the  signature 
of  Captain  Bingham,  has  been  published  to  the  world, 
and  as  the  President  considers  we  have  a  just  right  to 
complain  of  the  act  of  hostility  committed  and  of  the 
insult  offered  in  this  case  to  the  flag  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  due  to  your  honor  and  to  the  honor  of  the 
American  nation  that  a  court  of  enquiry  should  be  in 
stituted  that  the  facts  stated  by  you  may  be  confirmed 
beyond  doubt,  and  that  any  measure  which  the  President 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       239 

may  think  proper  to  adopt  in  consequence  may  rest 
upon  incontrovertible  grounds." 

As  president  of  the  court  Hamilton  chose  Commo 
dore  Stephen  Decatur  and  as  the  two  other  members 
Captains  Charles  Stewart  and  Isaac  Chauncey.  This 
excellent  selection  insured  an  impartial  and  dignified 
trial.  Decatur  and  Chauncey  had  been  more  or  less 
closely  associated  with  Rodgers  in  the  naval  service. 
Stewart,  however,  had  at  one  time  been  unfriendly  to 
him.  William  Paulding,  adjutant-general  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  and  a  brother-in-law  of  Washington 
Irving,  was  appointed  judge  advocate.  The  secretary 
ordered  the  court  to  examine  minutely  into  every  cir 
cumstance  stated  in  Rodgers's  official  letter,  and  to  take 
all  the  testimony  that  would  in  any  manner  or  degree 
elucidate  the  facts. 

The  court  convened  on  board  the  frigate  "  Presi 
dent"  in  New  York  Harbor  on  August  30,  1811,  and 
held  daily  sessions  until  its  final  adjournment  on  Sep 
tember  twelfth.  All  the  principal  officers  of  the  ship, 
of  every  rank,  with  the  exception  of  the  purser  and  sur 
geon  who  did  not  see  the  fight,  were  examined.  Rod 
gers  requested  that  these  two  officers  be  called  to  the 
stand,  but  he  was  overruled  by  the  judge  advocate. 
Every  lieutenant,  midshipman,  and  gun-captain  of  the 
ship  gave  in  their  testimony.  The  total  number  of  wit 
nesses  was  fifty-one.  A  very  few  of  the  officers,  owing 
to  their  position  on  shipboard  at  the  time,  were  not 
sure  which  vessel  began  the  action,  but  they  were  of 
the  opinion  that  it  was  the  "  Little  Belt."  All  the  rest 
were  sure  the  British  ship  fired  the  first  shot,  and  many 
of  them  testified  that  they  saw  the  flash  of  her  gun.  As 
a  sample  of  the  testimony  of  these  latter,  that  of  the 
captain  of  marines  may  be  given: 


240  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

"Question.  Were  you  in  a  position  to  observe  the 
'  Little  Belt'  at  the  time  the  first  gun  was  fired? 

"Answer.  I  was.  I  was  looking  directly  at  the  *  Lit 
tle  Belt '  through  the  starboard  gangway. 

"  Question.  From  which  ship  was  the  first  gun  fired? 

"  Answer.  From  the  '  Little  Belt.'  I  saw  the  flash 
of  her  gun  and  immediately  heard  the  report.  Commo 
dore  Rodgers,  turning  to  me,  asked  what  the  devil  was 
that;  and  I  replied  she  has  fired  into  us." 

The  testimony  of  the  witnesses  agreed  with  Rodgers's 
official  report  in  every  essential  particular.  All  said 
that  the  engagement  began  with  the  firing  of  a  single 
shot.  Lieutenant  Creighton  testified  that  the  commo 
dore  before  the  engagement  gave  the  specific  order 
"  not  to  fire  on  the  chase  unless  she  fired  on  us."  Lieu 
tenant  Dallas  testified  that  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  flash 
of  the  "Little  Belt's"  gun  and  had  heard  its  report,  he 
fired  a  gun,  without  orders.  At  the  close  of  the  trial, 
Rodgers  made  a  statement  in  which  he  characterized 
Bingham's  report  as  palpably  and  wilfully  false.  He 
took  jGod  to  witness  that  he  did  not  chase  the  "  Little 
Belt"  with  the  intention  of  offering  menace  or  insult 
to  the  British  flag;  for  the  orders  under  which  he  was 
acting  would  not  have  authorized  such  a  course,  "  any 
more  than  they  would  have  justified  my  submitting  to 
an  insult  from  a  British  or  any  other  ship  of  war." 

In  its  report  the  court  enumerated  at  length  the  facts 
disclosed  by  the  evidence.  It  found  that  the  "Little 
Belt"  fired  the  first  shot  and  also  began  the  general  fire, 
and  that  the  engagement  lasted  about  thirteen  minutes. 
It  found  that  the  commodore  had  twice  silenced  the  fire 
of  the  British  vessel  and  that  each  time  thereafter  he 
had  exerted  himself  to  prevent  her  further  injury.  It 
declared  that  his  official  letter  was  a  correct  and  true 


THE  "PRESIDENT"  AND  "LITTLE  BELT"       241 

statement  of  the  occurrences  of  the  fight.  These  find 
ings  were  highly  satisfactory  to  Secretary  Hamilton. 
In  transmitting  them  to  Madison,  he  observed  that  the 
result  "  absolutely  justifies  the  confidence  you  have  been 
pleased  to  repose  in  the  correctness  of  the  commodore's 
statement  of  facts."  While  the  careful  historian  in  the 
absence  of  further  evidence  may  prefer  to  refrain  from 
pronouncing  a  final  judgment  upon  all  the  points  in 
controversy,  he  must  yet  recognize  the  justness  of  the 
secretary's  concluding  words  to  the  president:  "  In  re 
viewing  the  attitude  in  which  this  affair  is  now  placed, 
I  think  it  may  safely  be  asserted  that  the  respectability 
of  each  member  of  the  court,  of  the  witnesses  also,  their 
number  and  concurrence  of  testimony,  all  combine  in 
forming  a  mass  of  evidence  not  to  be  resisted,  and  which 
places  the  Commodore  above  the  reach  of  censure  or 
even  of  suspicion." 

The  President-Little  Belt  affair  greatly  intensified 
the  feelings  of  ill-will  with  which  America  and  Great 
Britain  already  regarded  each  other.  It  furnished  an 
additional  subject  of  contention  and  widened  the  breach 
between  the  two  countries.  Each  government  believed 
the  account  of  the  fight  given  by  its  own  officers.  In  the 
United  States  the  administration  was  well  aware  that 
the  possibility  of  a  war  had  been  greatly  increased.  The 
secretary  of  the  navy  kept  his  fleet  ready  for  hostilities 
to  the  full  extent  that  the  limited  naval  appropriations 
permitted.  Immediately  after  the  engagement  he  feared 
that  the  British  would  at  once  retaliate  by  attacking 
one  of  our  ships,  and  he  cautioned  Rodgers  to  be  on  his 
guard  as  he  was  now  marked  for  British  vengeance. 
During  the  midsummer  and  autumn  of  1811  the  com 
modore  made  several  cruises  along  the  Atlantic  coast, 
but  they  were  without  noteworthy  incidents.  On  learn- 


242  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ing  that  the  "  Guerriere  "  wore  her  name  on  her  fore- 
topsail  in  large  black  letters  and  was  on  the  lookout  for 
him,  he  painted  the  name  of  his  ship  on  each  of  his  top 
sails  in  letters  that  might  be  seen  ten  miles  off.  In 
November  his  fleet  went  into  winter  quarters  at  New 
port. 


X.  CRUISES  IN  THE  "  PRESIDENT  "  DURING 
THE  WAR  OF  1812:     1812-1814 

FROM  the  end  of  the  Tripolitan  War  in  1805  to  the 
beginning  of  the  War  of  1812,  Commodore  Rod- 
gers  was  the  leading  officer  of  the  navy  in  active  service. 
During  these  seven  years  he  held  the  most  important 
offices  in  the  gift  of  the  navy  department,  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron,  commander  of 
the  New  York  station  and  flotilla,  and  commander  of 
the  northern  division  of  ships.  By  the  death  of  Commo 
dore  Samuel  Barren  in  1 8 10  and  of  Commodore  Samuel 
Nicholson  in  181 1,  he  was  advanced  to  the  second  place 
on  the  navy  list.  The  one  officer  above  him  in  rank  was 
Commodore  Alexander  Murray  of  Revolutionary  fame. 
Rodgers,  however,  was  far  more  widely  known  than  the 
senior  officer  of  the  navy.  The  affair  of  the  "  Presi 
dent"  and  "  Little  Belt"  had  brought  him  much  renown 
both  at  home  and  abroad.  At  Washington  he  was  high 
ly  esteemed  by  the  chief  officials  of  the  government.  It 
is  said  that  "when  a  member  of  Congress,  who  had  a 
high  idea  of  the  superior  and  matchless  skill  of  the  Brit 
ish  and  but  a  very  moderate  opinion  of  the  skill,  enter 
prise  and  bravery  of  his  own  countrymen,  and  was 
therefore  discouraged  and  dismayed  at  the  idea  of  our 
building  a  navy,  asked  in  a  tone  of  despair,  '  If  we  had  a 
fleet  where  is  the  man  among  us  who  is  fit  for  an  admiral 
of  it?'  the  answer  from  all  parts  of  the  House  was, 
'Commodore  Rodgers.'"28 

As  Commodore  Murray  was  too  old  for  duties  at  sea, 

2*The  Polyanthos  (Boston,  1813),  vol.  iii,  i. 


244  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Rodgers  during  the  War  of  1812  was  the  senior  naval 
officer  in  command.  Next  to  him  in  rank,  since  the 
death  of  Preble  in  1807,  was  Commodore  James  Barren, 
who,  however,  took  no  part  in  the  war.  When  his  five 
years'  sentence  of  suspension  from  the  navy  expired 
early  in  1813  he  was  abroad,  where  he  remained  for  sev 
eral  years.  Junior  to  Barron  on  the  captains'  list  in  1812 
were,  in  order,  Bainbridge,  Campbell,  Decatur,  Tingey, 
Stewart,  Hull,  Chauncey,  Shaw,  and  Smith.  Of  these 
officers,  Bainbridge,  Decatur,  Stewart,  Hull,  Chaun 
cey,  .and  Smith  were  chiefly  relied  on  by  the  department 
for  sea  services.  For  several  years  preceding  the  war  De 
catur  had  stood  next  to  Rodgers  in  the  estimation  of  the 
secretary  of  the  navy,  and  he  had  been  given  some  of  the 
most  responsible  commands.  In  1810,  Bainbridge  ob 
tained  a  furlough  and  entered  the  merchant  service.  He 
made  two  voyages  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  appears  to  have 
been  in  Russia  when  in  the  fall  of  181 1  he  learned  that  a 
war  with  England  was  threatening.  He  at  once  started 
for  home,  and  arrived  in  Boston  in  February,  1812,  after 
a  very  fatiguing  journey  of  twelve  hundred  miles  on  the 
continent  and  a  dangerous  passage  of  fifty-three  days. 
On  his  arrival  he  offered  his  services  to  the  department, 
and  they  were  accepted.  Of  the  nine  masters-command 
ant  of  the  navy,  Porter,  Jacob  Jones,  and  Lawrence  were 
destined  to  achieve  most  fame;  and  of  the  lieutenants, 
O.  H.  Perry,  Macdonough,  Biddle,  Warrington,  Allen, 
Burrows,  and  Elliott,  were  to  win  the  laurels. 

Early  in  1812  Secretary  Hamilton  called  upon  Com 
modore  Rodgers  to  assist  him  in  performing  certain 
general  tasks  preparatory  to  war.  In  January  the  secre 
tary  had  under  consideration  the  establishment  of  a 
coast  signal  system,  designed  to  connect  Washington 
with  New  York  and  other  leading  seaports.  His  plan 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  245 

provided  for  a  signal  code,  signal  routes,  and  signal  sta 
tions  in  sight  of  each  other.  When  the  subject  was  re 
ferred  to  Rodgers  for  consideration,  he  expressed  the 
opinion  that  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  so  ex 
tensive  a  system  would  not  justify  the  large  outlay  that 
its  installation  and  maintenance  would  necessitate.  He 
said,  however,  that  it  was  very  essential  that  New  York 
and  Sandy  Hook,  distant  from  each  other  some  thirty 
miles,  should  be  brought  into  communication;  and  later 
he  was  ordered  by  the  secretary  to  connect  the  two 
points.  Becoming  interested  in  the  general  subject  of 
signaling,  the  commodore  devised  two  signal  codes,  one 
for  land  and  the  other  for  sea,  both  of  which  were 
adopted  by  the  department.  A  drawing  that  he  pre 
pared  representing  the  different  pennants  used  in  his 
plan  for  day  signaling  on  board  ships  of  war  is  still  pre 
served  in  the  naval  archives  at  Washington. 

Remembering  the  confusion  during  the  Tripolitan 
War,  caused  by  two  or  more  commodores  flying  the 
same  sort  of  flag  when  they  were  in  company,  Rodgers 
recommended  the  adoption  by  the  department  of  three 
orders  of  broad  pennants.  A  pennant  of  the  first  order 
was  to  be  a  blue  flag  with  white  stars,  of  the  second 
order  a  red  flag  with  white  stars,  and  of  the  third  order 
a  white  flag  with  blue  stars.  When  three  fleets  were 
in  company,  the  flag-ship  of  the  senior  commodore  was 
to  fly  the  blue  pennant,  the  ship  of  the  commodore 
next  in  rank  the  red  pennant,  and  that  of  the  junior  com 
modore  the  white  pennant.  The  department  was  fav 
orably  impressed  with  Rodgers's  recommendation,  and 
it  established  three  orders  of  broad  pennants  after  the 
manner  that  he  proposed. 

Before  war  was  declared  by  the  United  States,  Ham 
ilton  wrote  to  several  leading  naval  officers  asking 


246  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

them  to  prepare  a  plan  of  operations  for  our  little 
navy.  The  replies  of  Rodgers,  Decatur,  and  Bainbridge 
have  been  preserved.  Of  these,  that  of  Rodgers,  accord 
ing  to  the  eminent  naval  authority,  Admiral  A.  T. 
Mahan,  is  the  "most  consonant  with  sound  military 
views."  The  commodore  was  of  the  opinion  that  our 
ships  should  take  the  offensive.  Accordingly  he  would 
send  a  small  squadron  to  cruise  off  the  British  Isles,  and 
some  of  the  lighter  vessels  to  harass  the  enemy's  com 
merce  in  the  West  Indies.  Occasionally  all  the  frigates 
were  to  be  united  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  the 
British  East  India  convoy.  A  few  ships  were  to  cruise 
along  the  trade  routes  between  England  and  Canada, 
and  a  few  others  along  the  American  coast.  Decatur  and 
Bainbridge  wished  to  send  the  vessels  to  sea  either  singly 
or  by  twos  to  attack  the  commerce  of  the  enemy  at  such 
points  as  their  commanders  should  choose.  Rodgers's 
plan  was  strong  in  its  provision  for  cooperation  and 
combined  action;  while  the  plans  of  his  fellow  officers 
favored  individual  movements. 

The  winter  of  1811-1812,  Commodore  Rodgers  spent 
at  Newport,  chiefly  engaged  in  overhauling  and  re 
pairing  the  ships  of  his  squadron.  On  March  twenty- 
eighth,  accompanied  by  the  "  Essex,"  he  sailed  in  the 
"President"  for  New  York.  Owing  to  a  heavy  gale 
he  was  carried  south  of  the  Delaware  and  did  not  reach 
his  destination  until  April  third.  At  New  York  he  was 
busy  for  several  days  establishing  a  signal  service  be 
tween  that  city  and  Sandy  Hook  and  enforcing  a  new 
embargo  law  passed  in  anticipation  of  war.  On  the 
ninth  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  having  been  informed 
that  the  "Guerriere"  and  another  British  frigate  were 
molesting  our  trade  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Delaware 
Capes,  ordered  Rodgers  to  put  to  sea  and  guard  our 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  247 

commerce.  For  several  weeks  he  cruised  between  Sandy 
Hook  and  Cape  Hatteras,  a  part  of  the  time  in  company 
with  Commodore  Decatur,  but  saw  no  British  vessels. 

In  accordance  with  the  orders  of  Secretary  Hamil 
ton,  Rodgers  spent  the  first  days  of  June  at  New  York 
repairing  and  equipping  his  fleet.  In  anticipation  of 
hostilities,  the  secretary  wrote  to  him  on  June  fifth  to  be 
prepared  in  all  respects  for  extensive  service;  and  on 
the  thirteenth,  expecting  a  declaration  of  war  on  that 
day,  he  wrote  "  For  God's  sake  get  ready  and  let  us 
strike  a  good  blow."  On  June  eighteenth,  the  commo 
dore  completed  the  repairing  and  provisioning  of  the 
"  President,"  44,  and  also  the  sloop  of  war  "  Hornet," 
1 8,  Master-commandant  James  Lawrence.  The  frigate 
"  Essex,"  32,  Master-commandant  David  Porter,  was 
not  yet  ready  for  sea,  since  on  examination  she  was  found 
to  need  a  new  foremast.  On  the  nineteenth  the  fleet  of 
Commodore  Decatur  consisting  of  the  flag-ship  "  United 
States,"  44;  the  frigate  "  Congress,"  36,  Captain  John 
Smith;  and  the  brig  "Argus,"  16,  Lieutenant  Arthur 
Sinclair,  anchored  in  Sandy  Hook  Bay.  On  the  twen 
tieth,  being  informed  by  General  Joseph  Bloomfield, 
commander  of  the  military  forces  at  New  York,  that 
war  had  been  declared  by  Congress  on  the  eighteenth, 
Rodgers  at  once  took  measures  of  defense.  He  ordered 
the  commandant  of  the  navy-yard  to  employ  the  gun 
boats,  in  cooperation  with  the  army,  for  the  protection 
of  New  York  Harbor;  he  directed  Captain  Porter  to 
prepare  the  "  Essex"  for  sea  with  all  possible  dispatch; 
and  he  declared  an  embargo  on  all  vessels  in  port. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-first  Rodgers's  ships 
weighed  anchor  and  joined  Decatur's  fleet  in  Sandy 
Hook  Bay.  The  combined  squadron  consisted  of  the 
"President,"  "United  States,"  "Congress,"  "Hornet," 


248  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

and  "Argus."  For  several  hours,  with  every  vessel 
ready  for  sea,  Rodgers  awaited  orders  from  the  secre 
tary  of  the  navy.  He  had  high  hopes  of  capturing  one 
or  more  of  the  British  ships  of  war  that  had  been 
recently  reported  to  be  on  our  coast.  On  June  fif 
teenth,  the  frigate  "Belvidera"  was  seen  off  Sandy 
Hook;  and  on  the  nineteenth  Decatur,  not  knowing 
that  war  had  been  declared,  fell  in  with  the  British 
vessels  "Tartarus"  and  "Mackerel"  near  New  York. 
A  more  particular  object  of  Rodgers  was  the  intercept 
ing  of  a  fleet  of  merchantmen  that  had  sailed  from  Ja 
maica  for  England,  under  convoy,  about  May  twentieth. 
According  to  one  report,  probably  exaggerated,  the  fleet 
consisted  of  one  hundred  ten  sail  and  was  worth  twelve 
million  pounds  sterling.  The  commodore  calculated 
that  on  the  twenty-first  of  June  the  Jamaicamen  were 
probably  southeast  of  New  York  on  the  edge  of  the 
Gulf  Stream. 

Both  officers  and  seamen  were  in  high  spirits  and 
eager  for  .adventure.  They  were  resolved  not  to  re 
turn  to  port  until  they  had  won  new  laurels  for  the 
navy.  When  the  commodore  received  the  news  of  the 
declaration  of  war,  he  ordered  the  crew  of  the  flag-ship 
on  deck  and  addressed  them,  it  is  said,  after  this  fash 
ion  :  "  Now  lads,  we  have  got  something  to  do  that  will 
shake  the  rust  from  our  jackets.  War  is  declared!  We 
shall  have  another  dash  at  our  old  enemies.  It  is  the 
very  thing  that  you  have  long  wanted.  The  rascals  have 
been  bullying  over  us  these  ten  years,  and  I  am  glad 
the  time  is  come  at  last  when  we  can  have  satisfaction. 
If  there  are  any  among  you  who  are  unwilling  to  risk 
your  lives  with  me,  say  so,  .and  you  shall  be  paid  off  and 
discharged.  I'll  have  no  skulkers  on  board  my  ship, 
by  G — d."  A  general  huzza  followed  this  speech,  and 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  249 

every  man  of  the  crew  declared  that  he  would  stand  by 
the  commodore. 

A  similar  scene  occurred  on  board  the  "  Hornet." 
"Sunday;  this  morning  the  declaration  of  war  by  the 
United  States  against  Great  Britain  was  read,"  wrote 
one  of  the  midshipmen  of  that  vessel.  "At  ten  o'clock 
a.m.  Commodore  Rodgers  hove  out  the  signal  to  weigh. 
Never  was  anchor  to  the  cathead  sooner,  nor  topsail 
sheated  to  the  masthead  with  more  dispatch  than  upon 
the  present  occasion.  The  smallest  boy  on  board  seemed 
anxious  to  meet  what  is  now  looked  upon  as  the  com 
mon  tyrant  of  the  ocean,  for  they  had  heard  the  woeful 
tales  of  the  older  tars.  .  .  When  the  ship  was  under 
weigh  Captain  Lawrence  had  the  crew  called  to  their 
quarters,  and  told  them  if  there  were  any  amongst  them 
who  were  disaffected,  or  one  that  had  not  rather  sink 
than  surrender  to  the  enemy,  with  gun  for  gun,  that  he 
should  be  immediately  and  uninjured  landed  and  sent 
back  in  the  pilot  boat.  The  reply  was  fore  and  aft, 
'Not  one'." 

At  about  3  p.m.  on  the  twenty-first  Rodgers,  being  then 
in  Sandy  Hook  Bay  with  his  fleet,  received  the  following 
orders  from  Secretary  Hamilton,  dated  June  eighteenth: 
"I  apprize  you  that  war  has  been  this  day  declared  be 
tween  the  United  Empire  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
and  their  dependencies  and  the  United  States  of  Ameri 
ca.  You  are  to  consider  the  vessels  under  your  command 
as  entitled  to  every  belligerent  right,  as  well  of  attack 
as  defense.  For  the  present  it  is  desirable  that  with  the 
force  under  your  command  you  remain  in  such  posi 
tion  as  to  enable  you  most  conveniently  to  receive  fur 
ther,  more  extensive,  and  more  particular  orders,  which 
will  be  conveyed  to  you  through  New  York.  But,  as 
it  is  understood  that  there  are  one  or  more  British  cruis- 


250  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ers  on  the  coast  in  the  vicinity  of  Sandy  Hook,  you  are 
at  your  discretion  free  to  strike  at  them,  returning  im 
mediately  after  into  port.  You  are  free  to  capture  or 
destroy  them.  Extend  these  orders  to  Commodore 
Decatur." 

Within  ten  minutes  after  receiving  this  message, 
without  waiting  for  further  directions,  Rodgers  put  to 
sea  with  his  fleet  of  five  ships.  He  shaped  his  course 
to  the  southeast  in  expectation  of  falling  in  with  some 
vessel  that  could  give  him  information  respecting  the 
Jamaicamen.  At  6  p.m.,  he  spoke  a  pilot-boat  and  was  in 
formed  that  an  English  vessel  had  been  sighted  to  the 
northeastward.  Making  all  sail  in  chase,  he  came  up 
with  the  stranger  about  8  p.m.,  and  brought  her  to  by  fir 
ing  a  shot  across  her  bow.  Unfortunately  she  proved  to 
be  not  a  vessel  of  the  enemy,  but  the  American  ship 
"  Powhatan."  She  was  bound  to  France,  and  had  on 
board  as  a  passenger  General  Moreau.  During  the 
twenty-second  nothing  worthy  of  remark  occurred.  At 
3  a.m.  on  the  twenty-third  the  squadron  spoke  the  brig 
"  Indian  Chief,"  bound  from  Bermuda  to  New  York. 
Her  master  informed  Rodgers  that  two  days  before  he 
had  seen  the  Jamaica  fleet  to  the  northwestward  of  Ber 
muda.  The  commodore  now  steered  to  the  eastward 
with  all  canvas  set  in  pursuit,  calculating  that  the  fleet 
had  some  three  hundred  miles  the  start  of  him. 

At  about  six  o'clock  of  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
third,  when  the  squadron  was  about  one  hundred  miles 
southwest  of  Nantucket  Shoals,  a  ship  was  discovered 
in  the  northeast,  standing  directly  toward  the  American 
vessels.  The  stranger  later  proved  to  be  the  British  32- 
gun  frigate  "  Belvidera,"  commanded  by  Captain  Rich 
ard  Byron,  a  brave  and  skilful  officer  of  the  Royal  Navy. 
She  actually  mounted  forty-two  guns;  twenty-six  long 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  251 

i8-pounders,  two  9-pounders,  and  fourteen  32-pound 
carronades.  She  was  considerably  weaker  in  force  than 
either  one  of  the  three  American  frigates,  "  President," 
"United  States,"  or  "  Congress." 

On  sighting  the  stranger,  Rodgers  signaled  his  ves 
sels  to  chase,  which  they  at  once  did,  under  a  heavy  press 
of  sail.  On  seeing  that  she  was  pursued,  the  "  Belvi- 
dera"  turned  about  and  fled,  shaping  a  northeasterly 
course.  The  wind  during  the  day  blew  from  N.N.W. 
to  W.S.W.,  and  varied  in  force  from  light  to  moderate. 
As  the  American  ships  were  recently  out  of  port,  they 
were  deep  in  the  water,  and  therefore  sailed  under  a 
disadvantage.  During  the  forenoon,  however,  they 
gained  gradually  on  the  "  Belvidera."  The  "Presi 
dent,"  being  the  fastest  ship  of  the  fleet,  was  consider 
ably  in  the  lead  of  the  "  Congress,"  the  foremost  of  the 
four  other  pursuing  vessels.  At  1 1  a.m.  expecting  soon  to 
overtake  the  enemy,  the  commodore  ordered  his  flag 
ship  cleared  for  action.  About  an  hour  later  the 
"Belvidera"  also  made  preparations  for  battle.  Both 
vessels  hoisted  their  colors.  The  broad  pennants  of  Rod 
gers  and  Decatur  were  discernible  from  the  British  ship. 
At  noon  the  commodore  was  about  three  miles  from 
the  chase,  and  almost  directly  southwest  of  Nantucket 
Shoals,  distant  about  fifty  miles.  The  wind  now  became 
lighter  and  inclined  more  to  the  southwestward.  These 
changes  in  the  weather  favored  the  "  Belvidera."  The 
"  President"  gained  on  her  more  slowly,  and  the  other 
ships  of  the  squadron  dropped  farther  to  the  rear.  At 
4  p.m.  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  flag-ship  was  really 
decreasing  the  lead  of  the  chase. 

The  commodore  had  planned  to  lay  his  vessel  along 
side  of  the  "Belvidera"  and  open  fire  with  a  broad 
side.  He  had  approached  within  easy  gunshot  of  her. 


252  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Both  ships  were  steering  about  the  same  course.  Per 
ceiving  that  he  was  not  likely  to  overtake  the  enemy's 
ship  and  that  she  was  training  her  stern  guns  upon  him 
apparently  with  the  intention  of  injuring  his  spars  and 
rigging,  Rodgers  at  4:20  p.m.  gave  orders  to  begin  firing 
with  his  bow  guns,  with  a  view  to  crippling  the  "  Bel- 
videra"  above  deck  and  reducing  her  sailing  power. 
Both  vessels,  continuing  under  full  sail,  now  engaged 
in  a  running  fight.  It  opened  with  three  shots  from 
the  "  President,"  each  one  of  which  did  execution.  One 
of  them  struck  the  rudder  coat  of  the  "  Belvidera"  and 
entered  the  gun-room,  and  another  hit  the  muzzle  of 
her  larboard  chase  gun.  The  third  killed  one  seaman, 
mortally  wounded  the  armorer,  and  wounded  less  se 
verely  a  lieutenant,  a  ship's  corporal,  and  two  seamen. 
The  British  ship  returned  the  fire  with  her  four  stern 
chasers. 

Commodore  Rodgers  directed  in  person  the  firing 
on  board  the  "  President."  He  is  said  to  have  pointed 
the  gun  that  fired  the  first  shot  of  the  engagement,  which 
was  the  first  shot  of  the  War  of  1812.  Some  fifteen  min 
utes  after  the  fight  began  a  most  unfortunate  accident 
occurred  on  board  the  flag-ship.  One  of  her  bow  chasers, 
which  was  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Thomas  Gamble, 
burst,  killing  Midshipman  John  Taylor  and  wound 
ing  fourteen  men,  among  whom  were  Rodgers,  Gamble, 
and  Midshipman  M.  C.  Perry.  The  commodore  was 
blown  into  the  air,  and  in  falling  on  the  deck  fractured 
a  bone  of  one  of  his  legs.  Supported  by  his  men,  he 
continued  to  direct  the  fight.  These  casualties  Rod 
gers  said  in  his  official  report  of  the  engagement  were 
not  the  most  serious  injuries  received  by  the  "  Presi 
dent": 

"By  the  bursting  of  the  gun  and  the  explosion  of  the 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  253 

passing-box  from  which  it  was  served  with  powder, 
both  the  main  and  forecastle  decks  (near  the  gun)  were 
so  much  shattered  as  to  prevent  the  use  of  the  chase  gun 
on  that  side  for  some  time.  Our  main-deck  guns  being 
single  shotted,  I  now  gave  orders  to  put  our  helm  to 
starboard  and  fire  the  starboard  broadside  in  the  ex 
pectation  of  disabling  some  of  his  spars,  but  did  not  suc 
ceed,  altho  I  could  discover  that  his  rigging  had  sus 
tained  considerable  damage  and  that  he  had  received 
some  injury  in  the  stern. 

"  I  now  endeavored  by  altering  our  course  half  a 
point  to  port  and  wetting  our  sails  to  gain  a  more  effect 
ive  position  on  his  starboard  quarter,  but  soon  found 
myself  losing  ground ;  after  this  a  similar  attempt  was 
made  at  his  larboard  quarter,  but  without  any  better 
success,  as  the  wind  at  this  time  being  very  light  and 
both  ships  sailing  so  nearly  alike  that  by  making  an 
angle  of  only  half  a  point  from  the  course  he  steered, 
enabled  him  to  augment  his  distance.  No  hope  was  now 
left  of  bringing  him  to  close  action  except  that  derived 
from  being  to  the  windward  and  the  expectation  that 
the  breeze  might  favor  us  first.  I  accordingly  gave 
orders  to  steer  directly  after  him  and  keep  our  bow 
chase  guns  playing  on  his  spars  and  rigging  until  our 
broadside  would  more  effectually  reach  him.  At  5, 
finding  from  the  advantage  his  stern  guns  gave  him 
that  he  had  done  considerable  injury  to  our  sails  and 
rigging  and  being  within  pointblank  shot,  I  gave  orders 
to  put  the  helm  to  starboard  and  fire  our  main-deck 
guns.  This  broadside  did  some  farther  damage  to  his 
rigging  and  I  could  perceive  that  his  fore-topsail  yard 
was  wounded,  but  the  sea  was  so  very  smooth  and  the 
wind  so  light  that  the  injury  done  was  not  such  as  ma 
terially  to  affect  his  sailing.  After  this  broadside  our 


254  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

course  was  instantly  renewed  in  his  wake  under  a  gall 
ing  fire  from  his  stern  chase  guns  directed  at  our  spars 
and  rigging,  and  continued  until  half  past  6,  at  which 
time  being  within  reach  of  his  grape  and  finding  our 
sails,  rigging  and  several  spars,  particularly  the  main 
yard  which  had  little  left  to  support  it  except  the  lifts 
and  braces,  very  much  disabled,  I  again  gave  orders  to 
luff  across  his  stern  and  give  him  a  couple  of  broad 
sides. 

"The  enemy  at  this  time  finding  himself  so  hardly 
pressed  and  seeing,  while  in  the  act  of  firing  our  broad 
side,  our  head  sails  to  lift  and  supposing  that  the  ship 
had  in  a  measure  lost  the  effect  of  her  helm,  he  gave  a 
broad  yaw  with  the  intention  of  bringing  his  broad 
side  to  bear.  Finding  the  "  President,"  however,  an 
swered  her  helm  too  quick  for  his  purpose,  he  immedi 
ately  resumed  his  course  and  precipitately  fired  his 
four  after  main-deck  guns  on  the  starboard  side,  altho 
they  did  not  bear  at  the  time  by  twenty-five  or  thirty 
degrees;  and  he  now  commenced  lightening  his  ship 
by  throwing  overboard  all  his  boats,  waist  anchors,  etc., 
etc.,  and  by  this  means  was  enabled  by  a  quarter  before 
7  to  get  so  far  ahead  as  to  prevent  our  bow  guns  doing 
execution.  And  I  now  perceived  with  more  mortifi 
cation  than  words  can  express  that  there  was  little  or 
no  chance  left  of  getting  within  gunshot  of  the  enemy 
again,  under  every  disadvantage  of  disabled  spars,  sails, 
and  rigging.  I,  however,  continued  the  chase  with  all 
the  sail  we  could  set  until  half  past  1 1  p.m.,  when  per 
ceiving  he  had  gained  upwards  of  three  miles  and  not 
the  slightest  prospect  of  coming  up  with  him,  I  gave  up 
the  pursuit  and  made  the  signal  to  the  other  ships  as 
they  came  up  to  do  the  same." 

The  "President"  was  the  only  vessel  of  Rodgers's 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  255 

squadron  that  took  part  in  the  engagement.  At  one 
time  the  "  Congress,"  the  headmost  of  the  other  four 
ships,  was  within  two  gunshots  of  the  "  Belvidera,"  and 
she  fired  several  shots,  all  of  which  of  course  fell  short. 
The  "United  States,"  "Hornet,"  and  "Argus"  did  not 
waste  any  ammunition  on  the  enemy.  The  "Hornet" 
broached  a  barrel  of  beef  and  expended  ninety-five  gal 
lons  of  water  in  an  attempt  to  increase  her  speed.  The 
"President"  inflicted  more  damage  than  she  received. 
She  lost  two  men  killed  and  five  wounded  (not  count 
ing  the  casualities  caused  by  the  bursting  of  her  gun), 
while  the  " Belvidera"  had  two  men  killed  and  twenty- 
two  wounded.  The  maintopmast  and  cross-jack  yard 
of  the  British  ship  were  badly  injured,  and  her  sails 
and  rigging  were  much  damaged.  The  "President" 
also  suffered  considerably  in  her  spars  and  rigging.  Cap 
tain  Byron  was  severely  wounded  by  the  breaking  of  the 
breechings  of  his  guns.  He  was,  however,  cool  and  de 
termined,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  fight  repaired  many  of 
the  injuries  received  by  his  ship.  He  conducted  his 
defense  with  great  skill  and  judgment  and  deserves 
much  praise  for  his  escape  from  a  superior  force. 

Rodgers  displayed  his  usual  ability,  gallantry,  and 
resolution.  In  spite  of  his  broken  leg,  he  remained  on 
deck  and  directed  the  fight.  The  tactics  that  he  adopted 
were  such  as  under  the  circumstances  seemed  to  him 
best,  and,  although  they  did  not  effect  the  capture  of 
the  fleeing  ship,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  other  tac 
tics  would  have  been  more  successful.  Captain  Byron 
is  reported  to  have  said  that  the  commodore  did  all  that 
any  commander  could  have  done  to  take  the  "  Belvi 
dera."  One  of  Byron's  officers  ascribed  the  escape  of 
the  British  ship  to  her  superior  sailing  near  the  close  of 
the  fight  caused  by  the  throwing  overboard  of  a  part  of 


256  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

her  equipment- her  spare  sheet  anchor,  small  bower  an 
chors,  barge,  yawl,  galley  boat,  and  fourteen  tons  of 
water.  Rodgers's  critics  have  censured  him  for  not 
laying  his  ship  alongside  of  the  enemy  instead  of  yaw 
ing  and  delivering  broadsides.  They  assert  that  the 
time  he  thus  lost,  had  it  been  expended  in  sailing  a 
straight  course,  would  have  brought  him  up  even  with 
the  chase.  This  is  by  no  means  certain,  since  during 
the  fight  the  two  ships  were  sailing  at  nearly  the  same 
rate.  The  critics  also  say  that  the  commodore  could 
have  done  more  damage  by  a  continued  use  of  his  chase 
guns.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  by  the 
unfortunate  accident  on  board  the  "  President"  the  force 
of  these  guns  was  considerably  reduced. 

After  repairing  the  spars  and  rigging  of  his  flag-ship, 
Rodgers  resumed  his  course  in  pursuit  of  the  convoy. 
Nothing  was  heard  of  it  until  June  twenty-ninth,  when 
he  fell  in  with  an  American  schooner  from  Teneriffe, 
whose  master  informed  him  that  two  days  before  he  had 
passed  it  one  hundred  fifty  miles  to  the  northeastward. 
The  commodore  now  crowded  all  sail  in  chase.  On 
July  first,  to  the  eastward  of  the  Grand  Banks  he  dis 
covered  some  cocoanut  shells,  orange  peels,  and  other 
refuse  of  tropical  products  floating  on  the  water -signs 
that  indicated  the  proximity  of  the  Jamaicamen.  Now 
and  then  the  commodore  interrupted  his  pursuit  long 
enough  to  chase,  speak,  and  capture  a  vessel  of  the  en 
emy.  On  July  second,  he  took  the  brig  "Tionella" 
bound  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  Newcastle,  the  first 
naval  prize  of  the  war;  and  two  days  later  the  brig 
"  Dutchess  of  Portland,"  both  of  which  vessels  he 
burned.  On  the  ninth,  to  the  northward  of  the  Azores 
he  captured  the  privateer  "  Dolphin"  of  Jersey,  10  guns, 
and  sent  her  to  Philadelphia  in  charge  of  a  prize  master. 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  257 

Some  of  her  men  reported  that  they  had  seen  the  con 
voy  on  the  preceding  evening. 

Rodgers  continued  the  chase  until  he  was  within 
twenty  hours  of  the  British  channel,  and  on  July  thir 
teenth,  he  reluctantly  abandoned  it.  He  now  steered 
southward  along  the  coast  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and 
on  the  twenty-first  was  off  Madeira.  Three  days  later 
he  captured  to  the  northwestward  of  the  Canaries  the 
English  letter  of  marque  "John,"  16  guns,  and  sent  her 
to  America.  From  this  point  the  squadron  shaped  its 
course  for  the  Azores.  Passing  near  the  westernmost 
group  of  those  islands,  it  sailed  thence  to  the  Grand 
Banks,  and  thence  by  way  of  Cape  Sable  to  Boston. 
On  the  homeward  voyage  four  more  ships  were  cap 
tured:  the  "Argo,"  "Adeline,"  "Betsy,"  and  "Hiram." 
Every  vessel  that  was  seen  during  the  cruise  was  over 
hauled  except  the  "Belvidera,"  two  American  ships, 
and  a  frigate  supposed  to  be  British.  The  latter  was 
discovered  at  4  p.m.  on  August  twenty-eighth  near 
Georges  Bank.  The  "  President"  chased  her  and  gained 
upon  her  until  she  was  lost  in  the  approaching  darkness. 

During  the  first  part  of  the  voyage  the  weather  was 
frequently  so  foggy  that  the  ships  of  the  squadron  could 
not  discern  each  other  a  cable's  length  apart.  For  July 
eighteenth  Midshipman  M.  C.  Perry  of  the  flag-ship 
has  the  following  entry  in  his  journal:  "At  4  a.m. 
foggy  weather,  discovered  a  sail  close  aboard  of  us, 
called  all  hands,  beat  to  quarters,  and  cleared  ship  for 
action.  At  half  past  4  the  fog  cleared  away,  discovered 
the  strange  sail  to  be  the  'Hornet'  that  had  got  sepa 
rated  from  the  squadron  during  the  night,  beat  the  re- 
reat."  For  the  last  day  of  the  cruise,  August  thirty-first, 
Perry  has  this  entry :  "At  daylight  discovered  a  frigate 
lying  in  Nantasket  Roads,  cleared  ship  for  action  and 


258  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

stood  for  her.  At  7  she  proved  the  frigate  l  Constitu 
tion'  from  a  cruise,  having  captured  the  British  frigate 
*  Guerriere.'  This  day  moored  ship  in  Boston  harbor." 
The  commodore  returned  to  port  sooner  than  he  other 
wise  would  have  done  had  not  the  scurvy  made  its  ap 
pearance  on  board  the  ships  of  his  squadron.  On  the 
"  United  States"  and  "  Congress"  alone  three  hundred 
men  were  sick  with  this  fearful  disease. 

Rodgers  was  more  or  less  disappointed  with  the  re 
sults  of  his  cruise,  for  he  had  failed  either  to  overhaul 
the  Jamaicamen  or  to  capture  a  ship  of  war.  He  had, 
however,  taken  eight  English  merchantmen,  and  he  had 
been  quite  successful  in  effecting  another  object.  "  My 
calculations  were,"  he  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy, 
"even  if  I  did  not  succeed  in  destroying  the  convoy, 
that  leaving  the  coast  in  the  manner  we  did  would  tend 
to  distract  the  enemy,  oblige  him  to  concentrate  a  con 
siderable  portion  of  his  most  active  force  and  at  the 
same  time  prevent  his  single  cruisers  from  laying  before 
any  of  our  principal  ports  from  their  not  knowing  to 
which  port  or  what  moment  we  might  return;  and  it  is 
now  acknowledged  even  by  the  enemies  of  the  adminis 
tration  that  this  disposition  has  been  attended  with  in 
finite  benefit  to  our  returning  commerce."  Viewed 
thus,  the  commodore's  cruise  was  the  most  successful 
one  of  the  War  of  1812. 

"We  have  been  so  completely  occupied  in  looking 
out  for  Commodore  Rodgers's  squadron,"  wrote  a  Brit 
ish  officer  on  the  North  Atlantic  station,  "that  we  have 
taken  very  few  prizes."  "  Our  trade  with  little  excep 
tion,"  said  President  Madison  in  his  annual  message 
for  1812,  "has  safely  reached  our  ports,  having  been 
much  favored  in  it  by  a  squadron  of  our  frigates  under 
the  command  of  Commodore  Rodgers."  The  navy  de- 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  259 

partment  took  an  exceedingly  favorable  view  of  the  re 
sults  of  the  cruise.  After  congratulating  Rodgers  on 
his  safe  return,  it  added:  "Altho  your  cruise  may  have 
not  been  so  fortunate  as  you  could  have  wished,  yet  in 
having  kept  the  sea  you  have  induced  the  enemy  to  con 
centrate  a  considerable  portion  of  his  most  active  force; 
lessened  his  chances  of  capturing  our  merchant  vessels; 
and  of  course  enabled  a  great  number  of  American  ves 
sels,  which  might  and  probably  would  otherwise  have 
been  captured,  to  reach  their  ports  of  destination.  In 
this  view,  sir,  you  have  most  unquestionably  rendered 
important  services  to  your  country.  Your  next  cruise 
may  be  more  glorious,  but  I  shall  consider  it  particular 
ly  fortunate  if  it  should  be  attended  with  more  substan 
tial  benefits  to  our  country." 

On  arriving  at  Boston  Rodgers  at  once  prepared  his 
ships  for  another  cruise  by  refitting  them,  enlisting  sea 
men,  and  laying  in  a  supply  of  water  and  provisions. 
The  recent  successes  of  Hull  in  capturing  the  "  Guer- 
riere"  and  of  Porter  in  taking  the  "Alert"  made  him  all 
the  more  anxious  to  be  again  at  sea,  hoping,  as  he  wrote 
to  Hamilton,  "  that  fortune  will  be  more  kind  to  me  in 
dividually  in  my  next  cruise  and  that  I  may  have  it  more 
in  my  power  to  demonstrate  that  there  is  no  sacrifice  I 
would  not  make  for  the  benefit  of  my  country."  Before 
Rodgers  was  ready  to  sail  a  cartel  arrived  from  Halifax 
with  Lieutenant  W.  M.  Crane  and  his  officers  and  crew. 
They  had  been  captured  in  July  with  their  vessel,  the 
brig  "Nautilus,"  the  first  naval  prize  of  the  British 
On  learning  that  Admiral  Sawyer  had  sent  six  seamen 
of  the  brig  to  England  on  the  plea  that  they  were  Eng 
lishmen,  Rodgers  ordered  the  detention  of  twelve  sea 
men  of  the  crew  of  the  "  Guerriere  "  as  hostages  for  the 
six  Americans.  The  duty  of  ordering  a  court  martial 


260  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  investigate  the  loss  of  the  "  Nautilus"  also  fell  to  the 
commodore  at  this  time. 

Early  in  the  fall  of  1812,  the  navy  department  issued 
orders  dividing  its  little  seagoing  fleet  into  three  divi 
sions  of  three  vessels  each.  To  Rodgers  fell  the  com 
mand  of  the  "President,"  "Congress,"  and  "Wasp"  ; 
to  Decatur,  the  "United  States,"  "Chesapeake,"  and 
"Argus";  and  to  Bainbridge,  the  "Constitution,"  "Es 
sex,"  and  "Hornet."  As  the  "Wasp,"  Master-com 
mandant  Jacob  Jones,  was  at  Philadelphia,  the  commo 
dore  ordered  her  commander  to  proceed  to  sea  and  to 
cruise  in  certain  specified  latitudes  until  joined  by  the 
"  President"  and  "  Congress."  Early  in  October  these 
two  latter  vessels,  together  with  the  "  United  States" 
and  "Argus,"  were  at  Boston  ready  for  active  service. 
In  order  to  give  the  enemy  an  erroneous  impression  of 
their  intended  movements  Rodgers  and  Decatur  sailed 
from  port  in  company.  A  few  days  later  they  separated. 
Before  sailing  Rodgers  heard  that  the  British  fleets  off 
the  Delaware  and  the  Chesapeake  consisted  of  only  two 
vessels  each.  Had  he  received  some  confirmation  of 
this  report,  he  would  have  sailed  southward  along  the 
coast  "in  the  hope,"  as  he  wrote,  "  that  God  in  his  infin 
ite  goodness  will  permit  us  to  get  for  once  fairly  along 
side  of  them,  ship  for  ship."  He  finally  decided  to  take 
an  easterly  course.  Two  days  out  of  Boston  he  sighted 
and  chased  the  British  frigate  "Nymphe,"  38,  but  ow 
ing  to  the  lightness  of  the  wind  and  the  approach  of 
night,  he  failed  to  overtake  her.  She  belonged  to  a 
fleet  of  five  frigates,  and  the  commodore  must  have 
passed  near  her  consorts,  although  he  did  not  see  them. 

On  October  fifteenth,  after  a  two  hours'  chase  in 
which  the  "President"  carried  away  her  maintopgal- 
lantmast,  Rodgers  captured,  to  the  southward  of  the 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  261 

Grand  Banks,  His  Britannic  Majesty's  packet  "  Swal 
low,"  10  guns,  Master  Joseph  Morphew.  She  was 
bound  from  Jamaica  to  Falmouth,  and  had  ten  tons  of 
gold  and  silver  specie  on  board  worth  about  one  hun 
dred  seventy-five  thousand  dollars.  On  the  same  day 
he  fell  in  with  the  American  schooner  "  Eleanor,"  bound 
for  France.  As  she  had  been  recently  dismasted,  her 
master  and  crew  agreed  to  abandon  her  and  return  to  the 
United  States  with  the  packet,  which  the  commodore 
turned  over  to  them  after  having  taken  on  board  the 
"  President"  the  gold  and  silver  specie. 

Rodgers  now  shaped  a  course  toward  the  Canaries. 
On  the  morning  of  November  first,  when  some  four  or 
five  hundred  miles  south-southwest  of  the  Azores,  he 
discovered  three  strange  sail  to  the  southward,  and  at 
once  gave  chase,  signaling  the  "  Congress"  to  do  the 
same.  About  noon  one  of  the  three  ships  carried  away 
her  foremast  and  was  immediately  captured.  Leaving 
the  "  Congress"  to  take  possession  of  her,  the  commo 
dore  pursued  one  of  the  other  two  vessels,  which  was 
about  fifteen  miles  from  him.  He  gradually  gained  on 
her  and  by  sunset  had  reduced  her  lead  some  five  or  six 
miles.  On  the  approach  of  darkness  he  gave  up  the 
pursuit  and  joined  the  "Congress."  The  third  ship 
also  effected  her  escape.  The  prize  proved  to  be  the 
whaler  "Argo,"  10  guns,  laden  with  a  valuable  cargo  of 
whale-oil,  whalebone,  and  ebony.  The  vessel  chased 
by  Rodgers  was  the  frigate  "  Galatea,"  36  guns,  which 
was  convoying  the  little  fleet  from  St.  Helena  to  Eng 
land;  and  the  third  ship  was  the  whaler  "Admiral  Bar 
clay,"  partly  loaded  with  oil. 

Passing  to  the  westward  of  the  Cape  Verdes,  Rod 
gers  ran  down  the  trades  in  17°  N.,  and  near  the  fiftieth 
meridian  he  shaped  his  course  for  the  Bermudas.  For 


262  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

four  weeks  he  cruised  to  the  northward  and  northwest 
ward  of  those  islands.  The  latter  half  of  the  cruise  was 
quite  uneventful,  since  few  vessels  of  any  kind  were 
sighted.  "No  remarkable  occurrence  this  day"  is  a 
frequent  entry  in  the  journal  of  Midshipman  Perry. 
On  one  Sunday  he  records,  "  Called  all  hands  and  per 
formed  divine  service;"  and  on  another,  "Called  all 
hands  to  muster  and  read  the  articles  of  war."  Now 
and  then  he  notes  the  death  of  a  seaman  and  the  "com 
mitting  of  his  body  to  the  deep."  For  December  twen 
ty-first,  he  made  the  following  entry:  "Commences 
with  strong  gales  from  the  north  and  westward  and  a 
heavy  sea,  laying  to.  At  half  past  3  beat  to  quarters 
and  housed  the  gun-deck  guns.  At  9  set  the  fore- 
staysail.  At  10  a  heavy  sea  struck  the  ship  a  beam, 
carried  away  the  starboard  hammock  stations,  killed 
John  Armstrong  and  Joseph  Dunsdan  (seamen)  and 
wounded  six  men,  broke  the  lower  studding-sail  boom, 
and  started  the  launch,  broke  in  three  half-ports  and 
started  all  the  others ;  the  hatches  being  off  for  the  pur 
pose  of  passing  shot  below,  took  in  a  great  quantity  of 
water;  rigged  all  the  pumps,  battened  the  hatches  down, 
and  soon  cleared  her." 

The  commodore  remained  at  sea  until  his  provisions 
and  water  were  exhausted.  Compelled  then  to  return 
to  port,  he  sailed  for  Boston  where  he  anchored  on  De 
cember  31,  1812,  after  a  cruise  of  eighty- five  days  and 
nearly  eleven  thousand  miles.  He  had  seen  but  five 
British  vessels,  and  two  of  these  he  had  captured.  His 
inability  to  discover  the  enemy  is  not  surprising,  for  the 
British  government  was  now  strictly  enforcing  its  laws 
compelling  British  ships  to  sail  in  squadron  and  accom 
panied  by  convoy.  Rodgers's  third  ship  the  "Wasp" 
left  the  Delaware  on  October  thirteenth.  Four  days 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  263 

later,  between  the  Bermudas  and  Halifax,  she  fell  in 
with  the  British  brig  "Frolic"  and  captured  her  after 
a  well  fought  engagement,  in  which  Lieutenant  G.  W. 
Rodgers,  the  commodore's  brother,  distinguished  him 
self.  Soon  after  the  fight,  the  "Wasp"  and  her  prize 
were  captured  by  the  British  seventy-four  "  Poictiers." 

The  squadrons  of  Decatur  and  Bainbridge  were  more 
fortunate  than  that  of  Rodgers.  Decatur's  flag-ship, 
the  "United  States,"  captured  the  British  frigate  "Mace 
donian,"  38,  to  the  southward  of  the  Azores,  and  his 
two  smaller  vessels  took  several  merchantmen.  Bain- 
bridge's  fleet  was  the  most  successful  of  all.  His  flag 
ship  "  Constitution"  captured  the  frigate  "Java,"  38,  off 
the  coast  of  Brazil;  and  the  sloop  "Hornet,"  Master- 
commandant  James  Lawrence,  the  brig  "  Peacock,"  18, 
off  Demerara.  His  third  vessel,  the  "  Essex,"  Cap 
tain  David  Porter,  signalized  herself  by  entering  the 
Pacific  and  making  the  most  notable  cruise  of  the  war 
as  respects  depredations  on  British  commerce. 

The  commodore  was  busily  employed  during  his  four 
months'  stay  in  Boston.  The  "President,"  after  her 
two  long  cruises,  needed  many  repairs.  As  the  winter 
of  1812-1813  was  a  very  severe  one,  the  work  on  her 
proceeded  slowly  and  she  was  not  again  ready  for  sea 
until  the  middle  of  spring.  While  Rodgers  was  at  Bos 
ton,  the  Massachusetts  legislature  sought  his  advice  re 
garding  the  defense  of  that  city.  In  response  to  a  re 
quest  of  a  committee  of  merchants,  he  officered  and 
manned  the  privateer  schooner  "General  Hull"  and 
sent  her  to  sea  to  protect  the  coasting  trade  between 
Boston  and  Martha's  Vineyard.  Off  Cape  Cod  she  was 
fired  into  by  the  American  privateer  "Anaconda"  and 
her  commander,  Lieutenant  Henry  S.  Newcomb,  and 
two  seamen  were  wounded.  On  March  2,  1813,  the 


264  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

commodore,  with  Captains  Hull  and  Smith,  attended  a 
splendid  dinner  at  the  Exchange  Coffee-House,  in  Bos 
ton,  given  to  Commodore  Bainbridge  and  his  officers 
in  honor  of  their  victory  over  the  "Java."  On  this  fes 
tive  occasion,  Rodgers  responded  to  the  toast,  "The 
citizens  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts." 

From  the  spring  of  1813  until  the  end  of  the  war  the 
British  maintained  a  rigorous  blockade  of  the  chief 
American  seaports.  During  1813  only  six  of  our  naval 
ships  succeeded  in  getting  to  sea.  These  were  the  "  Pres 
ident,"  "  Congress,"  "  Chesapeake,"  "  Enterprise,"  "Ar 
gus,"  and  "  Constitution."  The  last  named  ship  did  not 
run  the  blockade  until  one  of  the  last  days  of  December. 
To  evade  the  fleets  of  the  enemy,  in  leaving  port  and  in 
returning,  now  required  considerable  skill  and  good 
fortune.  Late  in  May,  1813,  the  "United  States," 
"  Macedonian,"  and  "  Hornet,"  in  attempting  to  go  to 
sea  from  New  York  by  way  of  Long  Island  Sound  were 
chased  into  New  London  where  they  remained  for  many 
months.  The  "  Constellation"  was  blockaded  at  Nor 
folk  during  the  whole  year. 

Hoping  to  induce  the  enemy  to  relax  the  blockade,  the 
secretary  of  the  navy  decided  to  attack  the  British  mer 
chantmen  at  as  many  points  as  possible.  He  therefore 
ordered  his  ships  to  cruise  singly  along  the  principal 
trade  routes  of  the  North  Atlantic.  This  order  left 
Rodgers  the  command  of  only  the  frigate  "  President." 
By  the  middle  of  April,  1813,  the  "  President"  and  the 
frigate  "  Congress,"  Captain  John  Smith,  were  ready 
for  sea.  In  expectation  of  encountering  the  British 
frigates  "  Shannon"  and  "Tenedos,"  which  vessels  were 
blockading  Boston  and  had  indicated  their  desire  of 
meeting  the  American  ships,  Rodgers  and  Smith  decid 
ed  to  leave  port  in  company.  On  April  twenty-third, 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  265 

they  dropped  down  to  President  Road,  four  miles  from 
the  city,  where  owing  to  head  winds  they  remained  a 
week.  They  sailed  on  the  thirtieth,  but  were  compelled 
to  beat  about  in  Boston  Bay  until  May  third.  They 
saw  nothing  of  the  "Shannon"  and  "Tenedos,"  since 
the  British  frigates  had  temporarily  left  the  coast  on 
account  of  easterly  winds.  On  the  afternoon  of  the 
third  they  chased  a  brig  of  war  near  Georges  Shoal. 
They  also  sighted  two  other  vessels,  which  the  commo 
dore  supposed  were  the  "  Hogue,"  74,  and  "  Nymphe," 
38.  On  May  eighth,  the  "  President"  and  "  Congress" 
parted  company. 

With  a  view  to  intercepting  the  enemy's  West  India 
trade,  homeward  bound,  Rodgers  cruised  for  a  time 
to  the  southward  of  the  Grand  Banks.  Not  meeting 
any  vessels  in  that  quarter  except  American  ones  from 
Lisbon  and  Cadiz,  he  turned  northward  and  spent  sev 
eral  days  on  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Banks  along  the 
routes  of  the  West  India,  Halifax,  Quebec,  and  St. 
Johns  trades.  Here  he  experienced  thick  fogs  and  saw 
no  British  vessels.  Toward  the  end  of  May  he  steered 
southeasterly,  and  remained  for  a  week  or  more  to  the 
westward  of  the  Azores.  Falling  in  with  an  American 
ship  bound  for  Cadiz,  he  learned  that  she  had  four  days 
previous  passed  a  West  India  fleet,  under  convoy,  re 
turning  home.  With  a  view  to  intercepting  it,  he  crowd 
ed  all  sail  to  the  northwestward,  but  saw  nothing  of  the 
West  Indiamen.  He,  however,  between  June  ninth  and 
thirteenth  made  four  captures:  the  brig  "Kitty,"  2 
guns,  bound  from  Newfoundland  to  Alicant;  the  pack 
et  "  Duke  of  Montrose,"  12  guns,  bound  from  Falmouth 
to  Halifax;  the  letter  of  marque  "  Maria,"  14  guns,  and 
the  schooner  "  Falcon,"  2  guns,  both  bound  from  New 
foundland  to  Spain.  The  "  Kitty,"  "  Maria,"  and  "  Fal- 


266  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

con"  were  laden  with  codfish,  and  were  sent  to  France 
in  charge  of  prize  masters.  The  packet,  Rodgers  sent 
to  England  as  a  cartel,  with  seventy-eight  prisoners. 

The  commodore  now  decided  to  proceed  northward 
of  the  British  Isles,  with  a  view  to  falling  in  with  the 
Newfoundland  trade  on  his  way  and  to  intercepting  the 
enemy's  northern  trade  after  reaching  his  cruising- 
grounds.  Not  until  he  made  the  Shetland  Islands  did 
he  see  a  single  vessel  of  any  kind.  Since  his  provisions 
and  water  now  needed  replenishing,  he  sailed  for  the 
coast  of  Norway  and  arrived  at  Bergen  on  June  twenty- 
sixth,  latitude  61°  N.  On  nearing  port,  Midshipman 
M.  C.  Perry  was  dispatched  in  ,a  cutter  to  obtain  a  pilot. 
He  landed  on  the  small,  sterile  island  of  Udvaer,  which 
was  inhabited  by  only  a  few  fishermen.  At  first  the  in 
habitants  were  afraid  of  him,  but  on  finding  that  he  was 
not  an  Englishman  received  him  hospitably  and  offered 
him  milk,  fish,  and  brown  bread  as  tokens  of  their 
friendly  feelings.  He  returned  to  the  ship  with  two 
fishermen,  who  piloted  the  "  President"  into  the  harbor. 
She  was  the  first  American  ship  of  war  to  visit  a  Nor 
wegian  port. 

Previous  to  anchoring,  the  commodore  sent  Lieuten 
ant  C.  W.  Morgan  on  shore  to  inform  the  commander 
of  the  local  military  forces  of  the  character  of  the  Amer 
ican  ship  and  to  confer  with  him  about  the  firing  of 
salutes.  Morgan  was  politely  received  by  the  Norwe 
gian  officer,  who  expressed  his  readiness  to  return  the 
compliment  of  the  commodore,  gun  for  gun.  After  the 
"  President"  had  fired  a  salute  of  seventeen  guns  and 
it  had  been  answered  by  the  fort,  the  commander  sent 
one  of  his  aides  on  board  the  ship  to  welcome  the  visit 
ors.  On  June  twenty-ninth,  Rodgers,  accompanied  by 
several  of  his  officers,  paid  a  visit  of  courtesy  to  the  gov- 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  267 

ernor  of  Bergen  and  to  the  commander  of  the  military 
forces,  who  received  him  with  much  civility.  During 
his  stay  in  port  he  dined  at  the  house  of  Herman  Died- 
rich  Jansen,  one  of  the  most  opulent  and  respectable 
merchants  of  the  place,  and  the  father  of  the  American 
consul.  Here  he  met  all  the  chief  celebrities  of  Ber 
gen,  including  the  governor,  commander,  and  bishop  of 
the  province. 

As  the  residents  of  Bergen  had  never  before  seen  an 
American  naval  vessel,  they  were  greatly  interested  in 
the  "President."  "Soon  after  anchoring,"  Rodgers 
wrote  in  his  journal,  "  the  whole  bay  in  which  we  lay 
appeared  alive  with  boats  crowded  with  spectators  of  all 
classes,  and  continued  so  not  only  the  afternoon  but  dur 
ing  the  whole  night.  Indeed  it  appeared  as  if  their 
curiosity  could  never  be  gratified,  as  the  only  pleasure 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  surrounding  country  ap 
peared  to  take  was  in  rowing  round  the  ship ;  and  this 
they  continued  to  do  night  as  well  as  day  from  the  hour 
of  our  arrival  until  the  moment  of  our  departure." 

Owing  to  a  scarcity  of  provisions  in  Bergen,  there 
being  only  a  month's  supply  of  bread  for  the  inhabitants, 
Rodgers  obtained  but  sixteen  barrels  of  coarse  rye  meal 
and  a  little  cheese.  After  taking  in  water,  he  sailed  on 
July  second  for  the  Orkney  Islands;  thence  he  stretched 
towards  the  North  Cape  on  the  northern  coast  of  Nor 
way  with  a  view  to  intercepting  a  convoy  of  twenty-five 
or  thirty  vessels  which  were  expected  to  leave  Arch 
angel  about  the  middle  of  July.  On  the  twelfth  he  cap 
tured  the  brig  ajean  and  Ann,"  and  on  the  eighteenth 
the  brig  "  Daphne,"  both  in  ballast  and  bound  to  Arch 
angel.  After  removing  their  crews  and  stores,  he 
burned  them.  On  the  eighteenth,  he  fell  in  with  the 
American  privateer  schooner  "  Scourge,"  of  New  York. 


268  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

He  had  now  reached  the  northwest  coast  of  Norway, 
latitude  71  °  N.  It  was  midsummer,  and  at  midnight  the 
sun  was  still  above  the  horizon. 

At  4  p.m.  of  the  nineteenth,  while  the  "  Scourge"  was 
still  in  company,  the  commodore  discovered  two  strange 
ships  in  the  west-southwest,  and  at  once  made  sail  in 
chase  of  them.  Owing  to  hazy  weather,  he  was  unable 
to  ascertain  their  character  with  precision.  At  the  end 
of  a  three  hours'  chase,  when  about  five  miles  from 
the  strangers,  he  made  them  out  to  be  a  British  line  of 
battle  ship  and  a  frigate,  vessels  greatly  his  superior  in 
force.  To  avoid  them,  he  hauled  by  the  wind  and 
tacked  to  the  northward  and  westward.  Pursued  by 
the  strangers,  he  continued  his  flight  for  about  ninety 
hours.  Early  in  the  chase  the  "  Scourge"  parted  com 
pany  with  him.  As  the  weather  was  often  hazy,  the 
pursuers  and  pursued  at  times  lost  sight  of  each  other. 
About  noon  of  the  twenty-first,  when  the  enemy  was  rap 
idly  gaining  on  him,  Rodgers  cleared  his  ship  for  action. 
In  the  afternoon,  however,  the  "  President"  outsailed 
her  pursuers,  and  toward  evening  ran  them  out  of  sight. 
The  following  day,  the  commodore  tried  to  separate  the 
two  ships  and  engage  the  smaller  one,  which  was  in 
advance  of  her  consort.  He  shortened  sail,  hoisted  his 
colors,  and  fired  a  gun  to  windward.  Refusing  to  fight 
on  these  terms,  the  smaller  vessel  hove  to  and  waited  for 
the  larger  one  to  come  up.  On  the  morning  of  the  twen 
ty-third  the  "  President,"  having  outsailed  the  enemy's 
ships,  lost  sight  of  them  for  the  last  time. 

The  commodore's  officers  agreed  with  him  that  the 
strangers  were  a  line  of  battle  ship  and  a  frigate,  as 
may  be  seen  from  the  Day-book  of  the  "  President," 
kept  by  Lieutenants  Rapp,  Morgan,  R.  H.  J.  Perry, 
and  Newcomb;  and  the  journal  of  the  "President" 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  269 

kept  by  Lieutenant  M.  C.  Perry.  The  last  named  officer 
under  date  of  July  nineteenth,  makes  the  following  en 
try:  "  At  7  p.m.  found  the  two  sails  to  be  a  line  of  bat 
tle  ship  and  a  frigate."  It  is  now  known  that  the  com 
modore  and  his  officers  were  mistaken,  and  that  the  two 
strangers  were  His  Majesty's  ship  "Alexandria,"  38, 
and  sloop  of  war  "Spitfire,"  16.  From  the  rates  of 
these  vessels,  it  would  appear  that  had  Rodgers  engaged 
the  enemy  his  chances  of  success  would  have  been  excel 
lent.  Before  rendering  a  final  judgment  on  this  point, 
however,  it  would  be  necessary  to  obtain  an  accurate 
statement  of  the  number  of  men  and  the  number  and 
calibre  of  the  guns  carried  by  both  the  American  and 
British  ships. 

Disappointed  in  not  meeting  the  convoy,  Rodgers 
left  the  coast  of  Norway  and  sailed  southward,  cruising 
for  a  time  to  the  northward  of  Scotland  with  a  view 
to  intercepting  the  northern  trade  of  the  enemy  bound 
in  and  out  of  the  Irish  channel.  He  now  captured  three 
prizes:  the  ship  "Eliza  Swan,"  8  guns;  the  bark 
"Lion,"  8  guns;  and  the  brig  "Alert."  He  ransomed 
the  ship  and  bark  and  sent  them  to  England  as  cartels, 
loaded  with  prisoners.  Hearing  that  the  British  had  a 
superior  force  on  the  lookout  for  him,  the  commodore 
decided  to  change  his  cruising-grounds.  Passing  to  the 
westward  of  the  British  Isles,  he  proceeded  to  the  Banks 
of  Newfoundland,  near  which  he  made  two  more  cap 
tures:  the  brig  "Shannon,"  bound  from  St.  Kitts  to 
London  and  laden  with  rum,  sugar,  and  molasses;  and 
the  brig  "  Fly,"  6  guns,  bound  from  Jamaica  to  London, 
with  a  cargo  of  coffee.  He  sent  the  two  prizes  to  the 
United  States. 

As  the  "  President's"  provisions  were  now  nearly  ex 
hausted,  the  commodore  was  forced  to  return  to  port. 


270  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

On  September  twenty-third,  near  Nantucket  Shoals,  he 
captured  the  British  naval  schooner  "High  Flyer," 
Lieutenant  George  Hutchinson,  five  guns,  five  officers, 
and  thirty- four  seamen.  On  sighting  the  "  President" 
Hutchinson  hoisted  a  signal.  Knowing  some  of  the  ene 
my's  signals,  Rodgers  replied  in  such  a  way  as  to  mis 
lead  the  British  lieutenant,  who  taking  the  American 
vessel  for  the  British  frigate  "  Sea  Horse,"  immedi 
ately  bore  down  and  hove  to  under  her  stern.  Rodgers 
now  sent  one  of  his  officers,  disguised  in  a  British  uni 
form,  on  board  the  schooner.  Hutchinson  received  him 
kindly  and  on  request  delivered  to  him  the  signal  books 
of  the  "  High  Flyer."  The  credulous  lieutenant  then 
went  on  board  the  "President"  or  "Sea  Horse"  as  he 
thought,  and  was  shown  to  the  commodore's  cabin.  He 
gave  his  supposed  superior  a  copy  of  his  orders1  from 
Admiral  Warren,  who,  he  said,  was  especially  desirous 
of  capturing  the  "  President"  and  her  commander.  The 
commodore  asked  him  what  kind  of  a  man  Rodgers  was. 
Hutchinson  replied  that  he  had  never  seen  him,  but 
that  he  'had  heard  that  he  was  an  "odd  fish  and  hard  to 
catch."  "  Sir,"  said  Rodgers,  with  startling  emphasis, 
"  do  you  know  what  vessel  you  are  on  board  of  ?  "  "  Why, 
yes,  sir,"  he  replied,  "on  board  His  Majesty's  ship  '  Sea 
Horse'."  "Then,  sir,  you  labor  under  a  mistake,"  said 
Rodgers,  "you  are  on  board  the  United  States  frigate 
'  President,'  and  I  am  Commodore  Rodgers."  Hutchin 
son  was  completely  mystified,  and  it  was  some  time  be 
fore  he  could  realize  that  he  had  been  deceived.29 

From  the  documents  that  the  commodore  obtained 
from  Hutchinson  he  rightly  concluded  that  Newport 

29Lossing,  B.  J.      Pictorial    Field-book  of  the  War  of  1812  (New  York, 
1868),  735-736. 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  271 

was  more  likely  to  be  free  of  blockading  vessels  than 
Boston,  off  which  place  lay  several  ships  of  Admiral 
Warren's  fleet.  He  therefore  sailed  for  the  Rhode  Is 
land  port  where  he  arrived  safely  on  September  twenty- 
sixth.  Soon  he  proceeded  up  Narragansett  Bay  to 
Pawtucket  and  later  to  Providence,  these  towns  being 
more  secure  from  attack  by  British  vessels  than  Newport. 
Rodgers's  third  cruise  had  lasted  almost  five  months. 
For  the  greater  part  of  this  time  his  officers  and  crew 
had  subsisted  on  a  scanty  allowance  of  the  roughest  fare, 
but  their  health  had  been  generally  good.  The  "  Pres 
ident"  had  captured  twelve  vessels  and  two  hundred 
seventy-one  prisoners.  During  1813,  only  two  other 
ships  of  war  did  better,  the  brig  "  Argus "  in  the  British 
channel,  and  the  frigate  "Essex"  in  the  South  Pacific. 
Each  of  these  ships,  however,  closed  its  career  by  fall 
ing  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  A  comparison  of  the 
"  President's"  work  with  that  of  the  four  other  vessels 
that  went  to  sea  in  1813  is  of  interest.  The  "  Congress " 
visited  the  southern  part  of  the  Atlantic  and  took  four 
small  prizes.  The  "  Constitution" sailed  too  late  in  the 
year  to  make  any  captures.  The  "Chesapeake"  soon 
after  leaving  Boston  engaged  the  "Shannon"  and  after 
a  gallant  fight  surrendered  to  her.  The  little  "  Enter 
prise"  had  a  very  successful  cruise  in  which  she  cap 
tured  the  "  Boxer."  The  bold  dash  of  the  "  President" 
into  the  North  Sea,  however,  gave  more  employment  to 
British  ships  of  war  than  the  combined  movements  of 
all  the  other  vessels.  During  July  and  August  some 
eight  or  ten  naval  craft,  including  two  seventy-fours, 
and  several  frigates  were  searching  for  her.  The  secre 
tary  of  the  navy  justly  congratulated  the  commodore 
on  abstracting  the  attention  of  the  enemy's  navy,  "  to  an 


272  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

extent  perhaps  equal  to  the  disproportion  of  our  rela 
tive  forces." 

By  the  middle  of  November  the  commodore  was 
again  ready  for  sea.  Owing  to  adverse  winds  and  the 
presence  of  a  British  squadron  near  Block  Island,  he 
did  not  sail  until  the  fourth  of  December.  Fortunately 
he  succeeded  in  eluding  the  vessels  of  the  enemy  that 
were  watching  for  him.  On  the  second  day  out  he  recap 
tured  the  American  schooner  "  Comet,"  which  had  been 
lately  taken  by  His  Britannic  Majesty's  ships  "  Ramil- 
lies "  and  "  Loire  "  and  was  bound  to  Halifax  in  charge 
of  a  prize  crew.  On  December  sixth,  he  discovered  a 
British  ship  of  war,  but,  knowing  that  he  was  near  a 
squadron  of  the  enemy,  he  refrained  from  chasing  her. 
He,  however,  shortened  sail  and  hove  to  with  a  view  of 
offering  battle,  but  the  strange  ship  stood  from  him. 

Rodgers  now  sailed  for  more  southerly  latitudes, 
shaping  a  course  for  the  Canaries.  Later,  running 
down  the  fifteenth  parallel,  he  proceeded  to  the  West 
Indies.  While  on  this  latter  course  he  fell  in  with  the 
French  frigates  "  Medura"  and  "Nymph,"  which  he 
chased  for  a  time,  believing  them  to  be  English  vessels. 
For  several  days  he  cruised  to  the  windward  of  the  Bar- 
badoes  along  the  routes  of  ships  outward  bound  from 
England.  Here  early  in  January  he  captured  the  mer 
chantmen  "Wanderer,"  7  guns,  and  " Edward,"  6  guns, 
both  of  which  he  sank  after  divesting  them  of  all  valu 
able  articles.  On  January  sixteenth,  he  ran  off  Cayenne, 
thence  proceeded  down  the  coast  of  Surinam,  Berbice, 
and  Demerara,  and  thence  northeastward  to  the  south 
coast  of  Porto  Rico,  and  on  through  the  Mona  Passage 
along  the  north  side  of  the  Bahamas  to  the  Florida 
coast,  which  he  sighted  near  St.  Augustine. 

On  February  fourth,  the  commodore  captured  the 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  273 

British  schooner  "Jonathan,"  bound  from  Barbadoes 
to  Amelia  Island  and  laden  with  rum  and  dry  goods. 
From  Florida  he  proceeded  northward  on  soundings 
along  the  Atlantic  seaboard.  Running  into  a  blockad 
ing  squadron  on  the  coast  of  South  Carolina,  he  tried 
to  separate  one  of  its  ships  from  her  consorts,  but  failed. 
Pursued  finally  by  the  whole  fleet,  he  made  his  escape. 
Off  the  Delaware,  during  a  foggy  spell  of  weather,  the 
commodore  sighted  a  large  vessel  that  appeared  to  be 
a  ship  of  war.  He  shortened  sail  and  cleared  his  ship 
for  action;  but  on  hearing  signal  guns  he  stood  away, 
believing  that  he  had  run  into  another  blockading 
squadron. 

On  February  eighteenth,  off  Sandy  Hook,  Rodgers 
saw  two  British  ships  of  war,  one  of  which  he  made  out 
to  be  a  schooner.  When  the  larger  vessel  cautiously 
approached  him,  he  prepared  for  battle  and  stood  to 
wards  her;  thereupon  she  immediately  retreated.  The 
commodore  suspected  that  she  might  be  something  more 
than  a  frigate.  He,  however,  once  more  stood  towards 
her;  and  she  again  retreated.  A  revenue  cutter  now 
overhauled  him,  bringing  the  information  that  his  ad 
versary  was  really  a  seventy-four.  About  this  time  a 
third  British  sail  was  discovered.  Believing  that  the 
enemy's  force  was  superior  to  his  own,  Rodgers  crossed 
Sandy  Hook  bar  and  made  the  port.  It  later  appeared 
that  the  revenue  cutter  was  mistaken,  and  that  the 
strangely  acting  vessel  was  the  British  frigate  "  Loire," 
38,  Captain  Thomas  Brown.  Had  the  commodore 
forced  an  engagement,  his  chances  of  success  would 
probably  have  been  good,  although  we  can  not  be  cer 
tain  of  this  as  the  "Loire"  would  have  been  aided  by 
her  two  consorts. 

Rodgers  had  now  completed  his  fourth  and  last  cruise 


274  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

in  the  War  of  1812.  While  his  services  had  been  less 
brilliant  and  picturesque  than  those  of  some  of  his 
fellow  officers,  they  had  yet  been  highly  useful  and  cred 
itable.  The  navy  department  freely  expressed  its  ap 
preciation  of  his  work,  and  the  people  acclaimed  him  a 
naval  hero -placing  him  on  a  pinnacle  of  fame  some 
what  below  Hull,  Perry,  Macdonough,  Decatur,  and 
Bainbridge.  Early  in  March,  1814,  Tammany  Hall 
gave  a  banquet  in  his  honor,  at  which  more  than  three 
hundred  guests  were  present.  During  the  festivities  a 
song  entitled  "The  Warrior's  Return,"  which  had  been 
"  hastily  committed  to  paper,"  was  sung.  On  this  occa 
sion  Rodgers  proposed  a  toast  which  was  received  with 
great  applause  and  which  later  attained  a  wide  popu 
larity:  "  Peace;  if  it  can  be  obtained  without  the  sacri 
fice  of  national  honor  or  the  abandonment  of  maritime 
rights,  otherwise,  war  until  peace  shall  be  secured  with 
out  the  sacrifice  of  either."  After  the  banquet  the  com 
modore  and  several  of  his  officers  attended  the  Park 
Theater,  where  he  was  honored  by  an  illumination  and 
the  exhibition  of  a  large  transparency  displaying  his 
likeness. 

Later  Rodgers  was  feasted  at  Barney's  Inn,  Balti 
more,  by  the  leading  men  of  that  city.  Here  he  pro 
posed  the  sentiment,  "The  citizens  of  Baltimore;  as 
conspicuous  for  hospitality  as  for  enterprise  and  patri 
otism."  After  he  had  withdrawn  in  accordance  with  the 
custom  then  prevailing,  the  presiding  officer,  who  was 
the  mayor  of  the  city,  gave  the  toast,  "  Commodore 
Rodgers;  hated  and  feared  by  the  enemy,  revered  and 
beloved  by  his  countrymen." 

The  commodore's  name  often  figured  in  the  patriotic 
ballads  inspired  by  the  war,  although  somewhat  less 
than  the  names  of  the  more  popular  naval  commanders. 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  275 

One  of  these  effusions  entitled  "  Our  Navy,"  after  ap 
propriate  references  to  the  gallant  Hull  and  brave  De- 
catur's  dauntless  breast,  celebrated  Rodgers's  martial 
deeds  in  the  following  stanza: 

"  And    Rodgers    with    his    gallant   crew, 

O'er  the  wide  ocean  ride, 
To  prove  their  loyal  spirits  true, 
And  crush  old  Albion's  pride." 

Commodore  Rodgers  was  more  or  less  disappointed 
with  the  results  of  his  cruises  in  the  "  President";  and 
during  the  last  year  of  the  war  was  anxious  to  return  to 
sea,  believing  that  a  kinder  fortune  would  attend  him. 
While  he  had  taken  one  British  ship  of  war,  the  schoon 
er  "  High  Flyer,"  he  had  not,  like  many  of  his  brother 
officers,  met  the  enemy  in  a  fair  fight,  gun  for  gun.  His 
juniors  in  rank  had  fought  the  sea  duels  of  the  war.  His 
critics  asserted  that  it  was  extraordinary  that  he  should 
have  traversed  all  parts  of  the  Atlantic  without  finding 
an  opportunity  to  bring  his  vessel  advantageously  into 
action.  A  comparison  of  Rodgers's  services  with  those 
of  his  fellow  commanders  will  not  be  without  interest. 

The  three  main  objects  of  our  cruisers  at  sea  in  the 
War  of  1812  were  (i)  the  spoliation  of  British  com 
merce  (2)  the  capture  of  the  enemy's  smaller  ships  of 
war  and  (3)  the  giving  of  employment  to  the  enemy's 
vessels  with  a  view  to  restricting  their  use  on  the  Amer 
ican  coast.  The  work  of  Rodgers  as  a  destroyer  of 
commerce  compares  most  favorably  with  that  of  the 
other  commanders.  The  average  number  of  prizes  (dis 
regarding  ships  of  war)  taken  by  our  naval  vessels  in 
1812-1815  was  6.5;  and  by  privateers  2.7.30  The  com 
modore  captured  twenty-five  merchantmen,  more  than 

30  Mahan,  A.  T.     Sea  Power  in  its  Relation  to  the  War  of  1812  (  Boston, 


276  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

were  taken  by  any  other  naval  officer.  Captain  David 
Porter  in  the  "Essex,"  Master-commandant  W.  H. 
Allen  in  the  "Argus,"  and  Master-commandant  Lewis 
Warrington  in  the  "  Peacock,"  however,  were  not  far 
below  him  in  numbers,  and  in  the  value  of  their  prizes 
were  much  above  him. 

During  1812-1813,  the  ships  of  war  captured  by  our 
principal  seagoing  officers  were  as  follows:  "Guer- 
riere,"  38,  by  Hull;  "Macedonian,"  38,  by  Decatur; 
"Java,"  38,  by  Bainbridge;  "Alert,"  18,  by  Porter; 
"Frolic,"  1 8,  by  Jones;  "Peacock,"  18,  by  Lawrence; 
"Boxer,"  14,  by  Burrows;  "High  Flyer,"  5,  by  Rod- 
gers ;  and  none  by  Smith,  Allen,  and  Crane.  It  is  thus 
seen  that  the  commodore  stands  near  the  foot  of  the  list, 
although  none  of  the  more  fortunate  officers  captured 
more  vessels  than  did  he.  Rodgers,  however,  did  not 
lose  a  vessel  during  the  war;  while  Decatur  lost  the 
"  President,"  Lawrence  the  "  Chesapeake,"  Porter  the 
"Essex,"  Jones  the  "Wasp,"  and  Allen  the  "Argus." 
The  navy  department  ascribed  Rodgers's  failure  to  en 
gage  a  ship  worthy  of  his  metal  to  the  want  of  opportun 
ity,  and  much  may  be  said  for  this  view.  It  would  ap 
pear,  however,  that  the  commodore  was  more  cautious 
than  some  of  his  naval  colleagues,  and  that  in  one  or 
two  instances  his  caution  led  him  into  error  and  lost  him 
a  capture.  On  the  other  hand  one  should  remember 
that  owing  to  our  naval  weakness  it  was  not  good  policy 
to  risk  our  ships  in  a  fight  unless  there  was  a  fair  chance 
of  success.  The  loss  of  a  single  American  vessel  meant 
the  decimation  of  our  effective  seagoing  force ;  while  all 
the  vessels  that  we  captured  were  scarcely  missed  by  the 
British  whose  fleet  consisted  of  seven  hundred  and  thir 
ty  craft.  In  1813  the  secretary  of  the  navy  wrote:  "  It 
is  not  even  good  policy  to  meet  an  equal,  unless  under 


CRUISES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812  277 

special  circumstances  where  a  great  object  is  to  be 
gained  without  a  great  sacrifice.  His  commerce  is  our 
true  game,  for  there  he  is  indeed  vulnerable." 

In  furnishing  employment  to  the  enemy's  cruisers 
at  sea,  Rodgers  was  by  all  odds  the  most  successful  offi 
cer  of  the  war.  Better  than  any  other  commander,  he 
understood  the  broad  principles  of  naval  strategy.  His 
naval  plans  were  based  upon  combination,  concentra 
tion,  and  cooperation;  while  those  of  his  juniors  de 
pended  upon  division,  diffusion,  and  individual  effort. 
After  the  department  had  divided  its  little  fleet  into 
small  units,  the  commodore,  whenever  it  was  possible, 
sailed  in  company  with  other  ships  in  order  to  lead  the 
enemy  to  believe  that  he  was  operating  in  squadron. 
His  bold  cruise  to  the  north  of  England  gave  employ 
ment  to  a  considerable  fleet  of  British  cruisers  and  re 
ceived  the  personal  attention  of  the  Admiralty,  which 
dispatched  in  search  of  him  so  distinguished  an  officer 
as  Rear-admiral  Lord  Amelius  Beauclerk.  The  voy 
age  of  Rodgers's  fleet  in  the  summer  of  1812  to  the  coast 
of  Europe,  which  forced  the  enemy  to  concentrate  his 
ships  on  the  North  Atlantic  station  thereby  enabling 
our  trade  to  reach  its  home  ports  in  safety,  has  been 
referred  to  by  Admiral  Mahan  in  the  following  strik 
ing  language:  "  Professionally,  the  cruise  of  Rodgers's 
squadron,  unsuccessful  in  outward  seeming,  was  a  much 
more  significant  event  and  much  more  productive  than 
the  capture  of  the  '  Guerriere'  by  the  '  Constitution'."31 


31  Mahan,  A.  T.    From  Sail  to  Steam   (New  York,  1907),  5-6. 


XL    SERVICES  AT  PHILADELPHIA,  WASH 
INGTON,  AND  BALTIMORE:  1814-1815 

SOON  after  Rodgers  in  February,  1814,  completed 
his  fourth  cruise  of  the  War  of  1812,  the  secretary 
of  the  navy  offered  him  his  choice  of  four  commands: 
the  "President,"  refitting  for  sea  at  New  York;  the 
frigate  "  Guerriere,"  almost  ready  to  be  launched,  at 
Philadelphia;  the  frigate  "Java,"  under  construction 
at  Baltimore;  and  a  new  seventy-four,  under  construc 
tion  at  Philadelphia.  Believing  that  the  "Guerriere" 
had  the  best  chance  for  getting  to  sea  at  an  early  date, 
Rodgers  chose  that  vessel.  About  the  middle  of  March, 
he  left  New  York  and  went  to  Washington  to  confer 
with  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  stopping  on  his  way  at 
Havre  de  Grace  to  visit  his  family,  which  he  had  not 
seen  since  the  war  began.  He  now  had  three  children, 
Robert  S.,  Frederick,  and  John.  The  eldest,  Robert  S., 
was  five  years  old;  the  youngest,  John  (the  Rear-admir 
al  John  Rodgers  of  the  Civil  War)  was  less  than  two 
years  of  age,  having  been  born  in  1812,  while  the  com 
modore  was  at  sea  on  his  first  cruise  of  the  war. 

In  1813,  while  Rodgers  was  at  sea  on  his  third  cruise, 
Havre  de  Grace  was  pillaged  and  burned  by  a  detach 
ment  of  British  seamen  and  marines  belonging  to  the 
fleet  of  Admiral  Warren.  The  commodore's  house  was 
set  on  fire  and  many  of  its  valuable  articles  were  stolen 
or  destroyed.  His  mother,  wife,  and  two  sisters  (Mrs. 
William  Pinkney  and  Mrs.  Howes  Goldsborough)  fled 
to  the  house  of  Mark  Pringle,  a  wealthy  gentleman  who 
lived  near  the  village.  They  had  no  sooner  reached 


280  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

their  place  of  refuge,  than  a  small  division  of  the  enemy 
made  its  appearance,  having  been  detailed  to  destroy 
Pringle's  handsome  residence.  Mrs.  Goldsborough  in 
terceded  with  the  officer  in  command,  begging  him  not 
to  burn  the  house,  and  particularly  urging  him  to  relent 
for  the  sake  of  her  aged  mother  who  was  within.  "  The 
officer  replied  that  he  acted  under  the  admiral,  and  it 
would  be  necessary  to  obtain  his  consent.  Mrs.  G.  re 
turned  with  the  officer  and  detachment  and  obtained 
permission  that  the  house  should  be  spared.  But  when 
she  reached  it,  she  found  it  on  fire,  and  met  two  men,  one 
with  a  sheet  and  the  other  with  a  pillow-case  crammed 
full  coming  out,  which  she  could  not  then  notice, 
but  ran  up  stairs  and  found  a  large  wardrobe  standing 
in  the  passage  all  in  flames.  William  Pinkney,  who 
was  with  her,  and  two  of  the  marines  by  great  exertion 
saved  the  house.  But  some  of  the  wretches  after  that 
took  the  cover  from  the  sofa  in  the  front  room  and  put 
coals  in  it  and  it  was  in  flames  before  it  was  discovered. 
A  beautiful  Madonna,  which  the  commodore  had  been 
offered  one  thousand  dollars  for,  they  were  about  de 
stroying,  but  the  admiral  ordered  them  to  desist,  at 
which  they  were  so  angry  that  they  wrapped  it  up  in 
the  sofa-cover  and  left  it  as  a  mark  of  their  valor."32 
On  returning  from  Washington  in  the  spring  of  1814, 
the  commodore  again  stopped  at  Havre  de  Grace.  Here 
in  the  latter  part  of  April  he  received  orders  from  the 
department  to  take  command  of  the  "Guerriere"  at 
Philadelphia,  whither  he  soon  proceeded.  This  vessel 
was  named  in  honor  of  Hull's  famous  prize,  the  Brit 
ish  frigate  "  Guerriere."  She  was  built  by  Naval  Con 
structor  Joseph  Francis  Grice.  Her  dimensions  were 
length  one  hundred  seventy-five  feet,  beam  forty-four 

32  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  vol.  iv,  196. 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    281 

and  a  half  feet,  and  depth  of  hold  twenty-one  feet.  Her 
burden  was  fifteen  hundred  eight  tons.  She  was  rated 
as  a  forty-four,  but  she  mounted  fifty-three  guns:  thir 
ty-three  long  24?s  and  twenty  42-pound  carronades. 
Her  long  guns  were  made  at  the  Cecil  furnace  near 
Havre  de  Grace,  and  her  carronades  at  Dorsey's  foun 
dry  near  Baltimore.  Her  complement  of  boarders  was 
two  hundred  men.  She  was  launched  without  accident 
on  June  20,  1814,  in  the  presence  of  some  fifty  thousand 
spectators  assembled  on  shore  and  on  board  various  craft 
in  the  Delaware. 

During  the  summer  of  1814,  the  commodore  was  em 
ployed  chiefly  at  Philadelphia  in  completing  his  ship. 
Other  important  duties,  however,  fell  to  him  at  this 
time.  Early  in  May  he  succeeded  Commodore  Alex 
ander  Murray,  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy,  as  com 
mander  of  the  Delaware  flotilla,  to  which  fleet  were 
transferred  the  crew  and  several  officers  of  the  "  Guer- 
riere."  Lieutenant  C.  W.  Morgan  was  ordered  by 
Rodgers  to  take  charge  of  the  flotilla  and  reorganize  it, 
being  given  specific  directions  respecting  his  duties.  No 
officer  was  to  sleep  on  shore.  Guard  was  to  be  rowed 
regularly.  Each  vessel  was  to  be  fully  supplied  with 
ball  and  powder.  The  cannon  and  small  arms  were  to 
be  exercised  daily,  the  weather  permitting.  Lines  of 
battle  and  retreat  by  all  possible  modes,  such  as  anchor 
ing,  sailing,  and  rowing,  were  to  be  formed.  Morgan 
had  his  headquarters  at  Newcastle,  Delaware;  while 
those  of  the  commodore  were  at  Philadelphia. 

The  Delaware  flotilla  was  one  of  several  little  fleets1 
that  were  maintained  at  the  chief  ports  of  the  Union  to 
defend  the  maritime  frontier.  It  comprised  about  twen 
ty  small  craft- gunboats,  barges,  galleys,  block-sloops, 
etc.  It  did  picket  duty  for  the  forts  near  Philadelphia, 


282  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

and  also  prevented  the  British  ships  from  passing  up 
the  bay  or  sending  marauding  parties  to  shore.  Al 
though  it  was  not  strong  enough  to  take  the  offensive 
against  the  blockading  vessels  of  the  enemy  off  the 
capes,  it  occasionally  attempted  to  drive  some  of  his 
ships  out  of  the  bay.  On  June  nineteenth,  Rodgers's 
old  acquaintance,  the  frigate  "  Belvidera,"  entered  the 
mouth  of  the  Delaware  and  captured  a  small  schooner 
near  Cape  Henlopen.  On  learning  of  her  movements1, 
Morgan  immediately  proceeded  towards  the  scene  of 
disturbance,  and  Rodgers  made  preparations  to  join  him 
with  reinforcements  from  the  "  Guerriere."  Before 
the  flotilla  reached  the  lower  bay,  however,  the  "  Bel 
videra"  left  it,  having  ransomed  the  schooner  for  eight 
hundred  dollars. 

The  commodore's  presence  at  Philadelphia  and  his 
command  of  some  five  hundred  sailors  and  marines  on 
the  Delaware  led  to  his  participation  in  the  defense  of 
the  Chesapeake  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1814,  when 
the  British  operations  in  that  quarter  assumed  great  im 
portance. 

In  the  spring  of  that  year,  our  naval  force  on  the 
Chesapeake  consisted  almost  entirely  of  a  fleet  of  gun 
boats  under  Commodore  Joshua  Barney,  of  Revolution 
ary  fame.  In  the  early  summer  Barney  established  his 
headquarters  at  the  mouth  of  the  Patuxent,  some  twenty- 
five  miles  above  the  Potomac.  His  further  passage  down 
the  bay  was  blocked  by  a  strong  B  ritish  squadron  near  the 
Capes  of  Virginia.  Early  in  1814,  Vice-admiral  J.  B. 
Warren  was  succeeded  in  command  of  the  British 
North  Atlantic  station  by  Vice-admiral  Sir  Alexander 
Cochrane.  The  new  commander  soon  began  a  coast 
warfare,  undertaken  partly  in  retaliation  for  outrages 
committed  by  American  soldiers  in  Canada  and  partly 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    283 

as  a  diversion  to  prevent  our  government  from  sending 
reinforcements  to  the  northern  frontier. 

On  the  night  of  July  eleventh,  a  detachment  of  small 
craft  from  Cochrane's  fleet  appeared  at  Elkton,  Mary 
land,  at  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  attacked  a 
party  of  militia  under  the  command  of  General  T.  M. 
Forman,  who  succeeded  in  repulsing  the  British.  Ex 
pecting  their  return  on  the  following  night,  Forman  dis 
patched  a  courier  to  Rodgers  requesting  his  assistance. 
The  commodore  at  once  ordered  Lieutenant  Morgan  to 
proceed  with  all  haste  to  the  relief  of  Forman  with  two 
hundred  fifty  officers  and  seamen  and  two  pieces  of 
heavy  artillery.  So  well  did  Morgan  execute  his  orders 
that  he  marched  from  Newcastle  to  Elkton,  a  distance 
of  fifteen  or  twenty  miles,  in  a  little  less  than  four  hours, 
notwithstanding  the  night  was  dark  and  rainy  and  the 
roads  exceedingly  bad.  The  enemy,  however,  did  not 
return  to  the  attack.  The  detachment  of  sailors,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  that  were  sent  to  Havre  de  Grace 
to  guard  the  Cecil  furnace,  soon  returned  to  its  station 
on  the  Delaware.  Rodgers's  zeal  and  promptitude  on 
this  occasion  was  duly  appreciated  and  highly  approved 
by  Secretary  of  the  Navy  William  Jones,  who  had  now 
succeeded  Paul  Hamilton  in  the  navy  office  at  Washing 
ton.  This  incident  led  the  commodore  to  organize  a 
corps  of  seamen  for  service  in  similar  emergencies  at 
the  head  of  the  Chesapeake. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  Admiral  Cochrane,  who 
had  assembled  in  the  lower  Chesapeake  twenty  vessels 
of  war  and  a  large  train  of  transports  and  storeships, 
began  the  movement  that  resulted  in  the  burning  of 
Washington.  On  the  eighteenth  a  large  division  of  his 
forces  entered  the  Patuxent,  and  on  the  following  day 
an  army  of  forty-five  hundred  men,  under  the  command 


284  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

of  General  Robert  Ross,  was  landed  twenty-five  miles 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river.  On  the  twentieth  a  fleet 
of  boats  commanded  by  Rear-admiral  George  Cockburn 
ascended  the  Patuxent  in  search  of  Barney's  flotilla, 
while  the  troops  took  up  their  march  abreast  of  it  on 
shore. 

This  ominous  movement  frightened  our  lukewarm 
government  into  taking  measures  for  the  defense  of  the 
capital.  On  August  nineteenth,  the  secretary  of  the 
navy  ordered  Commodore  Rodgers  and  Commodore 
Porter  (the  latter  being  at  New  York)  to  proceed  to 
ward  Washington  with  detachments  of  the  sailors  and 
marines  under  their  command.  "The  enemy,  "  he  wrote 
to  Rodgers,  "  has  entered  the  Patuxent  with  a  very  large 
force,  indicating  a  design  upon  this  place,  which  may 
be  real  or  it  may  serve  to  mask  his  design  upon  Balti 
more.  In  either  case  it  is  exceedingly  desirable  to  col 
lect  in  our  vicinity  all  the  disposable  force  within  reach 
as  soon  as  possible.  You  will  therefore  with  the  least 
possible  delay  proceed  to  Baltimore  with  about  three 
hundred  men  (including  officers)  of  the  force  under 
your  command,  and  also  order  on  the  detachment  of 
marines  from  Cecil  furnace  to  meet  you  in  Baltimore 
where  the  further  orders  of  the  Department  await  you." 

The  secretary  sent  Rodgers's  orders  by  mail ;  but, 
owing  to  some  irregularity  in  the  post  office,  they  were 
not  delivered  in  Philadelphia  until  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  August  twenty-second.  As  he  was  spend 
ing  the  day  at  Reedy  Island,  fifteen  miles  below  New 
castle,  inspecting  the  flotilla,  he  did  not  receive  his  or 
ders  until  1 1  p.m.,  when  he  was  returning  to  the  city. 
Retracing  his  steps,  he  arrived  at  Newcastle  at  sunrise 
of  the  twenty-third,  and  at  once  made  preparations  to 
proceed  southward  with  his  men.  Expecting  the  com- 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    285 

modore  to  reach  Baltimore  on  the  evening  of  the  twen 
ty-third,  the  secretary  on  the  morning  of  that  day  sent 
orders  to  that  city  directing  him  to  march  to  Bladens- 
burg  (five  miles  from  Washington)  with  the  "utmost 
possible  celerity."  As  the  commodore  did  not  reach 
Elkton,  some  fifty  miles  from  Baltimore  until  midnight 
of  the  twenty-third,  he  failed  to  receive  his  superior's 
commands  until  too  late  to  execute  them. 

By  August  twenty-fourth,  the  British  forces  under 
Ross  and  Cockburn  had  moved  up  the  Patuxent,  had 
forced  Barney  to  burn  his  flotilla,  and  had  advanced 
toward  the  capital.  On  the  afternoon  of  that  day  they 
defeated  the  Americans  under  General  Winder  and 
Commodore  Barney  at  Bladensburg,  and  in  the  even 
ing  entered  Washington.  Twenty-four  hours  later, 
having  burnt  the  Capitol,  the  Executive  Mansion,  and 
the  department  buildings,  they  withdrew  from  the  city 
and  returned  to  the  Patuxent.  On  the  twenty-fourth 
soon  after  the  Americans  were  defeated  at  Bladensburg, 
President  Madison,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Jones,  and 
several  other  leading  officials  of  the  government  fled  up 
the  Potomac  and  for  several  days  remained  in  hiding. 

While  Jones  was  seeking  his  safety  in  the  country 
side,  Rodgers,  who  was  temporarily  left  without  orders, 
found  employment  in  Baltimore,  where  he  arrived  on 
the  twenty-fifth.  The  Baltimoreans  were  panic  strick 
en,  believing  that  their  city  was  doomed  to  suffer  the 
fate  that  had  befallen  Washington.  The  opportune 
arrival  of  the  commodore  incited  their  courage,  and  the 
energetic  measures  of  defense  that  he  at  once  took  re 
stored  their  confidence.  Rodgers  united  his  command 
with  Porter's  and  with  that  of  a  small  flotilla  on  the 
Patapsco,  and  organized  the  combined  forces,  consist 
ing  of  upwards  of  a  thousand  sailors  and  marines,  into 


286  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

a  brigade,  which  he  divided  into  two  regiments,  placing 
one  under  Commodore  Porter  and  the  other  under 
Commodore  O.  H.  Perry  (the  latter  being  stationed 
at  Baltimore  to  superintend  the  construction  of  the 
frigate  "Java").  He  also  conferred  with  General 
Winder  and  planned  to  cooperate  with  him  in  defend 
ing  the  city.  The  commodore's  work  at  Baltimore  was 
his  first  experience  in  soldiering.  Its  comical  aspect 
did  not  escape  him.  "  If  you  were  to  see  what  a  figure 
I  cut  with  spurs  on,"  he  wrote  to  Mrs.  Rodgers,  "ac 
companied  by  my  aides  and  gig-men  on  horseback, 
you'd  split  your  sides  a  laughing." 

Soon  after  the  return  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy  to 
Washington,  the  enemy  gave  the  capital  a  second  scare, 
this  time  approaching  it  by  way  of  the  Potomac.  On 
August  twenty-seventh,  a  small  British  squadron,  con 
sisting  of  two  frigates  and  five  smaller  vessels,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  James  A.  Gordon,  reached  Fort 
Washington,  a  defense  twelve  miles  below  the  capital 
on  the  Potomac.  The  officer  in  command  of  the  fort 
abandoned  it  without  making  any  resistance,  and  Gor 
don  proceeded  to  Alexandria  (seven  miles  from  the 
seat  of  government) ,  which  place,  together  with  twenty- 
one  vessels  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores,  fell  into  his 
hands  on  August  twenty-ninth.  Gordon  remained  here 
three  days  loading  his  ships  with  the  captured  booty. 
On  receiving  orders  to  join  his  admiral,  he  set  sail  down 
the  river,  but  was  detained  by  adverse  winds  near  Fort 
Washington. 

Gordon's  movements  greatly  alarmed  the  secretary  of 
the  navy,  and  caused  him  to  take  measures  for  the  de 
fense  of  the  capital,  fearing  that  the  enemy  again  had 
designs  upon  it.  On  August  twenty-ninth,  he  ordered 
Rodgers  to  proceed  to  Bladensburg  from  Baltimore 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    287 

with  six  hundred  fifty  picked  seamen  and  marines.  Al 
ready,  on  the  day  previous,  the  commodore  had  ordered 
Porter  to  march  to  Washington  with  one  hundred  sea 
men,  "more  with  a  view  to  guard  the  executive  than 
any  thing  else."  Porter  arrived  at  the  capital  on  the 
thirtieth;  and  Rodgers,  accompanied  by  Perry,  at  Blad- 
ensburg  on  the  next  day.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  thir 
ty-first,  the  commodore  and  the  secretary  of  the  navy 
conferred  together  and  agreed  on  a  plan  for  harassing 
the  retreating  enemy.  Each  of  the  three  commodores 
was1  assigned  special  duties.  Porter  was  to  dispute  Gor 
don's  passage  by  means  of  some  batteries  which  he  was 
ordered  to  erect  a  few  miles  below  Mount  Vernon,  on 
the  Virginia  side  of  the  Potomac,  at  a  place  called  White 
House;  Perry  was  to  operate  against  the  enemy  from 
Indian  Head,  Maryland,  some  ten  miles  below  White 
House;  and  Rodgers  was  to  annoy  the  retreating  fleet 
in  the  rear  with  fire-ships. 

It  should  be  said  by  way  of  explanation  that  fire-ships 
were  made  by  loading  old  hulls  with  inflammables,  and 
were  designed  to  set  fire  to  vessels  by  direct  contact  with 
them.  Rodgers  improvised  his  means  of  destruction  at 
the  Washington  navy-yard.  On  the  morning  of  Sep 
tember  third  he  proceeded  down  the  Potomac  in  his  gig, 
closely  followed  by  his  miniature  fleet  consisting  of  three 
fire-ships  and  four  barges.  The  latter  were  manned  by 
about  sixty  seamen,  armed  with  muskets.  The  princi 
pal  officers  accompanying  the  expedition  were  Lieuten 
ants  Newcomb  and  Forrest,  Sailing-master  Ramage, 
and  Master's  Mate  Stockton.  At  Alexandria,  finding 
no  colors  displayed,  with  the  exception  of  a  Swedish 
ensign  on  board  a  schooner,  Rodgers  ordered  the  Amer 
ican  flag  to  be  hoisted.  When  within  half  a  mile  of  the  en 
emy,  who  was  discovered  at  anchor  near  Fort  Washing- 


288  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ton,  the  fire-ships  were  ignited  and  set  adrift.  They 
floated  down  stream  towards  the  British  fleet.  But  ow 
ing  to  the  failure  of  the  wind  and  the  prompt  efforts  of 
the  enemy's  rowboats,  which  met  the  fire-ships  and 
towed  them  away  from  the  fleet,  they  did  no  damage. 
Several  of  the  rowboats  pursued  Rodgers's  barges  and 
forced  them  to  retreat  up  the  Potomac.  On  reaching 
Alexandria,  the  commodore  took  possession  of  the  town, 
and  made  preparations  for  its  defense  by  mounting  some 
cannon  on  the  wharf  and  by  organizing  a  company  com 
posed  of  his  sailors  and  a  detachment  of  Virginia  mili 
tia.  As  Gordon  had  left  behind  him  a  considerable 
quantity  of  stores1  ready  to  be  shipped,  it  was  feared  that 
he  might  return  to  the  city. 

On  the  fourth,  Rodgers  ordered  Lieutenant  New- 
comb  to  proceed  down  the  river  with  a  flotilla,  consist 
ing  of  four  barges  and  a  lighter,  and  attack  a  bomb-ship 
of  the  enemy  that  lay  near  Fort  Washington.  On  ap 
proaching  the  bomb-ship,  Newcomb  discovered  that  a 
British  frigate  was  anchored  close  by,  and  he  was  com 
pelled  to  abandon  the  expedition.  After  reconnoiter- 
ing  the  British  vessels  for  some  time,  he  took  a  position 
on  the  Maryland  side  of  the  river,  hauled  the  barges 
on  shore,  anchored  the  lighter,  and  stationed  the  barge 
men  on  a  high  cliff.  At  1 1  p.m.,  he  was  attacked  by 
several  of  the  enemy's  boats,  and  after  engaging  them 
for  about  twenty  minutes  forced  them  to  retire.  On 
the  morning  of  the  fifth  the  barges  again  approached 
the  British  fleet,  which  was  then  retreating  down  the 
river,  and  set  adrift  another  fire-ship;  but,  as  on  the 
previous  occasion,  the  enemy  was  not  harmed  and  his 
boats  forced  the  barges  to  retreat.  This  incident  ended 
the  commodore's  operations  on  the  Potomac. 

Porter's  forces  comprised  a  detachment  of  sailors  and 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    289 

marines  and  some  volunteer  companies  of  militia.  For 
several  days  his  batteries  exchanged  shots  with  some  of 
the  vessels  of  the  enemy  that  were  in  advance  of  the 
main  fleet.  On  September  fifth,  when  Gordon,  taking 
advantage  of  a  favorable  wind,  ran  past  White  House, 
Porter  engaged  the  enemy  for  more  than  an  hour  before 
the  heavy  guns  of  the  two  British  frigates  compelled 
him  to  abandon  his  batteries.  Porter  lost  twenty-nine 
men,  killed  or  wounded;  the  loss  of  Gordon  was  prob 
ably  about  the  same.  On  the  evening  of  the  fifth,  Com 
modore  Perry  at  Indian  Head  engaged  the  British  ships1 
for  an  hour,  at  the  end  of  which  time  he  retired,  having 
one  man  wounded.  The  total  loss  of  the  enemy  during 
his  movement  down  the  Potomac  was  seven  killed  and 
thirty-five  wounded. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  on  the  Poto 
mac,  the  fleet  under  Cochrane  was  preparing  to  move 
up  the  Chesapeake  and  attack  Baltimore.  On  Sep 
tember  third,  Secretary  Jones,  becoming  anxious  for  the 
safety  of  that  city,  ordered  Rodgers  to  return  to  it  at 
once,  since  his  immediate  presence  there  was  necessary 
to  forward  the  preparations  for  its  defense  and  animate 
its  citizens,  "who,"  Jones  wrote,  "rely  with  perfect  con 
fidence  upon  the  efficiency  of  your  force  and  upon  your 
individual  influence,  skill,  and  industry."  A  division 
of  the  commodore's  command  left  straightway  for  the 
Patapsco,  and  it  was  soon  followed  by  the  remaining 
divisions  and  by  the  detachments  of  Porter  and  Perry. 
The  following  note  taken  from  the  National  Intelligen 
cer  describes  the  departure  of  Porter  and  his  men  from 
the  capital  on  the  evening  of  September  sixth :  "  Four 
teen  wagons-full  of  our  noble  seamen,  the  first  surmount 
ed  with  the  well-known  standard  of  *  Free  Trade  and 
Sailors'  Rights,'  the  whole  preceded  by  the  Hero  of 


290  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Valparaiso  and  cheered  by  their  boatswain's  whistle, 
passed  through  this  city  on  their  way  to  Baltimore  Tues 
day  evening." 

On  Rodgers's  arrival  at  Baltimore  he  again  assumed 
command  of  the  seamen  and  marines  that  were  assem 
bled  for  the  defense  of  the  city,  cooperating  with  Gener 
al  Samuel  Smith,  the  commander  of  the  militia,  Major 
George  Armistead,  the  commander  of  Fort  McHenry, 
and  the  Baltimore  Committee  of  Vigilance  and  Safety. 
Through  the  commodore's  efforts  the  channel  of  the 
Patapsco  on  both  sides  of  Fort  McHenry  was  obstructed 
by  the  sinking  of  old  hulks.  For  a  week  before  the 
arrival  of  the  British  he  worked  indefatigably,  building 
breastworks,  planting  batteries,  and  drilling  seamen. 
He  spent  much  time  on  horseback  visiting  his  widely- 
separated  commands.  His  aides  were  Master's  Mate 
R.  F.  Stockton,  who  later  became  distinguished  for  his 
operations  on  the  California  coast  in  the  war  with  Mex 
ico,  and  a  Mr.  Allen,  a  brother  of  Captain  W.  H.  Al 
len  who  was  killed  in  the  action  between  the  "Argus" 
and  "Pelican";  and  his  principal  officers  were  Master- 
commandant  Robert  T.  Spence,  Lieutenants  Thomas 
Gamble,  Solomon  Rutter,  Henry  S.  Newcomb,  Solo 
mon  Frazier,  and  Joseph  L.  Kuhn  (of  the  marines) ,  and 
Sailing-masters  Webster  and  Rodman.  Porter  return 
ed  to  New  York  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Baltimore,  and 
Perry  owing  to  illness  did  not  receive  a  command. 

Rodgers's  sailors,  though  fearless,  and  eager  for  a 
fight,  were  rather  awkward  on  their  land-legs.  Each 
day  they  were  put  through  a  series  of  military  maneuv 
ers,  an  exercise  whose  humorous  incidents  they  greatly 
enjoyed.  An  observer  of  one  of  their  drills  relates1  that 
the  commanding  officer  had  much  difficulty  in  prevent 
ing  his  ranks  from  crinkling  into  half-moons.  In  con- 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    291 

formity  with  sea  practice,  the  sailors  would  reply  audi 
bly  to  their  orders.  "Attention!"  the  officer  would  ex 
claim.  "Aye,  aye,  sir,"  came  from  every  man.  That 
the  order  "  to  charge"  might  be  understood  by  his  sail 
ors,  the  officer  explained  that  it  was  the  same  as  "  to 
board."  "  Here  they  were  at  home.  Their  eyes  glis 
tened.  Every  fellow  gathered  up  his  sinews  to  his  ut 
most  strength  and  waited  with  profound  silence  for  the 
word.  It  was  given,  and  on  they  came  with  fearful 
impetuosity,  every  one  striving  to  get  foremost.  It  hap 
pened  that  a  horse  and  cart  was  in  the  way.  Several  of 
the  spectators  had  retreated  behind  it.  But  the  sailors 
came  jumping  over  it  like  squirrels,  and  dashing  among 
them,  made  them  fly  off  at  full  speed  to  the  great  delight 
of  the  seamen  and  amidst  peals  of  laughter  from  all 
that  were  looking  on.  Never,  perhaps,  since  time  be 
gan  was  there  a  more  efficient  body  of  men  than  the 
crew,  as  seamen.  Nor  did  it  appear  possible  that  as 
sailors  they  could  be  better  drilled  to  the  business  of  a 
ship.  But  as1  soldiers,  except  in  courage  that  knew  no 
fear  and  a  zeal  that  anticipated  no  check,  they  were  the 
queerest  and  most  odd  set  of  fellows  that  ever  were 
collected  together." 

Baltimore  is  most  accessible  from  the  Chesapeake  by 
way  of  either  Patapsco  Neck  or  the  Patapsco  River. 
Patapsco  Neck  is  a  narrow  body  of  land,  about  fifteen 
miles  long,  lying  between  the  Patapsco  and  Back  Riv 
ers.  The  Patapsco  River  lies  to  the  southward  of  the 
neck,  and  extends  from  the  city  toward  the  bay  in  an 
east-southeasterly  direction.  The  upper  part  of  the  riv 
er  consists  of  a  northern  and  a  southern  arm,  called,  re 
spectively,  the  Basin  and  the  Ferry  Branch.  They  unite 
about  two  miles  and  a  half  from  the  center  of  the  city. 
On  the  apex  of  land  formed  by  their  confluence  is  sit- 


292  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

uated  Fort  McHenry,  the  chief  defense  of  the  harbor. 
In  September,  1814,  the  fort  was  occupied  by  about  one 
thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  Major  George 
Armistead,  of  the  United  States  Artillery.  The  city  of 
Baltimore  lay  at  the  head  of  the  Basin.  The  principal 
land  defenses,  consisting  of  intrenchments,  redoubts,  and 
batteries,  were  hastily  constructed  on  the  hills  about  a 
mile  to  the  eastward  of  the  city,  and  were  designed  to 
stop  the  enemy  advancing  by  way  of  Patapsco  Neck. 

The  major  part  of  Rodgers's  force  was  stationed  on 
the  Patapsco.  A  fleet  of  twelve  small  naval  craft,  man 
ned  by  about  three  hundred  sixty  men  and  commanded 
by  Lieutenant  Rutter,  guarded  the  entrance  to  the  Bas 
in.  East  of  Fort  McHenry,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Basin,  at  a  place  called  the  Lazaretto,  there  was  a  bat 
tery  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Frazier.  The  water  bat 
tery  of  the  fort  was  commanded  by  Sailing-master  Rod 
man.  A  mile  to  the  rear  of  the  fort,  at  the  head  of  the 
Ferry  Branch,  were  Forts  Covington  and  Babcock, 
which  formed  the  second  line  of  defense  for  the  harbor. 
They  were  commanded,  respectively,  by  Lieutenant 
Newcomb  and  Sailing-master  Webster.  The  minor 
part  of  Rodgers's  force,  consisting  of  about  two  hun 
dred  seamen  and  marines,  manned  several  batteries  on 
Hampstead  or  Loudenslager's  Hill,  to  the  eastward  of 
the  city.  It  was  here  that  Rodgers  had  his  headquart 
ers.  The  principal  battery,  known  as  Rodgers's  Bas 
tion,  was  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Gamble.  Its  site  is 
now  an  historic  spot  in  Patterson  Park,  Baltimore.  The 
old  earthworks  are  still  well  preserved,  and  in  recent 
years  they  have  been  given  a  warlike  appearance  by 
mounting  on  them  some  ancient  cannon. 

On  September  eleventh,  the  British  fleet  arrived  at 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812     293 

the  mouth  of  the  Patapsco ;  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
twelfth  its  commander,  Admiral  Cochrane,  having 
planned  to  attack  the  city  simultaneously  by  land  and 
water,  disembarked  some  four  thousand  men,  under 
General  Ross,  at  North  Point  on  Patapsco  Neck,  about 
fourteen  miles  from  Baltimore.  Having  advanced 
about  five  miles,  Ross  encountered  a  division  of  the 
American  army,  numbering  some  thirty-two  hundred 
men  and  commanded  by  General  Strieker.  A  spirited 
action  now  took  place,  which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of 
the  Americans,  though  they  suffered  less  than  the  Brit 
ish.  General  Ross  was  killed.  His  successor,  Colonel 
Arthur  Brooke,  camped  for  the  night  on  the  battlefield, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  thirteenth  resumed  the  march 
toward  Baltimore.  Owing  to  the  obstructions  placed 
in  the  way  of  the  British  army  by  the  retreating  Ameri 
cans,  it  did  not  come  in  sight  of  the  city  until  evening. 
Forcibly  impressed  by  the  formidable  defenses  that  met 
his  view,  Brooke  decided  not  to  advance  until  he  re 
ceived  news  from  the  fleet,  which  was  to  support  him. 
Soon  after  landing  the  troops  on  the  morning  of  the 
twelfth,  Admiral  Cochrane  sailed  up  the  Patapsco  Riv 
er.  At  daybreak  of  the  thirteenth,  five  bomb-ships  and 
a  rocket-ship  began  to  bombard  Fort  McHenry,  having 
approached  about  two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  being 
supported  by  several  frigates  and  sloops  placed  in  their 
rear.  Armistead  and  Frazier  immediately  opened  fire 
upon  the  enemy;  but,  finding  that  their  cannon  balls 
fell  short,  soon  ceased  firing.  In  the  afternoon  four  of 
the  bomb-ships  came  within  range,  and  the  Americans 
resumed  their  fire  and  forced  them  to  retire,  slightly  in 
juring  two  of  the  vessels.  All  day  and  night  Cochrane 
kept  up  an  almost  incessant  bombardment.  He  was  un- 


294  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

able,  however,  to  do  much  damage  to  the  fort,  which 
lost  only  twenty-eight  men. 

At  i  a.m.  on  the  fourteenth  the  British  sent  twenty 
armed  boats  up  the  Ferry  Branch.  As  the  night  was 
exceedingly  dark,  about  half  of  them  lost  their  way  and 
had  to  return.  The  rest  passed  by  Fort  McHenry  with 
out  being  seen.  On  nearing  the  head  of  the  branch, 
their  advance  was  arrested  by  Rodgers's  sailors  at  Forts 
Covington  and  Babcock.  When  the  enemy's  headmost 
vessel  began  firing,  Lieutenant  Newcomb,  the  com 
mander  of  Fort  Covington,  returned  the  fire,  and  was 
soon  joined  by  Fort  Babcock.  "  The  darkness  prevented 
our  distinguishing  his  force,"  Newcomb  wrote  in  his 
official  report  of  the  engagement.  "One  bomb-vessel 
was  this  side  the  Point,  a  schooner  about  half-way  be 
tween  her  and  Fort  Covington,  and  the  barges  (number 
unknown,  throwing  twelve,  eighteen  and  twenty-four 
pound  shot)  abreast  of  us.  Our  fire  was  directed  at  the 
headmost.  A  few  broadsides  checked  their  advance, 
when  they  concentrated  nearly  abreast  of  us  and  contin 
ued  their  attack  on  the  batteries.  The  decided  supe 
riority  of  our  fire  compelled  them  to  retreat,  when  they 
were  met  by  a  fire  from  Fort  McHenry,  which,  how 
ever,  from  the  darkness  of  the  night  was  soon  discon 
tinued."  One  of  the  enemy's  barges  was  sunk,  and  sev 
eral  men  were  killed. 

That  same  morning,  the  British  vessels,  having  made 
no  impression  upon  Fort  McHenry  and  the  supporting 
batteries,  discontinued  the  bombardment,  weighed  an 
chor,  and  stood  down  the  river.  On  the  previous  night 
Cochrane  had  communicated  to  Brooke  the  failure  of 
the  fleet  and  the  impossibility  of  its  aiding  the  army,  and 
the  two  commanders  decided  that  under  these  circum 
stances  an  attack  on  the  land  defenses  was  not  feasible. 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812     295 

Brooke  therefore  returned  to  North  Point  with  his 
troops  and  embarked  them  on  board  the  vessels  of  the 
fleet.  In  accounting  for  the  failure  of  his  expedition, 
Cochrane  laid  much  stress  upon  the  barrier  of  vessels 
sunk  by  Rodgers  at  the  mouth  of  the  Basin,  saying  that, 
had  it  not  been  for  these  obstructions,  he  would  not  have 
let  go  an  anchor  until  he  had  attempted  to  pass  Fort 
McHenry  and  enter  the  harbor. 

During  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  Rodgers,  it  would 
seem,  remained  at  Hampstead  Hill  in  close  proximity 
to  his  batteries  there.  By  means  of  his  aides  he  com 
municated  with  his  detachments  on  the  Patapsco.  For 
a  time  he  practically  directed  the  first  regiment  of 
Maryland  militia,  which  was  formed  in  column  in  the 
rear  of  his  batteries  on  the  hill ;  and  a  battalion  of  Penn 
sylvania  riflemen,  under  Major  Randall,  which  he  or 
dered  on  the  night  of  the  thirteenth  to  march  to  the 
Lazaretto  and  dislodge  a  party  of  the  enemy.  Stockton, 
who  accompanied  the  battalion,  reported  that  the 
major  and  his  men  displayed  great  zeal  and  gallan 
try  in  the  performance  of  their  duties.  The  commodore 
in  his  official  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  describ 
ing  his  work  at  Baltimore  wrote  in  complimentary 
terms  of  all  his  commanding  officers,  praising  especially 
Newcomb,  Webster,  Frazier,  Rutter,  Rodman,  and 
Stockton.  He  said  that  Commodore  Perry,  although 
indisposed  and  worn  with  fatigue,  came  to  the  defenses 
at  Hampstead  Hill  when  the  British  were  approaching 
and  offered  to  render  every  assistance  in  his  power. 

Rodgers's  services  to  Baltimore  during  those  anxious 
days  when  the  city  was  menaced  with  destruction  were 
long  held  in  grateful  remembrance  by  her  citizens,  some 
of  whom  were  wont  to  ascribe  the  preservation  of  their 
lives1  and  homes  largely  to  his  efforts.  More  than  once 


296  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

General  Samuel  Smith  expressed  his  appreciation  of 
the  important  services  rendered  by  the  commodore  and 
his  seamen.  In  his  general  orders  to  his  army,  Smith 
said,  "  It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction  that  the  command 
ing  general  seizes  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging 
the  very  great  assistance  he  has  received  from  the  coun 
sel  and  active  services  of  Commodore  Rodgers.  His 
exertions  and  those  of  his  brave  officers  and  seamen  have 
contributed  in  a  very  eminent  degree  to  the  safety  of  the 
city  and  should  be  remembered  with  lively  emotions  by 
every  citizen." 

After  the  close  of  the  war,  the  council  of  Baltimore 
tendered  the  commodore  a  vote  of  thanks.  Editor  Hez- 
ekiah  Niles  presented  him  with  a  complete  set  of  Niles's 
Weekly  Register,  "fancifully  bound  in  the  very  best 
and  most  substantial  manner."  The  leading  citizens  of 
Baltimore  expressed  their  appreciation  of  the  services 
of  their  fellow  Marylander  by  giving  him  a  handsome 
silver  service  of  plate,  consisting  of  fifty-two  pieces  and 
costing  four  thousand  dollars.  The  service  was  made 
in  Philadelphia  and  was  "splendidly  ornamented  with 
borderings  and  embossed  figures  after  the  manner  of  the 
Egyptian  and  Grecian  sculpturings."  Each  piece  bore 
the  inscription,  "  Presented  by  the  citizens  of  Baltimore 
to  Com.  Rodgers  in  testimony  of  their  high  sense  of  the 
important  aid  afforded  by  him  in  the  defense  of  Balti 
more  on  the  I2th  and  i3th  of  September,  1814."  It 
was  presented  to  him  on  the  third  anniversary  of  the 
bombardment  of  Fort  McHenry  and  the  battle  of  North 
Point.  A  brigade  paraded  on  Hampstead  Hill,  and  a 
dinner,  attended  by  Rodgers  and  Armistead,  was  given 
at  the  fort.  The  commodore  wrote  Ex-secretary  of  the 
Navy  Robert  Smith,  who  was  chairman  of  the  commit 
tee  charged  with  the  purchase  of  the  gift,  a  modest  and 


LAND  SERVICES  DURING  THE  WAR  OF  1812    297 

grateful  letter  of  acknowledgement,  from  which  the  fol 
lowing  paragraphs  have  been  extracted: 

"The  elegant  service  of  plate  with  which  the  citizens 
of  Baltimore  have  been  pleased  through  their  committee 
this  day  to  authorize  you  to  present  to  me  in  testimony 
of  the  estimation  with  which  their  kindness  has  led 
them  to  view  my  feeble  services  in  the  defense  of  their 
city  on  the  I2th  and  I3th  of  September,  1814,  in  repell 
ing  the  combined  attack  of  a  powerful  British  fleet  and 
formidable  British  army,  is  flattering  to  my  feelings  be 
yond  my  powers  of  language  to  express. 

"  That  the  brave  officers,  seamen,  and  marines  whom 
I  had  the  honor  to  command  on  that  occasion  did  every 
thing  in  their  power  for  the  defense  of  your  city  which 
the  peculiar  nature  of  the  service  and  their  limited 
means  would  allow,  is  most  true;  and  that  their  hearty 
cooperation  and  best  feelings  were  united  in  its  cause 
to  those  of  your  own  gallant  militia  is  equally  certain. 
But,  in  receiving  so  flattering  a  testimonial  of  individual 
respect,  I  am  constrained,  by  a  sense  of  justice  and  a 
recollection  of  the  prompt  and  judicious  preparations 
of  Major-General  Smith,  on  whom  the  chief  command 
devolved,  and  of  the  gallant  conduct  of  the  Baltimore 
militia  forming  the  brigade  of  General  Strieker  which 
met  the  enemy  in  advance,  added  to  the  laudable  zeal 
and  determined  perseverance  of  all  others  with  whom 
I  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  associated,  to  acknowledge 
that  I  ought  to  attribute  this  particular  mark  of  the 
favor  of  the  citizens  of  Baltimore  rather  to  that  patriot 
ism  and,  those  generous  feelings  for  which  they  have 
always  been  conspicuous  than  to  any  positive  claim 
which  the  occasion  gives  me  to  so  distinguished  a 
token  of  their  kindness." 

Soon  after  the  British    retreated    from    Baltimore, 


298  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Rodgers,  acting  under  the  orders  of  General  Smith,  as 
sumed  command  of  Fort  McHenry,  as  Major  Armi- 
stead  was  too  sick  to  remain  longer  at  his  post.  The 
commodore  was  in  charge  of  the  fort  for  only  a  few 
days -long  enough,  however,  to  perform  one  interesting 
duty,  the  ordering  of  a  salute  to  be  fired  in  honor  of 
Commodore  Macdonough's  victory  on  Lake  Champlain. 
On  September  nineteenth,  Secretary  Jones,  fearing  that 
the  British  would  next  move  on  Philadelphia,  directed 
Rodgers  to  return  at  once  with  his  seamen  and  marines 
to  the  Delaware.  On  the  next  day  he  collected  his  men 
and  began  his  march  northward.  He  arrived  at  New 
castle  on  the  twenty-third,  after  an  absence  from  his 
station  of  one  month. 

During  the  rest  of  the  fall  and  the  early  winter  the 
commodore  was  employed  in  equipping  the  "Guerriere" 
and  superintending  the  work  of  the  Delaware  flotilla. 
In  December  he  purchased  the  brig  "  Prometheus," 
which  was  to  serve  as  a  tender  to  his  ship.  In  January, 
1815,  he  relinquished  the  command  of  the  flotilla,  and 
visited  his  family  at  Havre  de  Grace,  expecting  soon  to 
go  to  sea.  The  ice  in  the  Delaware,  however,  delayed 
his  sailing.  Early  in  February  news  of  the  signing  of 
the  treaty  of  Ghent  arrived  in  the  United  States,  and 
the  war  was  at  an  end.  Already  the  secretary  of  the 
navy  had  the  commodore  in  mind  for  an  important  ad 
ministrative  office  in  Washington,  but  that  is  another 
story  and  belongs  to  the  succeeding  chapter. 


XII.    PRESIDENT  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  NAVY 
COMMISSIONERS:  1815-1824 

THE  war  of  1812  caused  a  rapid  expansion  of  both 
the  personnel  and  the  material  of  the  navy.  The 
number  of  officers  of  the  higher  ranks  in  1815  was  more 
than  double  the  number  in  1811 ;  the  captains  had  in 
creased  from  thirteen  to  thirty,  the  masters-commandant 
from  nine  to  seventeen,  and  the  lieutenants  from  seven 
ty  to  one  hundred  forty-six.  Nineteen  officers  had  been 
promoted  to  be  captains.  Of  these,  the  most  noted 
were  Porter,  Lawrence,  Jacob  Jones,  Morris,  O.  H. 
Perry,  Macdonough,  Warrington,  Biddle,  and  Blake- 
ly.  Lawrence  was  killed  in  action  and  Blakely  went 
down  with  his  vessel -the  only  two  officers  of  the  high 
est  rank  lost  in  the  war.  Murray  and  Rodgers  were  still 
at  the  head  of  the  captains'  list,  and  next  to  them  in 
order  were  Barron,  Bainbridge,  Campbell,  Decatur, 
Tingey,  Stewart,  Hull,  and  Chauncey.  Only  three  offi 
cers  of  the  old  Revolutionary  school  were  left,  Murray, 
Campbell,  and  Tingey.  The  last  of  these,  Tingey,  died 
in  1829. 

During  the  War  of  1812  the  number  of  naval  ships 
rapidly  increased,  and  the  annual  naval  expenditures 
rose  from  $1,970,000  to  $8,660,000.  Before  the  war, 
the  navy  had  few  friends  among  the  people  or  among 
the  members  of  the  dominant  political  party.  By  1815, 
however,  a  succession  of  glorious  naval  victories  and  the 
newly  awakened  spirit  of  nationalism  had  brought  about 
a  complete  change  in  public  sentiment.  The  navy  had 
become  exceedingly  popular,  and  the  Republicans,  who 


300  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

had  once  threatened  to  abolish  it,  had  become  its  zealous 
advocates.  Both  parties  were  now  agreed  in  regarding 
it  as  a  permanent  institution  that  must  be  fostered,  im 
proved,  and  enlarged. 

The  problems  of  naval  management  always  assume 
importance  during  periods  of  hostilities.  At  such  times 
administrative  defects  and  abuses  offend  the  national 
pride,  do  the  most  harm,  and  call  loudest  for  correction. 
A  navy  department,  quite  adequate  during  peace,  often 
proves  to  be  seriously  wanting  in  war  when  additional 
and  unusual  duties  are  to  be  performed.  The  mobiliz 
ing  and  directing  of  the  fleet  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  naval  strategy  put  the  department  to  the 
severest  test. 

The  War  of  1812  was  no  sooner  begun  than  certain 
serious  defects  in  our  navy  system  were  brought  to 
light.  One  of  its  shortcomings  was  the  lack  of  tech 
nical  men  in  the  navy  department.  The  secretary  and 
all  of  his  assistants  were  civilians,  and  were  therefore 
more  or  less  ignorant  of  the  naval  profession.  Presi 
dent  Madison  decided  to  remedy  this  defect.  He,  there 
fore,  when  during  the  war  a  vacancy  occurred  in  the 
secretaryship,  invited  a  naval  officer  to  fill  it,  Commo 
dore  John  Rodgers.  Preferring  active  service  at  sea 
to  the  chief  administrative  post  on  shore,  the  commo 
dore  declined  the  office. 

During  the  war  another  plan  for  adding  a  profes 
sional  element  to  the  department  was  proposed  and  was 
approved  by  both  the  president  and  Congress.  On  Feb 
ruary  7,  1815,  a  board  of  navy  commissioners  was  es 
tablished  by  law.  It  was  to  be  composed  of  three  post- 
captains  of  the  navy,  who  were  to  be  appointed  by  the 
president,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate.  It  was  to  be  attached  to  the  office  of  the  secre- 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  301 

tary  of  the  navy;  and  it  was  to  perform  all  the  minister 
ial  duties  of  the  department  relating  to  the  procuring 
of  naval  stores  and  materials,  and  to  the  construction, 
armament,  equipment,  and  employment  of  the  ships  of 
war,  "as  well  as  all  other  matters  connected  with  the 
naval  establishment."  Nothing  in  the  act,  however, 
was  to  be  construed  to  take  from  the  secretary  of  the 
navy  his  control  and  direction  of  the  naval  forces. 

As  soon  as  the  law  of  February  7,  1815,  was  passed, 
Madison  decided  to  make  Rodgers  president  of  the 
board.  On  February  eighth,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  G. 
W.  Crowninshield,  who  had  succeeded  Secretary  Jones 
in  the  department,  wrote  to  the  commodore  offering  him 
a  place  on  the  navy  board  and  requesting  him  to  sug 
gest,  in  case  he  would  not  accept  the  office,  three  naval 
captains  whom  "it  would  be  most  proper  to  take  so  as 
to  do  the  most  benefit  to  the  service  and  to  create  the 
least  uneasiness  among  the  officers."  What  Rodgers 
wrote  concerning  his  own  acceptance  is  not  known,  but 
that  part  of  his  reply  which  relates  to  the  qualifications 
of  his  fellow  captains  has  been  published  and  is  there 
fore  accessible.  His  characterization  of  the  leading  offi 
cers  of  the  War  of  1 8 1 2  is  of  sufficient  interest  to  warrant 
its  quotation: 

"  Commodore  —  — ,  although  an  amiable  old  gen 
tleman,  has  not  been  regularly  bred  to  the  profession  of 
a  seaman;  his  pretentions  therefore  as  a  navy  officer  are 
of  a  very  limited  description.  Captain  Bainbridge  is 
an  excellent  officer,  uniting  much  practice  with  consid 
erable  theory;  he  is  also  industrious,  and  if  there  is  any 
objection  to  him,  it  is  because  he  feels  the  importance 
of  his  own  abilities  too  sensibly  to  qualify  him  as  well 
as  he  otherwise  would  be  for  a  subordinate  situation. 
Captain  Campbell  is  a  good  old  gentleman,  but  is  fond 


302  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

of  novelty,  and  at  the  same  time  an  enemy  to  everything 
that  is  likely  to  call  the  reflections  of  his  mind  into  oper 
ation.  Captains  Decatur,  Stewart,  Warrington,  and 
Blakely  being  at  sea,  I  feel  it  unnecessary  to  say  any 
thing  concerning  their  pretentions. 

"  Captain  Chauncey  is  an  excellent  officer,  but  I  con 
sider  him  better  qualified  for  a  command  at  sea.  Cap 
tain  Shaw,  although  an  amiable  man,  is  by  no  means 
qualified  for  anything  requiring  the  exercise  of  more 
than  an  ordinary  share  of  intellect.  Captain  Porter  is 
a  man  of  far  more  than  ordinary  natural  talents,  inde 
fatigable  in  whatever  he  undertakes ;  and  added  to  these, 
his  acquirements,  professional  as  well  as  more  immedi 
ately  scientific,  are  respectable.  Captain  Dent,  although 
his  opportunities  of  gaining  professional  knowledge 
have  been  considerable,  nevertheless  wants  stability 
of  character.  Captain  Gordon  is  a  good  seaman  and 
qualified  for  a  command  at  sea;  but  his  opinions  are 
too  flexible  to  qualify  him.  Captain  Perry,  as  you  well 
know,  is  a  good  officer;  but  I  do  not  believe  he  has  ever 
paid  so  much  attention  to  naval  service  as  to  qualify 
him  for  such  a  situation.  Captain  Macdonough  is  an 
officer  of  similar  merit.  Captain  Morris  is  a  man  of 
strong  discriminating  mind,  of  considerable  science, 
and  unites  perhaps  as  much,  if  not  more,  theoretical  and 
practical  knowledge  than  any  man  of  his  age  in  the  ser 
vice. 

"  Captain  Jones  is  a  good  officer;  and,  though  a  man 
of  far  more  than  ordinary  general  information,  he  does 
not  possess  the  particular  kinds  to  qualify  him.  Cap 
tain  Crane  is  a  good  seaman  and  an  intelligent  man;  but 
he  is  better  qualified  to  command  a  ship  than  anything 
else.  Captain  Bainbridge,  the  junior,  I  do  not  think 
qualified  for  any  command,  as  I  have  reason  to  believe 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  303 

him  intemperate,  and  I  am  induced  to  mention  this 
that  you  may  be  guarded  against  giving  him  a  command 
at  sea.  Captain  Hull  I  had  almost  forgot  to  mention. 
He  is  nevertheless  a  man  of  most  amiable  disposition; 
and,  although  he  does  not  pretend  to  much  science,  he  is 
an  excellent  seaman  and  at  the  same  time  he  unites  all 
the  most  essential  qualifications  necessary  for  such  a  sit 
uation.  Were  I  authorized  to  nominate  the  three  cap 
tains  to  assist  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  de 
partment,  I  should  name  Bainbridge,  Hull,  and  Mor 
ris;  otherwise,  Hull,  Porter,  and  Morris."33 

On  receiving  the  reply  of  the  commodore,  who  was  at 
Philadelphia  in  command  of  the  "  Guerriere,"  Crownin- 
shield  ordered  him  to  come  immediately  to  Washington. 
After  the  president  and  the  secretary  of  the  navy  had 
consulted  with  him,  they  chose  Rodgers,  Hull,  and  Por 
ter  as  navy  commissioners.  These  three  officers  were 
nominated  on  February  twenty- seventh,  and  confirmed 
and  commissioned  on  the  following  day.  Having  con 
ferred  with  his  superiors  at  Washington,  the  commodore 
returned  to  his  ship  at  Philadelphia,  which  was  now 
under  orders  to  sail  for  New  York.  In  March,  he 
dropped  down  to  Newcastle,  and  early  in  April  he  re 
signed  his  command  to  Lieutenant  C.  W.  Morgan  and 
proceeded  again  to  the  seat  of  government.  Here  on 
April  twentieth,  he  received  his  commission  as  commis 
sioner  of  the  navy,  which  read  as  follows : 

"James  Madison -President  of  the  United  States  of 
America -To  all  who  shall  see  these  Presents,  Greet 
ing:  Know  Ye,  That  in  pursuance  of  an  Act  of  Con 
gress,  entitled  'an  act  to  alter  and  amend  the  several 
acts  for  establishing  a  Navy  Department  by  adding 
thereto  a  Board  of  Commissioners,'  passed  on  the  sev- 

33  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  Proceedings,  second  ser.,  vol.  iv,  207-208. 


304  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

enth  day  of  February,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
fifteen,  and  of  the  special  trust  and  confidence  reposed 
in  the  patriotism,  integrity,  and  abilities  of  John  Rod- 
gers,  a  Post-captain  in  the  Navy  of  the  United  States, 
I  have  nominated,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con 
sent  of  the  Senate,  do  appoint  him  a  Commissioner  of 
the  board  aforesaid,  to  have  and  to  hold  the  said  ap 
pointment,  with  all  the  powers,  privileges,  and  emolu 
ments,  thereunto  legally  appertaining,  during  the  pleas 
ure  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  for  the  time 
being." 

On  April  25,  1815,  Rodgers,  Hull,  and  Porter  held 
a  meeting  in  Washington,  and,  after  reading  their  com 
missions,  organized  the  board  of  navy  commissioners. 
Rodgers,  being  the  senior  officer  in  rank,  took  his  seat, 
in  conformity  to  law,  as  president.  The  first  duty  of 
the  board  was  the  selection  of  a  secretary  and  two  clerks. 
Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Norfolk,  Virginia,  was  chos 
en  secretary.  He  was  a  lawyer,  and  had  served  as  judge 
advocate  of  the  court  martial  that  tried  Commodore 
James  Barron  in  1808.  Charles  W.  Goldsborough  and 
Charles  G.  DeWitt  were  appointed  clerks.  Goldsbor 
ough  was  one  of  the  most  important  officials  of  the  navy 
department  during  the  first  half-century  of  its  existence. 
He  entered  the  department  when  it  was  founded  in 
1798,  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  brief  period  during 
the  War  of  1812,  served  in  it  continuously  until  his 
death  in  1843.  He  was  the  chief  clerk  of  the  depart 
ment  from  1802  to  1813,  secretary  of  the  navy  board 
from  1823  to  1842,  and  chief  of  the  bureau  of  provisions 
and  clothing  from  1842  to  1843.  His  two  sons,  Rear- 
admiral  Louis  M.  Goldsborough  and  Commodore  John 
Rodgers  Goldsborough,  were  leading  officers  of  the 
navy  during  the  Civil  War. 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  305 

Littleton  W.  Tazewell  declined  the  appointment  of 
secretary  to  the  commissioners,  and  James  K.  Paulding 
of  New  York,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  office.  Paulding's 
career  as  a  government  official  and  as  a  literary  man 
was  a  most  notable  one.  He  was  a  cousin  of  the  revolu 
tionary  patriot,  John  Paulding,  one  of  the  captors  of 
Major  John  Andre;  and  a  brother-in-law  of  William 
Irving,  who  was  a  brother  of  Washington  Irving.  In 
1807,  Paulding  and  the  two  Irvings  began  the  publica 
tion  of  the  famous  Salmagundi,  a  series  of  articles  wit 
tily  setting  forth  the  follies  of  the  day.  For  half  a 
century  he  wrote  various  novels,  poems,  sketches,  stories, 
and  comedies  that  for  a  time  had  much  vogue.  During 
the  War  of  1812  some  of  his  political  writings  caught 
the  fancy  of  President  Madison  and  led  to  his  selection 
as  secretary  of  the  navy  board.  Resigning  the  secre 
taryship  in  1823,  he  returned  to  New  York  and  was  soon 
made  navy  agent  at  that  port,  an  office  that  he  held  until 
President  Van  Buren  made  him  secretary  of  the  navy 
in  1838.  Paulding  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Commo 
dore  Rodgers,  with  whom  he  corresponded  after  leav 
ing  the  navy  board. 

For  an  office,  the  board  rented  a  house  of  five  rooms, 
paying  for  it  three  hundred  dollars  a  year.  Its  exact 
location  in  Washington  is  not  known.  It  was,  however, 
somewhat  remote  from  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the 
navy,  and  was  therefore  inconveniently  situated.  In 
1820,  the  commissioners  obtained  more  satisfactory 
quarters  in  the  old  navy  department  building,  which 
stood  about  two  hundred  yards  west  of  the  White  House. 
This  was  a  plain  brick  structure,  one  hundred  sixty 
feet  long  and  fifty-five  feet  wide.  It  was  two  stories  in 
height,  with  a  basement  and  attic.  Throughout  its 
length  there  was  a  broad  hallway,  with  office  rooms  on 


306  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

each  side.  The  secretary  of  the  navy  and  the  commis 
sioners  occupied  the  second  floor  of  this  building.  The 
office  hours  of  the  commissioners  were  from  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning  until  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  but 
when  the  duties  of  the  board  were  pressing  they  were 
often  extended. 

Rodgers  served  as  president  of  the  board  of  navy  com 
missioners  for  two  terms  of  about  nine  and  a  half  years 
each -in  all  for  a  little  more  than  nineteen  years.  His 
first  term  lasted  from  April  25,  1815  to  December  15, 
1824.  On  the  organization  of  the  board,  his  fellow 
commissioners  were  Hull  and  Porter,  as  we  have  seen. 
Hull  resigned  his  office  in  the  summer  of  1815  to  be 
come  commandant  of  the  Boston  navy-yard,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Decatur  who  served  until  March,  1820, 
when  he  was  killed  in  a  duel  by  Commodore  Barron. 
Stewart  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy  thus  created. 
Preferring  sea  service,  he  was  soon  succeeded  by  Chaun- 
cey.  Porter  served  on  the  board  from  1815  until  1822, 
when  'he  accepted  the  command  of  the  West  India  squad 
ron  organized  for  the  suppression  of  piracy.  His  suc 
cessor  was  Commodore  Morris. 

In  May,  1815,  soon  after  the  navy  board  was  organ 
ized,  the  commissioners  and  the  secretary  of  the  navy 
had  a  serious  contention  over  their  respective  spheres 
of  duty,  in  which  some  feeling  was  manifested  on  each 
side.  The  act  of  February  7,  1815,  establishing  the 
board,  was  so  loosely  drawn  that  differences  of  opinion 
respecting  its  meaning  easily  arose.  Crowninshield  re 
ferred  the  dispute  to  President  Madison  for  settlement. 
Awaiting  his  decision,  the  commissioners  transacted  no 
business  for  almost  a  month.  The  act,  according  to 
their  interpretation  of  it,  gave  them  large  powers  of 
control  over  both  the  personnel  and  the  material  of  the 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  309 

navy,  and  made  them  directly  responsible  to  the  pres 
ident.  Crowninshield  contended  that  the  board  was 
vested  with  powers  over  only  the  naval  material  and 
was  responsible  to  himself  for  all  its  acts.  Madison's 
decision  agreed  in  the  main  with  the  view  of  his  secre 
tary.  In  accordance  therewith  the  commissioners 
took  charge  of  the  naval  material -of  the  building, 
arming,  and  equipping  of  ships  of  war,  the  manage 
ment  of  the  navy-yards  and  naval  stations,  and  the 
purchase  of  naval  stores  and  provisions.  In  respect 
to  the  personnel  of  the  navy,  the  commissioners  exer 
cised  only  advisory  powers.  The  secretary  attended  to 
the  detailing  of  officers,  the  directing  of  the  movement 
of  ships,  and  the  ordering  of  naval  courts.  The  work  of 
the  commissioners  corresponded  to  that  now  performed 
by  the  bureaus  of  construction  and  repair,  equipment, 
ordnance,  yards  and  docks,  and  supplies  and  accounts. 
The  commandants  of  the  navy-yards,  the  naval  con 
structors,  and  the  navy  agents  reported  to  them. 

The  commissioners  entered  upon  their  duties  with 
great  zeal  and  energy.  Long  cognizant  of  the  evils 
from  which  the  navy  had  suffered  and  of  the  defects 
of  naval  administration,  they  brought  forward  a  com 
prehensive  program  of  naval  reform  and  betterment. 
In  1799-1801,  the  Federalists  had  established  navy- 
yards  at  Boston,  Portsmouth,  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Washington,  and  Norfolk,  and  naval  stations  at  Balti 
more  and  Charleston.  The  commissioners  decided  that 
many  of  these  establishments  were  either  not  needed  or 
else  they  were  improperly  located;  and  they  recom 
mended  that  all  of  them,  with  the  exception  of  the  yard 
at  Boston,  be  discontinued,  and  that  proper  sites  for  two 
new  yards,  one  on  the  Chesapeake  and  the  other  on  the 
Narragansett  or  thereabouts,  be  purchased.  For  the 


310  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Atlantic  coast  three  yards,  in  their  opinion,  were  suffi 
cient. 

The  commissioners'  program  also  provided  for  dry 
docks,  naval  hospitals,  a  naval  academy,  a  national  gun 
factory,  and  an  ordnance  department.  They  recom 
mended  the  creation  of  the  naval  ranks  of  commodore 
and  admiral,  the  dismissal  from  the  navy  of  all  incom 
petent  officers,  and  the  institution  of  a  proper  system  of 
promotions  based  upon  merit  and  experience.  In  their 
view  the  navy  had  been  too  rapidly  increased  during  the 
late  war.  As  a  result  it  contained  lieutenants  who  had 
not  been  to  sea  for  a  single  day,  and  masters-command 
ant  who  had  served  only  on  gunboats  and  at  navy-yards. 
Furthermore,  too  much  of  the  practice  of  the  navy,  they 
said,  had  been  left  to  the  taste  or  fancy  of  each  com 
mander.  What  was  needed  was  a  complete  system  of 
rules  and  regulations.  They  also  recommended  the 
construction  annually  of  one  ship  of  the  line,  two  fri 
gates,  and  two  sloops  of  war;  the  cutting  and  storing 
for  the  future  needs  of  the  navy  of  a  large  supply  of 
naval  timber;  and  the  use  of  American-made  copper, 
canvas,  and  hemp. 

The  adoption  of  all  these  reforms  and  improvements 
in  a  short  time  was  not  to  be  expected.  Indeed  many 
years  elapsed  before  some  of  them  were  enacted  into 
law.  In  several  instances  the  fruit  of  the  commission 
ers'  agitation  was  gathered  after  the  navy  board  was 
discontinued  in  1842.  A  naval  academy  was  not  ob 
tained  until  1845,  a  weeding  out  of  the  officers  until 
1855,  higher  ranks  until  1862,  and  a  gun  factory  until 
1886.  The  adoption  of  an  adequate  system  of  promo 
tions  is  still  under  discussion.  The  commissioners  were 
unable  to  effect  a  discontinuance  of  the  old  navy-yards 
and  the  purchase  of  more  ample  new  ones.  With  this 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  311 

in  view  they  made  an  extensive  survey  of  the  Chesa 
peake  in  1816.  They  did,  however,  obtain  the  con 
struction  of  several  dry  docks  and  naval  hospitals,  the 
improvement  of  the  naval  ordnance,  an  increase  of 
ships,  and  a  new  system  of  naval  regulations. 

Our  first  navy  rules,  which  were  drawn  up  in  No 
vember,  1775,  by  John  Adams  when  the  Continental 
navy  was  being  founded,  were  quite  brief  and  were 
more  or  less  general  in  character.  Successive  editions 
appeared  from  time  to  time  until  1818,  when  the  com 
missioners'  rules  were  issued.  These  were  extensive 
and  detailed,  and  represented  much  laborious  work  on 
the  part  of  their  authors.  They  were  in  force  for  al 
most  half  a  century,  and  they  still  form  the  basis  of  our 
present  navy  regulations.  The  commissioners'  rules  re 
duced  to  system  and  uniformity  many  naval  practices 
that  had  previously  varied  with  each  officer  or  com 
mander.  Among  other  matters,  they  contained  instruc 
tions  respecting  naval  discipline,  the  duties  of  officers 
and  the  equipment  of  ships,  and  regulations  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  navy-yards.  They  prescribed  the  navy 
ration,  allotting  for  each  day  of  the  week  fixed  quanti 
ties  of  the  several  articles  composing  the  naval  diet  -  suet, 
cheese,  beef,  pork,  flour,  bread,  butter,  peas,  rice,  sugar, 
tea,  molasses,  vinegar,  and  spirits.  The  daily  allow 
ance  of  spirits,  that  is  of  rum  or  whiskey,  was  fixed  at  half 
a  pint.  How  detailed  were  the  commissioners'  prescrip 
tion  of  official  duties,  a  brief  extract  will  show: 
COOK 

"  i.  He  is  to  have  charge  of  the  steep  tub,  and  is 
answerable  for  the  meat  put  therein. 

"  2.  He  is  to  see  the  meat  duly  watered,  and  the  pro 
visions  carefully  and  cleanly  boiled  and  delivered  to 
the  men  according  to  the  practice  of  the  navy. 


312  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

"3.  In  stormy  weather  he  is  to  secure  the  steep  tub 
that  it  may  not  be  washed  overboard ;  but  if  it  should  be 
inevitably  lost,  the  captain  must  certify  as  to  the  loss 
and  the  cook  is  to  make  oath  as  to  the  number  of  pieces 
so  lost,  that  it  may  be  allowed  in  the  purser's  account." 
CHAPLAIN 

"  i.  He  is  to  read  prayers  at  stated  periods ;  perform 
all  funeral  ceremonies  over  such  persons  as  may  die  in 
the  service  in  the  vessel  to  which  he  belongs;  or,  if  di 
rected  by  the  commanding  officer,  over  any  person  that 
may  die  in  any  other  public  vessel. 

"  2.  He  shall  perform  the  duty  of  a  schoolmaster, 
and  to  that  end  he  shall  instruct  the  midshipmen  and 
volunteers  in  writing,  arithmetic,  and  navigation,  and 
in  whatsoever  may  contribute  to  render  them  proficients. 
He  is  likewise  to  teach  the  other  youths  of  the  ship,  ac 
cording  to  such  orders  as  he  shall  receive  from  the  cap 
tain.  He  is  to  be  diligent  in  his  office. 

"3.  He  shall,  when  it  is  required  of  him,  perform 
the  duties  of  secretary  to  the  commodore." 

Respecting  the  work  of  the  midshipmen,  the  commis 
sioners  were  unable  to  enter  into  details,  since  these  non 
descript  officers  might  on  occasion  be  called  upon  to 
perform  almost  any  duty  aboard  ship.  The  midship 
men  of  the  old  navy  were  often  mere  youths  eight  or 
ten  years  old,  or  they  might  be  young  men  well  past 
their  majority.  From  this  rank  have  come  many  of 
our  most  celebrated  officers.  Admiral  Farragut  was  a 
midshipman  at  nine  years  of  age,  and  Admiral  Porter  at 
fourteen.  All  that  can  be  learned  of  these  picturesque, 
irresponsible,  fun  loving  young  gentlemen  of  the  cock 
pit  has  a  peculiar  interest  of  its  own.  The  commission 
ers'  rules  contain  the  following  information  respecting 
them: 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  313 

"  i.  No  particular  duties  can  be  assigned  to  this 
class  of  officers. 

"2.  They  are  promptly  and  faithfully  to  execute  all 
the  orders  for  the  public  service  which  they  shall  receive 
from  their  commanding  officers. 

"  3.  The  commanding  officers  will  consider  the  mid 
shipmen  as  a  class  of  officers  meriting  in  a  special  degree 
their  fostering  care;  they  will  see  therefore  that  the 
schoolmaster  performs  his  duty  towards  them  by  dili 
gently  and  faithfully  instructing  them  in  those  sciences 
appertaining  to  their  profession,  and  that  he  use  his  ut 
most  care  to  render  them  proficients  therein. 

"4.  Midshipmen  are  to  keep  regular  journals  and 
deliver  them  to  the  commanding  officer  at  the  stated 
periods,  in  due  form. 

"5.  They  are  to  consider  it  as  the  duty  to  their 
country  to  employ  a  due  portion  of  their  time  in  the 
study  of  naval  tactics  and  in  acquiring  a  thorough  and 
extensive  knowledge  of  all  the  various  duties  to  be  per 
formed  on  board  of  a  ship  of  war." 

In  April,  1816,  Congress  authorized  the  construction 
of  nine  line  of  battle  ships  and  twelve  44-gun  frigates, 
the  superintending  of  which  fell  to  the  navy  commis 
sioners.  Before  considering  their  work  of  building 
ships,  a  few  words  of  explanation  are  in  order.  The 
vessels  of  the  old  navy  may  be  classified  as  minor  craft, 
sloops  of  war,  frigates,  and  line  of  battle  ships.  To  the 
minor  craft  belonged  galleys,  barges,  gunboats,  and 
small  sailing  vessels  under  16  guns.  The  sloops  of  war 
were  of  about  500  tons  burden;  they  mounted  from  16 
to  22  guns  on  one  deck,  and  carried  from  140  to  175 
men.  The  "  Peacock,"  "  Frolic,"  "Wasp,"  and  "  Hor 
net"  of  Rodgers's  day  belonged  to  this  class.  The  frig 
ates  were  ship-rigged  vessels,  of  from  800  to  1600  tons 


3H  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

burden ;  they  mounted  from  30  to  55  guns  on  two  decks, 
and  carried  from  250  to  500  men.  The  line  of  battle 
ships  were  from  2200  to  3200  tons  burden ;  they  mounted 
from  74  to  120  guns  on  three  decks,  and  carried  from 
800  to  noo  men.  As  their  name  indicates,  they  were 
intended  to  bear  the  shock  of  battle  between  opposing 
fleets. 

During  the  Revolution  we  had  only  one  line  of  bat 
tle  ship  in  our  navy,  the  "America,"  and  she  was  not 
completed  in  time  to  take  part  in  that  conflict.  No 
other  was  built  until  the  War  of  1812,  when  the  "  Inde 
pendence,"  "Franklin,"  "Washington,"  "  Chippewa," 
and  "  New  Orleans"  were  placed  upon  the  stocks.  The 
two  latter  were  never  completed.  The  "  Independence," 
which  went  to  sea  in  1815  as  the  flag-ship  of  Commo 
dore  William  Bainbridge,  was  the  first  American  line 
of  battle  ship  to  make  a  cruise.  In  May,  1816,  the 
"Washington,"  Commodore  Isaac  Chauncey,  arrived  at 
Annapolis,  where  she  attracted  much  attention.  An 
American  seventy-four  was  so  unusual  a  sight  that  she 
was  visited  by  a  party  from  Washington,  consisting  of 
President  and  Mrs.  Madison,  Secretary  Crowninshield, 
and  Navy  Commissioners  Rodgers  and  Porter.  In  June, 
she  sailed  for  the  Mediterranean,  with  William  Pink- 
ney  and  family  as  passengers. 

The  first  line  of  battle  ship  built  by  the  commission 
ers  was  the  "  Columbus."  Her  keel  was  laid  at  the 
Washington  navy-yard  in  May,  1816.  The  construc 
tion  of  the  "  Delaware"  and  "  Ohio"  was  begun  in  1817, 
the  "North  Carolina"  and  "Vermont"  in  1818,  the 
"Alabama"  in  1819,  the  "New  York"  in  1820,  the 
"Pennsylvania"  in  1821,  and  the  "Virginia"  in  1822. 
Some  notion  of  the  size  of  these  ships  may  be  obtained 
from  the  dimensions  of  the  "  Ohio,"  which  was  built  at 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  315 

New  York  by  the  noted  naval  architect,  Henry  Eck- 
ford.  Her  length  was  198  feet,  breadth  54.6  feet,  and 
depth  22.5  feet.  She  was  of  2170  tons  burden.  The 
length  of  the  mainmast  of  a  line  of  battle  ship  as  estab 
lished  by  the  commissioners  was  1 16  feet,  foremast  104.3 
feet,  mizzenmast  92  feet,  and  bowsprit  75  feet.  The 
"  Pennsylvania"  was  the  largest  sailing  ship  of  the  Old 
Navy.  She  carried  120  guns  and  noo  men,  and  had  a 
tonnage  of  3241  tons.  She  was  built  by  Samuel  Hum 
phreys,  a  son  of  Joshua  Humphreys,  the  designer  of  the 
"  Constitution."  The  principal  material  used  in  her 
construction  was  live  oak.  President  John  Quincy 
Adams,  who  went  aboard  her  at  Philadelphia  in  1827, 
said  that  she  looked  like  a  city  in  herself  and  was  the 
largest  ship  on  the  ocean. 

The  commissioners  also  built  many  of  the  famous 
forty-fours  of  the  old  navy -the  largest  vessels  of  the 
frigate  class.  From  1819  to  1825  the  keels  of  the  "Poto 
mac,"  "Brandywine,"  "Columbia,"  "Cumberland," 
"Savannah,"  "  Raritan,"  "  Sante,"  and  "Sabine"  were 
laid  down.  The  construction  of  sloops  of  war  under  the 
commissioners  was  begun  in  1825  when  Bainbridge  was 
at  the  head  of  the  navy  board  and  was  continued  by 
Rodgers  during  his  second  term  as  president,  1827-1837. 
These  vessels  were  much  used  for  inshore  navigation 
in  foreign  waters.  The  sloops  "  Vincennes,"  "  Peacock" 
and  "John  Adams"  were  among  our  first  naval  ships  to 
circumnavigate  the  globe.  A  2o-gun  sloop  of  war  cost 
about  $170,000;  a  44-gun  frigate,  about  $375,000;  and 
a  ship  of  the  line  about  $500,000.  When  the  navy  was 
in  need  of  small  craft,  they  were  usually  purchased  by 
the  commissioners.  In  1822  they  bought  a  mosquito 
fleet,  composed  chiefly  of  3-gun  schooners,  for  use  in 
suppressing  piracy  in  the  West  Indies.  About  1820, 


316  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

they  began  the  construction  of  three  steam  frigates,  on  a 
plan  of  their  own,  which  varied  somewhat  from  that  of 
the  "  Demologos,"  the  first  steamship  in  our  navy,  built 
in  1814-1815  by  Robert  Fulton. 

Believing  that  the  department  could  build  better 
ships  than  private  shipbuilders,  the  commissioners  con 
structed  their  vessels  in  the  public  navy-yards.  In  1820 
they  were  employing  sixteen  hundred  men  in  building 
ships.  Occasionally  they  visited  the  yards  and  inspect 
ed  the  work  of  the  naval  constructors.  In  course  of 
time  they  established  the  practice  of  making  an  annual 
visit  to  all  the  naval  establishments,  late  in  the  summer 
or  early  in  the  fall.  When  it  was  convenient  they  at 
tended  the  launching  of  a  ship,  which  then  as  now  was 
a  gala  occasion.  The  National  Intelligencer  of  March 
2,  1819,  contains  the  following  description  of  the  launch 
ing  of  the  "  Columbus"  at  the  Washington  navy-yard: 

"At  a  quarter  before  twelve  o'clock  yesterday  the 
noble  ship  of  the  line  '  Columbus'  glided  from  its  bed 
at  the  navy-yard  in  this  city  in  the  most  majestic  style  in 
the  presence  of  many  thousands  of  spectators,  who,  in 
despite  of  unfavorable  weather,  had  assembled  to  wit 
ness  this  interesting  scene.  The  occasion  was  robbed 
of  much  of  its  brilliance  by  the  state  of  the  weather;  but 
it  lost  none  of  its  intrinsic  grandeur.  The  vessel  was 
greeted  on  its  descent  by  a  national  salute  from  the  artil 
lery,  by  patriotic  airs  from  the  band  of  the  marine  corps, 
and  by  the  shouts  of  thousands  of  Columbians  gathered 
together  from  every  quarter  of  the  Union. 

"Among  the  spectators  were  the  President,  many  sen 
ators  and  representatives  in  Congress,  the  heads  of  de 
partments,  the  principal  officers  of  government  resident 
here,  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  strangers,  and  for 
eigners.  It  is  a  very  general  impression  that  a  more 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  317 

beautiful  launch  was  never  witnessed  in  any  country. 
This  is  said  to  be  one  of  the  finest  vessels  ever  built,  and 
to  confer  credit  to  the  skill  and  attention  of  our  naval 
architects.  It  will  not  be  long  before  the  '  Columbus' 
bears  the  national  banner  on  the  ocean,  under  the  charge 
of  some  one  of  our  most  distinguished  naval  command 
ers.  We  are  pleased  that  the  name  of  the  rightful  dis 
coverer  of  the  shores  of  this  country,  and  whose  name 
perhaps  our  country  ought  distinctively  to  bear,  has 
been  conferred  on  the  first  line  of  battle  ship  built  in 
the  District,  the  finest  vessel  ever  launched  in  the 
United  States,  and  perhaps  in  the  world." 

During  Rodgers's  first  term  as  president  of  the  navy 
board,  the  fleet  in  commission  consisted  of  some  twenty 
vessels -usually  a  line  of  battle  ship,  three  or  four  fri 
gates,  and  the  rest  sloops  of  war  or  smaller  craft.  Our 
navy  at  this  time  was  chiefly  employed  in  protecting 
American  interests  in  the  Mediterranean  and  South  Pa 
cific,  exterminating  piracy  in  the  West  Indies,  suppress 
ing  the  African  slave  trade,  and  surveying  the  Atlantic 
coast.  In  1819-1821,  Captain  J.  D.  Henley,  a  brother- 
in-law  of  Rodgers,  made  a  voyage  to  Canton,  China,  in 
the  frigate  "  Congress,"  the  first  American  naval  vessel 
to  visit  a  Chinese  port.  The  East  India  or  China 
squadron  was  not  established  until  1835,  during  Rod 
gers's  second  term  as  president  of  the  navy  board. 

One  of  the  important  duties  of  the  board  was  the 
purchasing  of  naval  supplies.  Among  its  records,  still 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  navy  department  at 
Washington,  are  eleven  large  folio  volumes  containing 
copies  of  its  contracts  from  1815  to  1842.  By  leafing 
through  a  single  volume,  one  may  obtain  a  notion  of  the 
kinds  of  articles  purchased  by  Rodgers  and  his  col 
leagues-live  oak  and  yellow  pine  beams,  long  guns  and 


318  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

carronades,  beef  and  pork,  kentledge,  juniper  shingles, 
ship  chandlery  and  paints,  slop  clothing,  canvas,  patent 
cordage,  anchor  iron,  masts  and  spars,  stone,  coal,  gun 
ner's  stores,  groceries,  bread,  vegetables,  whiskey,  and 
tobacco.  The  commissioners  paid  fifty  cents  a  gallon 
for  rye  whiskey,  which,  they  stipulated,  must  be  "at 
least  first  proof  and  clear  of  still  burn."  The  follow 
ing  extract  taken  from  one  of  the  volumes  of  contracts 
will  illustrate  the  legal  forms  that  they  followed: 

"  This  contract  made  and  entered  into  the  twentieth 
day  of  March,  Anno  Domini,  one  thousand  eight  hun 
dred  and  twenty-two,  between  George  Norton  of  the 
town  of  Lexington  and  state  of  Kentucky  of  the  one 
part  and  John  Rodgers,  President  of  and  acting  for 
and  in  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Navy  Commissioners  of 
the  United  States  of  the  other  part,  Witnesseth,  That 
the  said  George  Norton  doth  hereby  contract  and  en 
gage  with  the  said  John  Rodgers  as  follows:  That  for 
the  consideration  hereinafter  mentioned  he  will  manu 
facture  and  deliver  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  August 
next  at  the  Navy  Yard  at  the  City  of  Washington  and 
District  of  Columbia  Fifty  Kegs  of  Chewing  Tobacco 
for  the  use  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States.  The  said 
Tobacco,  which  shall  be  of  the  best  and  most  approved 
quality,  shall  be  manufactured  into  twists  weighing  each 
one  pound.  And  the  said  kegs  shall  contain  one  hun 
dred  pounds  nett  weight  each." 

One  must  not  suppose  that  the  commissioners  in  ca 
tering  to  the  grosser  appetites  of  the  seamen  overlooked 
their  spiritual  needs.  In  1820,  they  made  an  estimate 
of  the  number  of  bibles  that  might  be  usefully  distribut 
ed  in  the  navy -thirty  bibles  for  a  seventy- four,  twenty 
bibles  for  a  frigate,  twelve  bibles  for  a  sloop  of  war,  and 
six  for  a  schooner. 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  319 

The  improvement  of  the  ordnance  of  the  navy  by  the 
commissioners  was  one  of  their  notable  achievements. 
The  early  naval  guns  were  often  defective,  and  several 
of  them  exploded  with  most  disastrous  results.  During 
the  Revolution  a  gun  on  board  the  frigate  "  Boston" 
burst  and  mortally  wounded  Lieutenant  William  Bar- 
ron.  A  similar  accident  on  board  the  "  President"  dur 
ing  her  chase  of  the  "  Belvidera"  has  already  been  re 
ferred  to.  A  little  later  in  the  War  of  1812,  six  guns 
exploded  on  board  Commodore  Chauncey's  ship,  the 
"  General  Pike,"  killing  or  wounding  twenty-two  men. 
In  1815,  Commodore  Decatur  lost  forty-nine  officers 
and  seamen  by  the  bursting  of  one  of  the  guns  of  the 
"Guerriere."  The  unfortunate  experiences  of  Com 
missioners  Rodgers  and  Decatur  were  not  likely  to  de 
crease  their  interest  in  naval  ordnance.  Soon  after  the 
navy  board  was  organized  the  commissioners  began  to 
consider  this  subject,  and  they  decided  to  give  all  the 
contracts  for  naval  guns  to  three  cannon  factories:  the 
West  Point  Foundry  Association,  West  Point,  New 
York;  the  Iron  Works  of  John  Mason,  Georgetown, 
District  of  Columbia;  and  the  Bellona  Factory,  Rich 
mond,  Virginia.  They  advanced  money  to  each  of  these 
firms  to  enable  them  to  improve  their  works  and  to 
purchase  new  supplies  of  metal,  and  they  appointed  an 
ordnance  officer  to  visit  the  factories  and  inspect  and 
prove  the  naval  cannon.  Master-commandant  Stephen 
Cassin  was  the  first  ordnance  officer  of  our  navy.  In 
1822  he  was  succeeded  by  Master-commandant  Thomas 
Ap  Catesby  Jones,  who  some  years  later  was  chosen  to 
command  the  South  Sea  exploring  expedition.  The 
commissioners  established  a  detailed  method  of  proving 
guns,  which  fixed  the  quantities  of  gunpowder,  shot,  and 
wads  to  be  used.  They  gave  orders  that  "every  gun 


320  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

must  be  searched  with  a  searcher;  and  any  gun  found 
to  have  a  defect  or  to  be  honeycombed  one-tenth  of  an 
inch  inside  or  two-tenths  of  an  inch  on  the  exterior  is 
not  to  be  received  without  being  proved  four  times." 

The  guns  of  the  navy  under  the  commissioners  were 
either  long  and  heavy  or  short  and  light.  The  former 
were  called  "  long  guns,"  and  the  latter  carronades. 
Both  kinds  varied  in  size  with  the  weight  of  ball  that 
they  fired.  A  line  of  battle  ship  usually  mounted  thir 
ty-two  long  42-pounders,  thirty-four  long  32-pounders, 
and  twenty-two  42-pound  carronades.  The  weight 
of  its  broadside  was  about  seventeen  hundred  ten  pounds. 
The  long  42-pounders  had  a  long  range  and  great  power 
of  penetration,  while  the  42-pound  carronades  had  a 
short  range  and  great  smashing  power.  The  44-gun 
frigates  mounted  long  24's  or  32'$,  and  42-pound  car 
ronades.  Long  i2's,  i8's,  and  24^  and  1 8-pound  and 
24-pound  carronades  were  found  on  board  the  sloops 
of  war  and  the  smaller  craft. 

The  secretary  of  the  navy  often  sought  the  commis 
sioners'  advice  in  respect  to  the  qualifications  of  officers, 
their  fitness  for  promotion,  and  their  assignment  to  duty. 
Knowing  Rodgers's  influence  in  the  department,  the 
officers  not  infrequently  wrote  to  him  to  procure  for 
them  some  favor,  perchance  a  detail  to  some  desirable 
office  or  a  discharge  from  an  undesirable  one.  Some 
times,  when  they  were  on  furlough,  they  solicited  him 
to  procure  them  duty  at  sea.  Captain  John  Orde 
Creighton,  tired  of  idleness  on  shore,  once  delicately 
insinuated  his  wishes  in  a  friendly  letter,  as  follows: 
"  I  have  two  fine  boys,  whom  I  shall  ask  you  to  take  in 
your  fleet  one  of  these  days,  for  unless  you  send  me  to 
sea  soon  I  shall  be  too  rusty  to  teach  them  anything 
myself."  Candidates  for  a  midshipman's  berth  often 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  321 

besieged  Rodgers  to  obtain  an  appointment  for  them. 
On  one  occasion  an  inmate  of  a  Philadelphia  prison, 
confined  for  manslaughter,  asked  the  commodore  to 
procure  him  a  pardon,  "being  desireous  of  going  A 
Cruising  in  any  Ship  or  Station  your  honor  Might  wish 
or  think  propper." 

Not  until  1819  was  the  practice  of  examining  mid 
shipmen  for  promotions  instituted.  Before  this  time 
the  secretary  of  the  navy  often  called  upon  the  com 
missioners  to  give  their  opinion  of  the  fitness  of  the 
young  gentlemen  for  lieutenantcies.  What  they  said 
respecting  some  of  the  youngsters  who  later  become 
famous  as  admirals  is  not  without  interest.  As  a  rule 
the  accuracy  of  their  judgment  was  verified  by  future 
events.  Midshipman  Joshua  R.  Sands,  who  became  an 
efficient  rear-admiral,  they  reported,  "  aged  twenty-one, 
served  with  Captain  Chauncey,  good  morals,  well  edu 
cated,  and  qualified  for  promotion."  Midshipman  Da 
vid  G.  Farragut  was  regarded  as  "highly  promising, 
though  not  eighteen  years  of  age." 

A  register  of  the  services  and  merits  of  the  younger 
naval  officers  that  was  for  several  years  kept  by  the 
commissioners  contains  some  interesting  information 
respecting  our  first  admiral.  The  following  report  was 
made  in  1815  when  Farragut  was  fourteen  years  old: 
"  Farragut  has  been  in  constant  active  service  from  the 
time  he  entered  the  navy,  and  served  some  time  be 
fore  in  the  "Vesuvius'  bomb.  He  joined  the  'Essex' 
with  Captain  Porter,  and  (except  while  in  charge  of 
a  prize  in  the  Pacific  Ocean)  remained  in  her  until  she 
was  taken.  He  was  wounded  in  the  action,  where  he 
distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery,  and  returned  to 
the  United  States  in  the  'Essex  Junior';  after  which 
he  was  for  some  time  attached  to  the  'Spark'  under 


322  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Lieutenant-commandant  Gamble,  joined  the  '  Indepen 
dence,'  74,  and  made  a  cruise  to  the  Mediterranean. 
He  is  a  remarkably  promising  and  intelligent  youth, 
a  good  seaman  and  navigator  for  his  age,  free  from  vice, 
and  universally  beloved."  In  1820  his  commander, 
Lieutenant  R.  H.  J.  Perry,  described  him  as  a  correct 
and  promising  young  officer.  In  the  fall  of  that  year  he 
was  examined  at  New  York  for  promotion  by  a  navy 
board,  which  reported  him  as  follows:  A  good  moral 
character,  but  deficient  in  seamanship.  Think  of  it,  Far- 
ragut  deficient  in  seamanship! 

During  his  first  term  as  president  of  the  board  of 
navy  commissioners,  Rodgers  seldom  left  the  capital 
unless  called  away  by  the  duties  of  his  office.  In  1822 
and  1823,  however,  certain  tasks  were  assigned  him  by 
the  secretary  of  the  navy  that  took  him  from  the  city  for 
brief  periods.  In  the  former  year  he  served  as  presi 
dent  of  a  court  of  enquiry  convened  to  investigate  the 
conduct  of  Commodore  Isaac  Hull  as  commandant  of 
the  Boston  navy-yard,  who  was  charged  with  using  some 
of  the  articles  of  the  yard  and  the  labor  of  some  of  its 
employees  for  private  purposes.  This  service  was  dis 
agreeable  to  Rodgers,  since  he  and  Hull  were  warm 
friends.  The  other  members  of  the  court  of  enquiry  were 
Chauncey  and  Morris.  The  court  held  sessions  at  the 
Boston  yard  from  August  twelfth  until  October  fif 
teenth.  It  decided  that,  while  a  few  of  the  acts  of  the 
commandant  had  been  indiscrete,  they  were  in  general 
correct  and  meritorious;  and  its  decision  was  received  by 
the  public  as  a  vindication  of  a  popular  and  efficient 
naval  officer. 

In  December,  1822,  Commodore  Porter  resigned 
from  the  navy  board  to  take  command  of  a  squadron 
organized  to  suppress  piracy  in  the  West  Indies;  and 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  323 

in  the  following  February  he  sailed  from  Norfolk  for 
his  station.  He  established  his  rendezvous  at  Thomp 
son's  Island,  or  Key  West  as  it  is  now  called.  During 
the  summer  the  yellow  fever,  in  a  most  malignant  form, 
made  its  appearance  in  the  squadron,  and  soon  Porter 
and  not  a  few  of  his  officers  and  seamen  were  stricken 
with  it.  Early  in  September,  two  lieutenants  and  two 
midshipmen  died  of  this  dreadful  disease.  As  the  re 
ports  of  its  progress  received  by  the  department  were 
most  alarming,  the  secretary  of  the  navy  decided  to 
send  an  experienced  officer  and  several  naval  surgeons 
to  Thompson's  Island  to  relieve  the  sick,  take  measures 
for  the  health  of  the  squadron,  and  investigate  the  causes 
of  the  disease. 

Always  indifferent  to  danger,  Rodgers  accepted  the 
command  of  this  hazardous  and  responsible  expedition. 
He  left  New  York  on  October  sixth  on  the  schooner 
"  Shark,"  accompanied  by  Doctors  Harris,  Washing 
ton,  and  Hoffman,  of  the  naval  medical  corps ;  and  he 
arrived  at  the  island  on  the  twenty-third,  after  a  rough 
passage.  He  at  once  took  command  of  the  station  and 
squadron,  since  Porter  had  returned  to  Hampton  Roads. 
The  fever  had  now  abated,  although  fifty-nine  men  on 
the  island  were  still  sick  with  it.  These  were  embarked 
on  board  the  ships  "Hero"  and  "Harmony"  and  sent 
to  Norfolk.  After  giving  orders  to  the  vessels  remain 
ing  on  the  station  respecting  their  cruising-grounds,  the 
commodore  returned  to  Washington,  where  he  arrived 
in  good  health  in  the  latter  part  of  November,  to  the 
great  relief  of  his  family  and  friends.  The  doctors  that 
accompanied  him  reported  that  the  fever  was  caused  by 
miasma  and  the  hardships  of  service  in  a  subtropical 
climate.  Among  the  latter  they  enumerated  the  con 
tinuous  annoyance  of  mosquitoes  and  sandflies. 


324  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

In  October,  1818,  on  the  retirement  of  Crowninshield 
from  the  secretaryship  of  the  navy,  President  Monroe 
offered  the  office  to  Commodore  Rodgers,  who,  being 
unwilling  to  relinquish  his  captaincy,  declined  it.  Mon 
roe  consulted  his1  cabinet  on  the  propriety  of  the  com 
modore's  retaining  his  naval  rank  while  acting  as  sec 
retary.  But  it  decided  unanimously  that  the  holding 
of  two  offices  at  the  same  time  by  one  man  was  contrary 
to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  the  disposition  of 
the  American  people.  In  December,  1818,  the  National 
Intelligencer  published  an  article  denying  that  Rodgers 
had  received  an  offer  of  the  secretaryship.  It  was  sent 
to  the  editor  of  the  newspaper  by  Porter  at  the  instance 
of  Rodgers  (so  it  is  said),  who  was  apparently  actuated 
by  considerations  of  modesty  and  delicacy.  The  article 
offended  the  pure  ethics  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  who 
comments  on  it  as  follows  in  his  diary:  "The  positive 
assertion  in  it  that  Mr.  Monroe  did  not  offer  to  Rodgers 
the  office  of  secretary  of  the  navy  is  not  true.  Now  if 
any  one  should  say  to  Porter  or  Rodgers '  You  have  pub 
lished  a  lie,'  they  would  be  bound  by  the  laws  of  honor 
to  challenge  him  to  a  duel.  And  why  is  giving  the  lie 
to  a  man  of  honor  so  inexpiable  an  affront?  Because 
it  imputes  to  him  that  which  is  infamous.  How,  then, 
can  Porter  or  Rodgers  justify  themselves  for  passing 
this  deliberate  falsehood  upon  the  public?" 

By  the  death  of  Commodore  Alexander  Murray  on 
October  6,  1821,  Commodore  Rodgers  became  the  sen 
ior  officer  of  the  American  navy,  a  distinction  that  he 
retained  for  seventeen  years.  If  one  of  the  numerous 
measures  to  create  higher  naval  ranks  that  were  pro 
posed  during  the  latter  part  of  his  life  should  have 
passed  Congress,  Rodgers  would  have  been  our  first 
admiral.  The  opposition  to  them,  however,  was  too 


PRESIDENT  OF  THE  NAVY  BOARD  325 

strong.  Not  a  few  of  our  early  statesmen  held  that  the 
title  "admiral"  savored  of  royalty  and  was  not  con 
sonant  with  the  spirit  of  democracy.  The  commodore 
was  forty-eight  years  old  when  he  became  the  ranking 
naval  officer,  being  at  the  time,  with  the  exception  of 
Barren,  Campbell,  and  Tingey,  the  oldest  officer  in  the 
navy.  In  1823  he  served  for  a  short  time  as  secretary 
of  the  navy  ad  interim. 

The  first  ten  years  of  the  navy  board  constitute  the 
most  important  period  of  its  existence.  By  1825,  tne 
impetus  imparted  to  naval  affairs  by  the  War  of  1812 
had  largely  expended  itself,  and  the  appropriations  for 
the  increase  of  the  navy  had  been  greatly  reduced.  En 
grossed  with  the  problems  and  pursuits  of  peace,  Con 
gress  had  become  more  or  less  indifferent  to  the  needs 
of  the  navy.  That  the  first  naval  commissioners  per 
formed  their  duties  most  efficiently,  we  have  the  testi 
mony  of  Secretary  Samuel  L.  Southard.  In  1825,  he 
said  that  the  commissioners  had  administered  the  naval 
material  with  the  greatest  economy  and  in  a  way  deserv 
ing  of  the  highest  commendation.  When  Rodgers  re 
signed  his  commissionership  in  December,  1824,  Pres 
ident  Monroe  expressed  to  him  the  high  sense  enter 
tained  by  the  Executive  of  the  zeal,  intelligence,  and 
skill  manifested  by  him  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  his  office. 


XIII.    COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 
MEDITERRANEAN  SQUADRON:  1824-1827 

DURING  Rodgers's  first  term  as  president  of  the 
board  of  navy  commissioners,  naval  squadrons 
were  established  in  the  Mediterranean,  the  Pacific,  and 
the  West  Indies.  Of  the  three  squadrons,  the  Mediter 
ranean  was  the  most  important,  and  service  on  board 
its  ships  was  particularly  prized  by  the  younger  offi 
cers,  who  longed  to  visit  the  classic  lands  of  antiquity. 
For  the  first  few  years  after  the  War  of  1812,  it  was 
commanded  by  our  leading  commodores-Decatur,  Bain- 
bridge,  Chauncey,  and  Stewart.  Soon,  however,  it  was 
permitted  to  decline;  the  number  of  its  ships  was  de 
creased  and  its  discipline  was  relaxed.  Early  in  1824 
the  government  decided  to  improve  the  squadron  by 
adding  to  it  a  line  of  battle  ship  and  a  frigate  and  by 
placing  it  under  the  command  of  the  senior  officer  of 
the  navy,  Commodore  Rodgers. 

Several  considerations  led  the  government  to  make 
this  decision.  In  the  first  place,  the  Greek  Revolution 
and  a  war  between  Algiers  and  Great  Britain  were 
disturbing  the  peace  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  Gre 
cian  Archipelago  was  infested  with  piratical  craft  who 
threatened  to  despoil  the  American  trade  with  the  upper 
Mediterranean  cities,  and  especially  that  with  Smyrna, 
Asia  Minor,  which  was  now  considerable.  Under  these 
circumstances,  our  squadron  needed  an  experienced 
commander. 

Moreover,  the  state  department  wished  the  American 
commodore  in  the  Mediterranean  to  undertake  a  diplo- 


328  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

matic  mission  requiring  much  tact  and  discretion.  At 
this  time  we  had  no  treaty  with  Turkey,  and  the  Greek 
Revolution  made  one  highly  desirable.  In  the  spring 
of  1824,  Mr.  George  B.  English,  formerly  a  lieutenant 
in  the  marine  corps  and  now  an  agent  of  the  secretary 
of  state,  returned  to  Washington  from  Constantinople, 
and  reported  that,  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Euro 
pean  ministers  at  the  Turkish  capital,  it  was1  not  feasible 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Ottoman  minister  of  for 
eign  affairs;  and  that  the  minister  of  marine  and  grand 
admiral  of  the  Turkish  navy,  who  was  a  warm  friend 
of  America,  had  suggested  a  plan  by  means  of  which  we 
might  obtain  a  treaty.  The  grand  admiral  proposed 
that  an  interview  between  himself  and  the  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  American  squadron  should  take  place  at 
sea.  At  this  meeting  our  government  might  submit  to 
him  its  proposals,  and  he  would  communicate  them 
directly  to  the  Sultan.  In  this  way  the  negotiations 
could  be  conducted  secretly,  and  the  treaty  could  be 
completed  before  the  European  governments  learned  of 
it.  President  Monroe  accepted  the  overtures  of  the 
Turkish  grand  admiral,  and  Secretary  of  State  John 
Quincy  Adams  gave  Rodgers  directions  respecting  the 
points  to  be  covered  at  the  interview.  English  was  chos 
en  secretary  and  interpreter  to  the  commodore. 

There  was  still  another  reason  for  the  selection  of 
Rodgers  to  command  the  Mediterranean  squadron,  its 
need  of  a  rigid  disciplinarian.  Our  young  officers  on 
this  station  had  lately  injured  the  good  reputation  of  the 
navy  by  their  dissipation,  their  brawls  with  foreigners, 
and  their  duels  with  each  other.  The  secretary  of  the 
navy  was  convinced  that  nothing  less  than  the  strong 
hand  of  Rodgers  could  correct  their  habits,  repress 
their  ebullitions,  and  curb  their  fighting  propensities. 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  329 

Duels  between  the  young  gentlemen  were  of  frequent 
occurrence.  After  the  commodore  was  chosen  to  com 
mand  the  squadron  and  before  he  reached  his  station,  a 
midshipman  who  bore  the  honored  name  of  Joshua 
Barney,  killed  a  fellow  midshipman  in  Spain.  The  sec 
onds  were  to  have  fought  each  other  immediately  after 
the  meeting  of  the  principals,  but  the  distressing  fatality 
caused  some  delay;  and,  before  the  program  could  be 
carried  out,  the  party  was  arrested  by  a  Spanish  guard. 

In  the  summer  of  1824,  the  Mediterranean  squadron, 
then  under  the  command  of  Captain  John  Orde  Creigh- 
ton,  consisted  of  the  corvette  "Cyane,"  24,  sloops  of  war 
"Erie"  and  "Ontario,"  i8's,  and  the  schooner  "None 
such,"  12.  The  two  vessels  that  were  to  join  the  squad 
ron  were  the  ships  "North  Carolina,"  74,  and  "  Consti 
tution,"  44.  Rodgers  preferred  the  "  Columbus,"  which 
was  built  at  Washington  under  the  immediate  super 
vision  of  the  commissioners,  to  the  "North  Carolina"; 
but  the  cabinet  decided  upon  the  latter  ship,  since  she 
had  never  been  in  the  Mediterranean  and  it  was  thought 
advisable  to  display  a  variety  of  force  in  those  waters. 
The  command  of  the  "  Constitution  "  was  given  to  Cap 
tain  Thomas  Macdonough.  She  sailed  in  October, 
1824,  and  the  "North  Carolina"  was  to  follow  her  in 
the  ensuing  winter. 

The  commodore  retained  his  commissionership  at  the 
navy  board  during  the  summer  and  fall  of  1824  while 
his  flag-ship  was  being  fitted  for  sea  at  Norfolk.  For 
several  months  he  divided  his  attention  between  his  two 
offices.  The  "North  Carolina"  was  the  first  and  only 
seventy-four  commanded  by  Rodgers.  She  was  pierced 
for  one  hundred  two  guns,  but  she  actually  mounted 
ninety-four  guns -long  and  short  32's  and  42'$.  Her 
extreme  height,  measured  from  the  top  of  the  mainmast 


330  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  the  bottom  of  the  keel,  was  two  hundred  eighty  feet; 
and  her  extreme  length,  measured  from  the  flyingjib- 
boom  to  the  ringtail-boom,  was  three  hundred  eighty 
feet.  Her  complement  was  nine  hundred  sixty  men. 
Besides  the  commodore,  she  carried  a  captain  of  the 
fleet,  a  captain  of  the  ship,  ten  lieutenants,  thirty-four 
midshipmen,  and  a  full  quota  of  staff  officers.  Rodgers 
chose  Captain  Daniel  T.  Patterson  as  captain  of  the 
fleet;  Master-commandant  C.  W.  Morgan,  as  captain  of 
the  ship ;  and  Lieutenant  M.  C.  Perry,  as  senior  lieuten 
ant.  His  surgeon  was  Doctor  Bailey  Washington,  a  dis 
tant  relative  of  the  general;  and  his  chaplain  was  the 
Reverend  John  W.  Grier.  There  were  also  on  board  a 
captain  of  marines,  a  schoolmaster,  and  a  commodore's 
secretary.  Several  midshipmen  of  the  "North  Caro 
lina  "-Dupont,  Self  ridge,  and  S.  P.  Lee -later  became 
noted  naval  officers.  One  of  the  young  gentlemen  was 
Frederick  Rodgers,  the  commodore's  son.  On  Decem 
ber  15,  Rodgers  resigned  the  presidency  of  the  navy 
board,  and  three  days  later  he  took  formal  command  of 
his  vessel  at  Norfolk.  As  he  came  aboard  her,  the  yards 
were  manned,  a  salute  was  fired,  and  his  broad  pennant 
was  'hoisted. 

Before  he  sailed,  he  was  honored  by  public  dinners 
both  at  Washington  and  at  Norfolk.  The  dinner  at  the 
capital  was  given  at  Gadsby's  hotel,  a  famous  hostelry 
in  its  day.  It  was  attended  by  many  of  the  chief  offi 
cials  of  the  navy,  the  army,  and  the  civil  service.  Among 
others1  present  were  Secretaries  Adams,  Calhoun,  and 
Southard,  Attorney-general  Wirt,  and  Postmaster-gen 
eral  McLean;  Generals  Mason,  Jones,  and  Jesup ;  and 
Commodores  Chauncey,  Morris,  and  Wadsworth.  The 
marine  band  furnished  the  music.  The  toasts,  which 
were  numerous,  were  largely  adulatory  of  Rodgers  and 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  331 

the  navy.  Commodore  Chauncey  proposed  "  The  mem 
ory  of  Commodore  Truxtun;  the  officer  under  whose 
auspices  our  gallant  guest  first  distinguished  himself 
as  a  naval  officer."  The  sentiment  of  Attorney-general 
Wirt  contained  a  reference  to  the  figurehead  of  Rod- 
gers's  flag-ship,  which  was  a  bust  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh: 
"  The  '  North  Carolina' ;  genius  at  her  prow  and  energy 
on  her  deck,  her  country  asks  no  nobler  representatives 
on  the  ocean."  The  virtues  of  live  oak  as  a  material 
of  naval  construction  afforded  inspiration  to  the  sec 
retary  of  state,  John  Quincy  Adams :  "  The  great  plant 
of  the  American  forest;  afloat  upon  the  mountain  wave, 
wafting  to  every  clime  the  atmosphere  of  Freedom  in 
which  it  grew."  The  toast  that  aroused  most  applause 
was  "Our  worthy  and  respected  guest,  Commodore 
Rodgers ;  as  distinguished  in  his  public  character  as  he 
is  estimable  in  his  private  life."  The  commodore 
responded  with  a  neat  address  and  a  toast  to  the  capital 
city. 

In  January,  1825,  Rodgers  sailed  up  the  Chesapeake 
on  a  practice  cruise.  Leaving  his  vessel  at  Ragged 
Point,  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac,  he  came 
to  the  seat  of  government  to  take  leave  of  his  family  and 
the  department.  He  returned  to  his  ship  on  the  steam 
boat  "  Washington,"  accompanied  by  a  party  of  visitors, 
which  included  President  Monroe,  Secretary  Southard, 
Senator  Kelly  of  Alabama,  and  several  congressmen 
and  naval  officers.  The  visitors  spent  Sunday  on  board 
the  "  North  Carolina."  They  inspected  her  from  top  to 
bottom,  and  were  especially  pleased  with  her  neatness 
and  order  and  with  her  library  containing  eleven  hun 
dred  volumes,  which  had  been  purchased  from  volun 
tary  contributions  made  by  her  officers  and  seamen. 
After  they  had  attended  the  religious  services  of  the  day 


332  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

and  had  partaken  of  a  sumptuous  dinner,  they  returned 
to  the  capital. 

The  commodore  next  proceeded  to  Hampton  Roads, 
where  he  was  employed  several  weeks  in  provisioning 
and  repairing  his  ship.  Finally,  on  March  27,  1825, 
having  received  orders  from  both  the  secretary  of  the 
navy  and  the  secretary  of  state  respecting  his  duties  in 
the  Mediterranean,  he  put  to  sea.  He  arrived  at  Gib 
raltar  after  a  boisterous  passage  of  thirty-three  days. 
He  had  been  anxiously  expected  at  that  port  for  some 
time.  Among  those  who  awaited  his  coming  was  Lieu 
tenant  Alexander  Slidell  Mackenzie  of  our  navy,  who 
was  on  furlough  and  had  been  traveling  in  Spain.  This 
officer  was  a  writer  of  no  little  charm  and  distinction, 
and  he  has  left  us  a  lively  description  of  the  arrival  of 
the  "North  Carolina"  at  Gibraltar.  His  pen  picture  of 
a  characteristic  scene  in  the  Old  Navy  may  be  quoted: 

"After  much  weary  expectation,  the  ship  was  at 
length  signaled  from  the  tower,  and,  climbing  to  the 
top  of  the  Rock,  I  saw  her  coming  down  before  a  gentle 
levanter,  with  skysails  and  studdingsails-a  perfect 
cloud  of  snow-white  canvas.  By  and  by  the  lighter  sails 
were  drawn  in  and  disposed  of.  Europa  was  doubled 
and  left  behind,  and  the  gallant  ship  stood  boldly  into 
the  harbor,  with  yards  a  little  braced,  sails  all  filled  and 
asleep,  and  hull  just  careening  enough  to  improve  the 
beauty  of  the  broadside.  As  she  came  closer  and  I  con 
templated  her  from  the  more  favorable  position  of  the 
line  wall,  nothing  could  exceed  the  beauty  of  the  spec 
tacle." 

Not  long  after  the  arrival  of  the  "North  Carolina," 
Rodgers  went  ashore  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  local 
authorities.  His  departure  from  his  ship  has  been  fine 
ly  described  by  Mackenzie: 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  333 

"The  sailors  were  drawn  up  before  the  mainmast, 
looking  with  respect  towards  the  hallowed  region  of  the 
quarter-deck.  Upon  this  spacious  parade-ground 
flanked  by  a  double  battery,  a  company  of  fine-looking 
soldiers,  with  burnished  and  well-brushed  attire,  were 
drawn  up  to  salute  the  departure  of  the  commander. 
A  splendid  band  of  music,  dressed  in  Moorish  garb, 
was  stationed  at  the  stern,  and  the  officers  were  all  col 
lected  for  the  same  purpose  upon  the  quarter-deck,  in 
irregular  groups  of  noble-looking  young  fellows,  the 
present  pride  and  future  hope  of  our  country.  At  length 
the  Herculean  form  and  martial  figure  of  the  veteran 
commodore  was  added  to  the  number.  Here  was  the 
master-spirit  that  gave  impulse  and  soul  to  the  machine ; 
a  thousand  eyes  were  fixed  upon  him,  a  thousand  hats 
were  raised;  and  as  he  passed  over  the  side,  the  soldiers 
presented  arms,  and  the  music  sent  forth  a  martial  mel 
ody.  I  thought  I  had  never  seen  any  array  so  soul- 
inspiring,  so  imposing."  34 

Rodgers's  squadron  consisted  of  the  following  ships: 
"North  Carolina,"  Master-commandant  C.  W.  Mor 
gan;  "Constitution,"  Captain  Thomas  Macdonough; 
"Cyane,"  Captain  J.  O.  Creighton;  "Erie,"  Master- 
commandant  David  Deacon;  and  "Ontario,"  Master- 
commandant  J.  B.  Nicholson.  In  July  the  "Cyane" 
returned  to  the  United  States  by  the  way  of  Cape 
Mesurado  and  the  West  Indies.  Rodgers  was  greatly 
disappointed  at  not  finding  the  fleet  at  Gibraltar,  and  he 
was  inclined  to  blame  Macdonough  for  a  dereliction 
of  duty,  as  may  be  seen  from  one  of  his  letters  to  the 
secretary  of  the  navy:  "If  Captain  Macdonough  was 
officially  apprised,  as  I  presume  he  was  previous  to  his 
departure  from  the  United  States,  that  I  was  to  com- 

34  Mackenzie,  A.  S.   A  Year  in  Spain,  fifth  edition,  vol.  ii,  263-265. 
21 


334  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

mand  in  the  Mediterranean,  I  shall  feel  it  my  duty  to 
remove  him  from  the  command  of  the  '  Constitution,' 
for  not  meeting  me  here  or  apprising  me  where  I  might 
find  him.  I  set  out  with  the  determination  of  adhering 
myself  most  rigidly  to  every  law,  regulation,  and  prin 
ciple  of  the  service,  and  I  shall  undoubtedly  exact  a 
compliance  with  the  same  from  every  inferior,  in  the 
full  expectation  of  receiving  the  support  as  well  as  the 
approbation  of  the  government.  In  the  exercise  of  this 
duty,  however,  I  hope  never  to  forget  what  is  due  to 
others."  On  learning  that  Macdonough  had  not  been 
ordered  by  the  department  to  govern  his  movements 
with  respect  to  those  of  the  "North  Carolina,"  the  com 
modore  ceased  to  blame  him  for  his  absence  from  Gib 
raltar.  After  the  misunderstanding  had  been  explained, 
the  two  officers  were  on  the  best  of  terms. 

The  fleet  was  at  Messina  when  Rodgers  arrived  on 
his  station,  and  it  did  not  join  him  at  Gibraltar  until  the 
middle  of  June.  While  he  was  awaiting  its  coming,  he 
provisioned  the  flag-ship  for  a  five  months'  cruise,  and 
showed  her  at  Malaga,  Algeciras,  and  Tangier,  where 
she  was  much  visited  and  admired.  Although  our  re 
lations  with  all  the  Barbary  powers  were  most  friendly 
during  Rodgers's  stay  in  the  Mediterranean,  he  never 
theless,  in  accordance  with  custom,  communicated  regu 
larly  with  our  consuls  to  those  states  and  frequently 
exhibited  his  vessels  at  the  principal  Barbary  capitals. 
The  affairs  at  the  head  of  the  Mediterranean  and  the 
mission  entrusted  to  him  by  the  secretary  of  state,  how 
ever,  chiefly  occupied  his  attention. 

On  July  ninth,  Rodgers  sailed  from  Gibraltar  with 
his  fleet  for  the  Levant,  touching  on  his  way  at  Tunis 
and  thence  proceeding  directly  to  the  Archipelago. 
One  month  later  he  stopped  at  the  classic  island  of 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  335 

Paros,  where  he  remained  several  days  to  water  his 
ship  and  to  give  his  officers  an  opportunity  of  "examin 
ing  the  relicks  of  antiquity."  This  island  had  taken  the 
side  of  the  Greeks  in  their  struggle  with  Turkey.  Its 
governor  exchanged  friendly  letters  with  the  commo 
dore,  but  was  prevented  by  illness  from  visiting  him. 

An  interesting  incident  occurred  at  Paros  while  the 
"North  Carolina"  was  anchored  there.  Two  Greeks 
brought  to  the  vessel  eight  Turkish  women  (six  black 
and  two  white)  and  offered  to  sell  them  to  Rodgers  for 
forty  dollars  a  piece.  The  women  had  been  captured 
by  the  revolutionists  on  the  surrender  of  Corinth  early 
in  the  war;  and,  after  undergoing  various  vicissitudes, 
had  been  transported  from  Spezzia  to  Paros  to  be  sold 
as  slaves.  The  blacks  had  been  the  slaves  of  some 
Turkish  women  at  Corinth,  but  one  of  the  whites  ap 
peared  to  be  a  lady  of  quality.  The  commodore,  after 
reproving  the  Greeks  for  violating  the  laws  of  war, 
offered  them  fifty  dollars  for  the  lot;  but  they  refused 
to  take  that  sum.  Then  they  made  off  with  their  cap 
tives  with  the  intention  of  trying  their  luck  with  a  Brit 
ish  captain  whose  vessel  was  anchored  not  far  from  the 
"North  Carolina."  Moved  with  compassion  for  the 
unfortunate  women,  Rodgers  decided  to  procure  their 
release  in  case  the  British  captain  failed  to  do  so.  He 
ordered  two  of  his  boats  to  be  launched  and  directed 
the  officer  in  command  to  bring  the  women  to  the 
"North  Carolina"  if  the  English  captain  did  not  buy 
them.  As  the  Greeks  approached  the  British  vessel, 
one  of  their  countrymen  acting  as  a  pilot  on  board  her 
insultingly  and  peremptorily  forbade  them  to  come  near. 
Frightened  by  his  angry  words,  they  made  off  with 
great  haste,  followed  by  Rodgers's  boats,  which  after 
a  long  chase  overhauled  them  and  returned  with  them 


336  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  the  "North  Carolina."  The  commodore  now  told 
the  Greeks  that  he  had  decided  to  hold  them  as  prison 
ers  on  board  his  ship  while  he  communicated  with  their 
government  and  ascertained  what  right  they  had  to 
enslave  the  women.  This  had  the  desired  effect.  They 
gladly  accepted  fifty  dollars,  and  parted  with  their  cap 
tives.  The  women  were  taken  to  Smyrna,  and,  after 
they  had  been  decently  clothed,  were  liberated.  They 
asked  to  be  transported  to  America,  since  their  degrada 
tion  by  the  Greeks  would  forever  prevent  them  from 
resuming  their  former  status  in  Turkey,  but  the  com 
modore  was  unable  to  grant  their  request. 

The  squadron  arrived  at  Smyrna  on  July  twentieth, 
where  it  was  cordially  welcomed  by  both  officials  and 
private  citizens,  notwithstanding  the  abuse  heaped  on 
the  Sultan  in  America,  with  which  the  Smyrniots  seemed 
to  be  well  acquainted.  Many  of  the  residents  visited  the 
fleet,  curious  to  see  the  ships  of  the  new  world,  which  at 
this  time  were  a  rare  sight  in  the  Levant.  Among  the 
visitors,  Rodgers  said,  were  some  Turkish  women,  who, 
attended  by  eunuchs,  and,  with  faces  heavily  veiled, 
looked  at  everything  and  everybody  but  spoke  to  no 
one.  The  commodore  went  ashore  and  called  on  the 
local  pasha  and  on  the  American  consul,  David  W. 
Offley,  at  whose  house  he  received  visits  from  the  Eu 
ropean  consuls.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in  port  his  offi 
cers  and  seamen  assisted  in  putting  out  a  fire  which 
threatened  to  do  great  damage  to  the  city.  The  foreign 
merchants  were  exceedingly  grateful  for  the  timely 
aid  rendered  by  the  Americans,  and  they  wrote  a  letter 
thanking  the  commodore  for  the  unselfish  efforts  of  his 
men. 

The  principal  object  of  Rodgers's  visit  to  Smyrna  was 
to  ascertain  the  whereabouts  of  the  Turkish  minister  of 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  337 

marine  or  grand  admiral.  On  May  first,  he  had  written 
to  Offley  from  Gibraltar  enclosing  letters  for  the  grand 
admiral.  These  related  to  the  proposed  negotiations 
authorized  by  the  secretary  of  state.  Unfortunately 
Offley  was  not  able  to  deliver  them,  nor  did  he  know 
where  the  admiral,  who  was  at  sea  with  his  fleet,  might 
be  found.  With  a  view  to  obtaining  reliable  news  of 
the  Turkish  fleet,  Rodgers,  after  a  brief  stay  at  Smyrna, 
sailed  for  Napoli  de  Romania,  the  capital  of  the  Greeks, 
situated  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Argos  on  the  east 
ern  coast  of  the  Morea. 

Some  months  before  the  arrival  of  the  "North  Caro 
lina"  in  the  Mediterranean  the  viceroy  of  Egypt  de 
cided  to  aid  the  sultan  in  suppressing  the  rebellion  in 
Greece.  In  February,  1825,  an  Egyptian  army,  under 
Ibrahim  Pasha,  landed  on  the  southern  coast  of  the 
Morea.  Within  a  few  months  it  conquered  almost  the 
whole  peninsula,  including  Navarin,  the  chief  seaport, 
and  Tripolitza,  an  interior  city  and  the  capital  of  the 
new  Grecian  Republic.  Driven  from  Tripolitza,  the 
revolutionary  government  established  itself  at  Napoli 
de  Romania.  Here  on  September  twelfth,  the  commo 
dore  arrived  with  his  fleet,  four  days  out  of  Smyrna; 
and  here  he  remained  until  the  eighteenth.  He  was 
received  most  courteously  by  the  leading  officials  of  the 
Republic.  The  day  after  his  arrival  His  Excellency 
George  Conduriotti,  president  of  the  executive;  Theo- 
doretus  Vrestenes,  vice-president  of  the  senate;  Prince 
Alexander  Mavrocordato,  secretary  of  state;  the  secre 
taries  of  war;  and  several  other  members  of  the  gov 
ernment  breakfasted  on  board  the  "North  Carolina." 
On  the  succeeding  day  the  chief  officers  of  the  squadron 
were  entertained  on  shore  by  the  officials  of  the  govern 
ment. 


338  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

In  describing  his  visit  to  Napoli  de  Romania  to  the 
secretary  of  the  navy,  the  commodore  said  that  the 
Greek  cause  was  in  a  bad  way,  notwithstanding  that 
their  capital  was  as  impregnable  as  Gibraltar.  "The 
possession  of  a  single  place  like  this,"  he  added,  "might 
still  afford  their  friends  some  hope  that  by  unanimity 
and  perseverance  they  might  possibly  succeed  in  es 
tablishing  their  independence.  To  those  however  who 
are  best  acquainted  with  their  character,  no  such  opin 
ion  is  now  entertained.  For  in  addition  to  their  lack 
of  funds,  jealousy  and  a  want  of  confidence  in  each 
other  seem  to  pervade  all  classes  of  society.  Ibrahim 
Pasha,  son  of  the  viceroy  of  Egypt,  may  be  said  to  be 
already  in  possession  of  the  Morea.  For  although 
Napoli  de  Romania  cannot  be  taken  by  any  force  so 
long  as  it  retains  the  means  of  subsistence  for  five  hun 
dred  men,  still  he  is  in  possession  of  Navarin  and  Tri- 
politza  and  marches  when  and  where  he  pleases  almost 
without  opposition -the  Greeks  retiring  to  the  moun 
tains  as  he  advances.  Indeed  such  has  been  their  fears 
of  late  and  such  their  distresses,  that  at  the  time  I  left 
N.  de  Romania  on  the  i8th  instant,  several  thousands 
of  miserable  fugitives -men,  women,  and  children -had 
sought  refuge  under  the  walls  of  that  place,  notwith 
standing  they  were  refused  admission  into  the  city  from 
an  apprehension,  it  was  said,  that  the  plague  or  some 
other  pestilential  disorder  might  be  produced." 

The  Grecian  government  was  unable  to  give  Rodgers 
any  information  respecting  the  recent  movements  of 
the  Ottomon  fleet.  He  therefore  decided  to  postpone 
his  interview  with  the  grand  admiral  until  the  follow 
ing  year.  Fearing  that  the  half-starved  Greeks  would 
despoil  our  merchantmen,  he  stationed  the  "Ontario" 
in  the  Archipelago.  With  the  rest  of  the  fleet  he  re- 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  339 

turned  to  Gibraltar,  making  a  call  only  at  Algiers  on 
his  way. 

Soon  after  reaching  Gibraltar,  the  commodore  re 
lieved  Macdonough,  at  his  request,  from  the  command 
of  the  "  Constitution "  and  gave  his  ship  to  Captain 
Patterson.  The  hero  of  Lake  Champlain  was  now  dy 
ing  of  consumption.  The  distress  produced  by  this 
dreadful  disease  was  aggravated  by  the  recent  death  of 
his  wife.  Rodgers  would  have  gladly  sent  him  home 
on  board  the  sloop  "  Erie,"  could  she  have  been  spared. 
As  it  was,  he  rented  the  cabin  of  the  brig  "Edwin" 
(being  compelled  to  pay  for  it  an  exhorbitant  price), 
permitted  the  son  and  physician  of  the  sick  officer  to 
accompany  him,  and  in  other  ways  provided  for  his  care 
and  comfort.  The  "Edwin"  sailed  from  Gibraltar  on 
October  twenty-second.  About  three  weeks  later  when 
she  was  off  the  capes  of  the  Delaware,  Macdonough 
died -within  sight  of  his  native  land,  to  whose  glory  his 
genius  had  so  eminently  contributed. 

Early  in  November  the  frigate  "  Brandywine,"  44, 
joined  Rodgers  at  Gibraltar.  She  had  conveyed  La 
fayette  from  America  to  France,  and  had  landed  him, 
together  with  Commodore  Charles  Morris,  her  com 
mander,  and  Captain  G.  C.  Read  at  Havre.  Toward 
the  end  of  November,  Rodgers  arrived  at  Port  Mahon 
on  the  island  of  Minorca  with  his  fleet,  where  he  estab 
lished  his  winter  quarters;  having  obtained  permission 
through  our  minister  at  Madrid  to  land  naval  stores  at 
that  port  free  of  duty.  In  February,  the  schooner  "  Por 
poise,"  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Cooper,  joined  the  squad 
ron,  bringing  orders  from  Washington  for  the  return 
of  the  "Brandywine."  In  the  spring  of  1826,  after 
visiting  Gibraltar,  Rodgers  sailed  for  Smyrna  with  the 
four  ships  "North  Carolina,"  "Constitution,"  "Ontario," 


340  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

and  "  Porpoise."  The  "  Erie,"  having  taken  the  place 
of  the  Ontario,"  was  already  in  the  Archipelago.  The 
fleet  on  its  way  eastward  touched  at  Algiers,  Tunis1, 
Milos,  and  Paros.  It  arrived  at  Vourla,  twenty  miles 
from  Smyrna,  on  the  nineteenth  of  June. 

The  commodore's  movements  during  the  previous 
year  had  caused  much  speculation  as  to  their  object.  At 
Paris  some  of  the  wiseheads  declared  that  the  United 
States  was  trying  to  obtain  an  island  in  the  Archipelago; 
and  at  Tunis  it  was  rumored  that  the  Greeks  had  ceded 
us  the  island  of  Paros,  in  return  for  promised  aid  in 
their  struggle  with  Turkey.  Rodgers's  real  purpose 
seems  not  to  have  been  suspected.  The  second  day  after 
his  arrival  at  Vourla  he  went  to  Smyrna  to  confer  with 
Offley  respecting  the  whereabouts  of  the  grand  admiral 
and  his  fleet.  On  learning  that  they  were  still  in  the 
Hellespont,  he  decided  to  sail  to  the  Dardanelles  and 
proceed  thence  by  land  to  the  grand  admiral's  headquar 
ters.  He  was  joined  by  Offley  before  he  left  Vourla. 
His  movements  from  June  thirtieth  to  July  seventeenth 
may  be  best  followed  in  his  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the 
navy,  dated  ship  "North  Carolina,"  harbor  of  Vourla, 
July  1 8,  1826. 

This  letter  should  be  preceded  by  a  brief  account  of 
the  grand  admiral.  His  name  was  Khosrew,  but  he  is 
usually  called  by  his  title,  Capudan  Pacha  or  Captain 
Pasha.  Owing  to  a  physical  defect,  he  is  often  referred 
to  as  the  lame  pasha.  He  held  the  offices  of  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Turkish  fleet,  minister  of  marine,  and 
inspector  of  the  seas.  Of  the  Ottoman  officials,  he  was 
the  third  in  rank.  A  courteous  and  tactful  man,  he 
possessed  considerable  ability  as  a  diplomat;  but  as  a 
sailor  he  was  unskilled  and  cowardly. 

The  commodore's  letter  read  as  follows : 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  341 

"  Since  I  wrote  you  last  from  this  place  on  the  28th 
June,  I  have  had  the  gratification  to  shew  the  squadron, 
and  display  the  flag  of  the  United  States  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Dardanelles. 

"  On  the  30th  ultimo  I  left  here  with  this  ship,  the 
1  Constitution,'  'Ontario,'  and  '  Porpoise'  for  the  Island 
of  Tenedos,  at  which  place  we  anchored  on  the  ad  in 
stant.  Soon  after  anchoring,  the  Governor  of  the  Island 
paid  me  a  visit  and  informed  me  that  the  Capudan 
Pacha,  with  his  whole  fleet,  then  lay  at  the  Dardanelles. 
I  informed  him  that  I  was  desirous  of  seeing  the  Turk 
ish  fleet  and  of  communicating  with  the  Capudan  Pacha, 
and  therefore  wished  to  know  when  the  fleet  would  be 
out.  He  replied  that  the  fleet  would  sail  in  ten  or 
twelve  days,  but  advised  if  I  wished  to  communicate 
with  the  Pacha  that  I  had  better  go  to  the  Hellespont 
by  land,  a  distance  of  about  20  miles,  and  that  if  I  de 
cided  to  do  so  he  would  inform  the  Pacha  of  my  inten 
tion,  and  provide  the  means  of  conducting  me  to  him. 
To  this  I  assented,  and  you  will  be  surprised  when  I 
tell  you  that  he  now  asked  me  what  country  our  flag  rep 
resented.  I  told  him  that  it  was  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  of  America  and  that  a  vessel  of  war  of  our  coun 
try  had  been  in  that  quarter  a  great  many  years  before. 
He  said  that  neither  himself  nor  any  other  person  then 
on  the  island  had  ever  seen  such  a  flag  before.  This 
man  was  very  civil  and  requested  that  I  would  com 
mand  his1  services  in  any  way  I  might  find  them  useful ; 
that  he  would  furnish  Guides  if  the  Officers  of  the 
Squadron  wished  to  visit  the  plains  of  Troy,  (which 
form  one  side  of  the  Straits  in  which  the  Squadron  then 
lay) ,  and  the  reputed  tombs  of  Ajax,  Achilles,  and  other 
interesting  relicks  in  sight.  I  accepted  his  offer  and  a 
guide  was  accordingly  sent  the  next  day,  when  the  Offi- 


342  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

cers  commenced,  and  were  allowed  by  turns  as  their 
duties  would  permit,  to  explore  the  Country  from  the 
entrance  of  the  Dardanelles  to  Eski  Stamboul  (ancient 
Constantinople). 

"  On  the  4th  instant  a  Division  of  the  Turkish  fleet, 
consisting  of  two  Ships  of  the  Line,  four  frigates  and 
seventeen  corvettes  and  Brigs,  amounting  in  all  to  twen 
ty-three  sail,  made  its  appearance,  coming  out  of  the 
Dardanelles.  At  the  time  the  fleet  passed  it  was  blow 
ing  quite  a  fresh  gale,  which  added  much  to  the  novelty 
of  its  appearance,  and  one  of  the  frigates  running  upon 
a  rock  in  the  passage  between  Tenedos  and  the  plains 
of  Troy,  and  knocking  off  her  rudder,  occasioning  its 
detention  for  some  time,  which  afforded  an  opportunity 
of  communicating  with  its  commanding  officer  the  more 
readily,  and  this  I  did,  while  it  was  lying  to,  to  ascertain 
the  damage  done  to  the  frigate,  by  despatching  Master- 
commandant  Perry  in  the  schooner  '  Porpoise,'  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  English,  my  deputed  interpreter,  to  the 
flag-ship,  then  about  8  or  9  miles  to  leeward.  At  10 
p.m.  Capt.  Perry  returned  and  informed  me  that  the 
vessels  which  had  passed  was  a  division  of  the  Turkish 
fleet  bound  to  Candia  under  the  command  of  the  Capt. 
Bey,  the  next  officer  in  rank  to  the  Capudan  Pacha,  to 
form  a  junction  with  the  Egyptian  fleet.  That  the  Capt. 
Bey  had  received  him  in  a  very  courteous  manner,  ac 
cording  to  the  Turkish  style,  and  that  previous  to  the 
taking  leave,  he  informed  him  the  Capudan  Pacha  was 
at  the  Hellespont,  where  he  knew  he  would  be  glad  to 
see  me.  That  he  was  then  equipping  another  and  larger 
division  of  the  fleet  for  sea,  and  would  probably  sail  in 
ten  or  twelve  days  from  that  time. 

"  I  now  made  arrangements  to  proceed  by  land  to  visit 
the  Capudan  Pacha  at  the  Hellespont,  but  the  damage 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  343 

sustained  by  the  before  mentioned  frigate  bringing  him 
down  to  Tenedos  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  damage 
done  to  her,  and  to  give  directions  for  her  repairs,  hap 
pened  very  opportunely  for  me,  as  it  was  the  means  of 
saving  me  a  jaunt  by  land  I  had  no  desire  to  undertake 
if  it  could  be  avoided. 

"  On  the  5th  instant  the  Captain  Pacha,  accompanied 
by  his  Flag  Lieutenant  and  Confidential  Dragoman,  ar 
rived  at  Tenedos  under  the  escort  of  his  bodyguard,  and 
immediately  on  arriving  sent  the  Lieutenant  accom 
panied  by  the  Dragoman  to  apprize  me  of  it,  to  present 
his  compliments,  to  inform  me  how  happy  he  felt  to  see 
the  American  squadron  there,  and  that  he  would  be  glad 
to  see  me  on  shore  the  next  day  at  such  hour  as  might 
best  suit  my  convenience.  After  the  delivery  of  this 
message  I  expressed  to  the  Lieutenant  through  the  Dra 
goman  my  regret  that  the  frigate  should  have  met  with 
such  a  serious  accident,  to  which  he  replied  that  he  did 
also,  for  that  the  Capudan  Pacha  felt  very  much  in 
censed  at  the  Captain;  that  he  would  no  doubt  cut  off 
his  head,  unless  on  my  meeting  the  Pacha  the  next  day 
I  should  intercede  for  him;  that  he  was  sure  the  Pacha 
would  desist  from  putting  him  to  death,  if  I  would  re 
quest  it.  I  informed  him  that  I  should  make  the  re 
quest,  if  by  doing  so  I  could  save  the  life  of  a  fellow 
creature;  that  the  Pacha's  compliance  with  such  a  re 
quest  I  should  consider  not  only  as  a  singular  favor  con 
ferred  on  myself,  but  as  one  of  the  highest  compliments 
he  could  pay  my  country. 

"The  Lieutenant  and  Dragoman  now,  notwithstand 
ing  it  was  dark,  expressed  a  desire  to  see  the  ship  below, 
observing  that,  from  the  impressions  made  upon  their 
minds  from  seeing  the  upper  deck  as  they  came  into  my 
cabin,  they  could  not  go  on  shore  satisfied  without  hav- 


344  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ing  it  in  their  power  to  tell  the  Pacha  what  kind  of  a 
ship  she  was  below.  Accordingly,  the  decks  and  store 
rooms  were  lighted  up,  and  after  being  shown  all  over 
her,  they  expressed  how  much  they  had  been  delighted; 
that  they  had  seen  some  of  the  best  ships  of  England, 
France  and  other  nations,  but  that  they  had  seen  none 
that  would  bear  any  comparison  to  her,  and  that  the 
Capudan  Pacha  on  seeing  her  would  think  so  too.  They 
now  took  leave  after  receiving  my  reply  to  the  Capudan 
Pacha's  message,  that  I  would  do  myself  the  honor  of 
waiting  on  him  the  next  morning  at  10  o'clock. 

"On  the  6th  instant,  at  10  a.m.  I  left  the  ship  on  my 
promised  visit  to  the  Capudan  Pacha,  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Offley,  our  Consul  for  Smyrna,  and  Mr.  George  B. 
English,  my  deputed  Interpreter.  At  the  time  of  land 
ing,  the  Capudan  Pacha  was  not  at  his  quarters,  but  soon 
presented  himself.  On  his  first  entering  the  room,  I 
was  not  more  struck  at  the  contrast  between  his  brawny, 
grotesque  figure,  huge  grey  beard  and  the  richness  of 
his  dress,  than  I  was  by  his  polished  manners1  and  polite, 
genteel  address.  In  the  course  of  my  interview  with 
him,  which  lasted  about  an  hour  and  a  half,  he  asked 
a  great  many  questions  about  our  country,  its  extent  and 
productions,  and  in  a  facetious  manner  mentioned  how 
much  we  had  been  misrepresented  by  other  nations,  and 
alluded  particularly  to  some  of  the  British  agents  and 
Navy  officers,  who  had  been  in  Constantinople  and  in 
the  Archipelago,  as  not  being  our  friends.  He  said  he 
now  knew  us  better  and  would  know  how  to  represent 
us  to  his  sovereign,  the  Sultan,  on  his  return  to  Con 
stantinople. 

"After  some  further  conversation,  principally  relat 
ing  to  our  Navy  and  the  size  and  construction  of  our 
ships,  their  equipment,  &c.,  &c.,  the  loss  of  the  rudder 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  345 

of  the  frigate  which  had  occasioned  his  coming  to  Tene- 
dos  was  introduced,  and  at  my  request  Mr.  Offley  took 
this  opportunity  of  mentioning  to  him  how  much  we 
felt  interested  for  her  unfortunate  Commander;  that  we 
hoped  his  conduct  had  not  been  so  flagrant  as  to  require 
his  being  punished  with  death.  To  this  the  Pacha  re 
plied  that  his  conduct  had  been  such  as  to  deserve  the 
severest  punishment,  but  that  he  would  remit  the  pun 
ishing  him  with  death,  (or  words  to  that  effect)  pro 
vided  I  would  give  him  a  good  beating;  that  his  conduct 
had  been  so  extremely  reprehensible  as  to  render  some 
punishment  necessary,  and  that  if  I  would  not  have  him 
beaten,  he  must;  seeing  that  I  was  at  a  loss  what  reply  to 
make  to  this  speech,  he  laughed  and  observed  that  as  I 
requested  it  his  life  should  be  spared.  The  second  day 
after  this  interview  the  frigate  sailed,  commanded  by 
the  same  Captain;  but  whether  he  received  the  prom 
ised  beating  or  bastinado,  I  have  never  been  informed. 
Capt.  Perry  was  present  when  the  sailing  orders  of  the 
Captain  of  the  frigate  were  given  by  the  Pacha  to  one 
of  his  officers  to  deliver.  In  handing  the  orders  to  the 
officer  he  said,  '  Now,  deliver  this  and  tell  him  to  go  to 
Mytilene  or  to  hell  and  wait  my  arrival.'  Immediately 
on  the  delivery  of  the  order  the  frigate  accordingly  got 
underway. 

"On  the  8th  instant,  the  object  of  the  Pacha's  visit 
being  now  accomplished,  I  sent  in  return  for  the  civili 
ties  he  had  shewn  me,  the '  Porpoise'  to  convey  him  across 
the  Strait  between  Tenedos  and  the  Main.  On  reaching 
the  '  Porpoise'  he  was  received  by  Capt.  Perry,  whom 
I  had  sent  to  accompany  him,  and  the  *  Porpoise'  imme 
diately  got  underway,  taking  his  magnificent  barge, 
which  had  brought  him  from  the  Dardanelles,  in  tow, 
and  at  6  p.m.,  having  proceeded  as  near  the  place  of 


346  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

landing  as  the  depth  of  water  would  permit,  he  took  leave 
of  Capt.  Perry  and  Lieut.  Commdt.  Cooper,  and  getting 
into  his  barge,  was  saluted  by  the  schooner  with  21  guns. 
Thus  ended  our  first  interview  with  the  Captain  Pacha, 
who  in  the  course  of  crossing  the  Strait  frequently  ex 
pressed  to  Capt.  Perry  and  Lieut.  Commdt.  Cooper  the 
great  delight  his  meeting  us  had  afforded  him. 

"On  the  9th  instant,  having  afforded  the  officers  of 
the  squadron  an  opportunity  of  visiting  the  few  remain 
ing  relicks  to  be  met  with  on  the  Plains  of  Troy  and 
adjacent  Country,  the  squadron  got  underway  and  beat 
up  against  a  head  wind  and  strong  current  to  the  en 
trance  of  the  Dardanelles,  so  near  as  to  afford  a  minute 
view  of  the  batteries  on  each  side  of  its  entrance.  Here, 
as  I  have  since  understood,  some  alarm  was  occasioned 
on  the  display  of  our  colours,  that  caused  the  guns  of  all 
the  Batteries  to  be  manned  and  an  express  to  be  sent  off 
to  the  Capudan  Pacha  at  the  Hellespont,  for  it  seems 
they  did  not  know  what  nation  our  flag  represented. 
The  Capudan  Pacha,  to  whom  I  had  communicated  at 
our  interview  my  intention  of  looking  into  the  Dar 
danelles  with  the  squadron  before  I  went  to  Mytilene, 
laughed  very  heartily  I  was  told  at  the  account  deliv 
ered  by  the  express  of  the  large  ships  and  strange  flag 
which  he  said  were  then  to  be  seen  at  the  Dardanelles. 

"At  5  p.m.,  after  all  on  board  the  squadron  had  been 
gratified  with  a  sight  of  this  singular  strait  that  com 
municates  with  the  Black  Sea,  the  signal  was  made  and 
we  bore  away  for  Mytilene.  The  atmosphere  at  this 
time  was  singularly  serene,  and  an  hour  after  bearing 
up,  the  prospect  from  our  decks  was  peculiarly  sublime 
and  interesting,  for  just  before  sunset  the  following 
objects  of  interest,  which  have  been  the  themes  of  so 
much  history,  poetry  and  song,  presented  themselves 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  347 

to  view.  The  entrance  of  the  Dardanelles,  the  entrance 
of  the  River  Scamander,  the  islands  of  Tenedos,  Im- 
bros,  Samothrace  and  Lemnos,  Mount  Ida,  Mount 
Athos,  Mount  Olympus,  the  tombs  of  Ajax  and  Achil 
les,  and  Cape  Baba  were  distinctly  to  be  seen  from  our 
decks.  On  the  i  ith  instant  we  anchored  before  the  town 
of  Mytilene  in  the  Island  of  the  same  name,  so  cele 
brated  in  ancient  history  for  its  fertility  and  produc 
tions,  and  is  still  ranked  among  the  richest  and  most 
productive  of  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago.  Here 
we  were  received  with  the  same  civility  and  respect 
which  we  experienced  on  first  visiting  every  other  Turk 
ish  town.  On  the  i2th,  the  day  after  our  arrival,  I  went 
on  shore  with  the  Captains  of  the  vessels  of  the  squadron, 
accompanied  by  Mr.  Offley,  our  Consul,  to  wait  upon 
the  Governor,  but  did  not  find  him  at  home.  We 
were  now  conducted  to  the  Pavilion  of  the  Capudan 
Pacha,  situated  on  a  very  pretty  spot  that  overlooks  the 
Naval  Arsenal,  where,  after  spending  an  hour,  we 
returned  on  board. 

"On  the  1 3th  instant  I  received  a  visit  from  the 
Governor  of  the  island,  a  venerable,  richly  dressed  Turk 
of  about  seventy  years  of  age,  six  feet  2  or  3  inches 
high,  and  a  huge  grey  beard  of  at  least  a  foot  long, 
which  rested  in  great  majesty  upon  his  breast.  After 
being  shown  over  the  ship,  which,  owing  to  his  curios 
ity  and  the  number  of  questions  he  asked,  it  took  full 
two  hours  to  do,  he  expressed  his  admiration  and  sur 
prise  at  what  he  had  seen,  his  thanks  for  the  attentions 
that  had  been  shewn  him,  and  then  left  the  ship.  The 
Turks,  with  but  very  few  exceptions,  are  extremely  ig 
norant  of  everything  relating  to  Geography,  Astronomy, 
and  the  nature  of  the  planetary  system,  and  I  cannot 
omit  mentioning  an  incident  that  took  place  before  the 


348  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Governor  left  the  ship,  to  shew  his  ignorance  on  these 
subjects.  He  enquired  how  far  it  was  to  America,  and 
what  was  its  direction  from  Constantinople.  He  was 
told  that  the  distance  was  about  5,000  miles,  and  to  ex 
plain  its  relative  position  the  more  clearly,  a  terrestrial 
globe  was  placed  on  the  table  for  this  purpose.  Mr. 
Offley,  who  acted  as  Interpreter  on  this  occasion,  first 
turning  the  globe  in  such  a  position  as  to  have  Constan 
tinople  uppermost  on  its  surface,  said  to  the  Governor: 
'Here  is  Constantinople;'  and  then  stopping  and  put 
ting  his  finger  on  Washington,  without  altering  its  posi 
tion,  said:  'Here  is  the  Capital  of  America.'  This 
explanation  appearing  to  please  the  Governor,  he  ob 
served  with  an  air  of  exultation:  '  So  I  see  that  Con 
stantinople  is  the  uppermost;'  to  which  Mr.  Offley  re 
plied,  'Yes,  sometimes;'  and  then  turning  that  part  up 
on  which  the  United  States  are  situated,  the  Governor, 
without  asking  any  further  questions,  shook  his  head 
and  burst  into  a  loud  laugh.  On  the  Governor's  leaving 
the  ship,  a  salute  of  eleven  guns  was  fired,  which  was 
immediately  returned  by  the  batteries  with  the  same 
number. 

"On  the  i/j-th  instant  the  Capudan  Pacha's  fleet,  con 
sisting  of  two  ships  of  the  Line,  7  frigates,  7  corvettes, 
and  1 6  brigs  and  schooners,  made  its  appearance.  The 
ship  bearing  the  flag  of  the  Pacha  anchored  first,  but 
soon  weighed,  and  after  keeping  underway  an  hour  or 
more,  anchored  again  further  inshore.  After  this  the 
rest  of  the  fleet,  without  observing  any  particular  order, 
except  that  the  smallest  vessels  took  berths  nearest  the 
shore,  anchored  in  succession  as  they  came  in.  Pre 
vious  to  the  anchoring  of  the  ship  bearing  the  flag  of  the 
Capdn.  Pacha,  I  sent  Capt.  Perry  to  present  my  com 
pliments  and  apprize  him  of  my  intention  to  salute  him. 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  349 

To  which  message  he  returned  his  compliments  and  at 
the  same  time  requested  that  the  salute  might  not  be 
fired  until  after  he  had  anchored.  At  8  a.m.  the  Cap- 
udan  Pacha's  ship  having  anchored,  a  salute  of  21  guns 
was  fired  from  this  ship,  which  was  immediately  re 
turned  by  his  with  the  same  number.  The  morning 
following,  the  Capudan  Pacha's  Confidential  Drago 
man  came  on  board  the  'N.  Carolina,'  and  presented 
the  compliments  of  the  Grand  Admiral  of  three  tails, 
and  requested  to  know  when  it  would  be  agreeable  to  me 
to  receive  the  visit  of  the  Admiral  in  return  for  that 
which  I  had  made  him  at  Tenedos. 

"  Three  o'clock  next  day  being  fixed  on,  the  Capudan 
Pacha  came  on  board  the  l  N.  Carolina'  about  that  hour 
in  a  splendid  barge  rowing  twenty  oars,  when  he  was 
received  with  the  attention  due  to  the  rank  of  the  third 
personage  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  During  his  stay  he 
was  conducted  over  every  part  of  the  ship,  which  he 
scrutinized  with  great  attention  and  evident  admiration. 
After  remaining  on  board  upwards  of  two  hours,  which 
he  professed  to  have  passed  with  much  pleasure  and 
satisfaction,  he  took  leave  with  many  expressions  of 
friendship  and  respect  for  the  American  nation.  On 
his  leaving  the  ship  everything  was  done  to  render  the 
compliments  shewn  him  novel  and  imposing,  not  only 
to  him  but  to  his  whole  fleet,  and  accordingly  the  yards 
were  manned,  the  men  dressed  in  white,  and  a  salute  of 
21  guns  fired,  which  was  immediately  returned  by  the 
Capudan  Pacha's  flag-ship. 

"On  the  following  day  (the  i6th  instant)  accom 
panied  by  the  Captains  and  several  other  officers  of  the 
squadron,  I  returned  his  visit  and  was  treated  with 
great  cordiality  and  distinction.  On  leaving  the  ship 
of  the  Turkish  Grand  Admiral,  his  flag,  then  flying  at 


350  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

the  Main,  was  struck,  and  another,  bearing  the  seal  of 
the  Sultan,  which  was  never  before  hoisted  except  on 
the  occasion  of  the  Sultan's  going  himself  on  board  the 
Turkish  fleet,  was  hoisted  in  its  place,  and  a  salute  of 
21  guns  fired.  This  extraordinary  honor  the  Pacha  took 
care  the  next  day  to  let  me  know  had  never  been  con 
ferred  on  the  flag  of  any  European  Nation,  and  that 
he  hoped  I  would  look  upon  it  as  an  indubitable  proof 
of  his  great  respect  and  friendship  for  the  American 
Nation. 

"  Some  hours  after  my  return  from  the  Pacha's  ship, 
he  sent  his  Confidential  Dragoman  to  the  *  N.  Carolina,' 
with  directions  to  express  his  satisfaction  at  what  had 
passed,  and  to  present  to  myself  and  the  Captains  of  the 
several  vessels  of  the  squadron  then  with  me,  as  tokens 
of  the  pleasure  and  satisfaction  he  had  experienced  by 
meeting  the  squadron  under  my  command,  myself  with 
a  pipe,  a  shawl  and  some  few  articles  of  Turkish  female 
dress,  and  Captains  Patterson  and  Perry  and  Lieut. 
Cooper,  the  first  two  with  a  shawl  and  a  few  articles 
of  female  dress  similar  to  those  presented  to  me,  and 
Lieut.  Cooper  with  a  shawl.  These  presents  were  forced 
upon  me,  and  the  other  officers  just  mentioned,  in  a 
way  not  to  be  rejected  without  running  the  risk  of  giving 
offence,  and  if  their  acceptance  is  thought  in  any  re 
spect  incompatible  with  the  Station  I  hold,  I  will,  on 
my  return,  send  such  as  were  presented  to  me  to  the 
Dept.  of  State,  to  be  disposed  of  as  the  Secretary  may 
think  proper.  The  other  officers,  in  such  an  event,  will 
do  the  same.  They  are  mere  baubles,  of  no  intrinsic 
value  to  those  who  possess  them,  further  than  as  memen 
tos  of  the  time,  circumstances  and  interchange  of  civili 
ties  which  took  place  on  the  first  meeting  of  an 
American  Squadron  with  the  Grand  Fleet  of  the  Otto- 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  351 

man  Empire,  commanded  by  an  officer  who  altho'  he  is 
the  3rd  personage  of  the  Empire  in  point  of  rank  is  neith 
er  a  prince  nor  a  potentate.  To  insure  a  reception  of  the 
articles  sent  me  thro'  the  Dragoman,  he  took  care  on 
presenting  them  to  let  me  know  that  the  Capudan  Pacha 
had  instructed  him  to  say  that  he  would  be  glad  to  re 
ceive  in  return  some  articles  of  American  Manufacture, 
so  that  I  fear  instead  of  being  a  gainer  I  may  be  a  loser 
by  my  acceptance  of  this  token  of  the  Pacha's  personal 
good  will. 

"  This  afternoon  the  squadron  got  underway,  and  af 
ter  making  a  tack  to  windward,  each  ship  bore  up  in 
succession  and  ran  down  through  the  Turkish  Fleet, 
and  on  coming  abreast  of  the  Flag  of  the  Capudan 
Pacha,  manned  her  rigging,  the  crew  dressed  in  white, 
and  gave  him  three  cheers,  the  Band  at  the  same  time 
playing  '  Hail  Columbia.' 

"  The  exhibition  of  the  squadron  on  this  occasion  must 
have  been  very  imposing,  inasmuch  as  the  several  evolu 
tions  of  getting  underway,  of  making  sail,  of  tacking, 
of  bearing  up,  of  manning  the  rigging,  and  of  putting 
the  ship  under  a  crowd  of  sail  in  a  moment  as  it  were 
after  cheering,  were  performed  each  with  a  celerity  and 
precision  such  as  I  have  never  before  witnessed,  and 
will,  without  doubt,  leave  a  lasting  impression  on  the 
mind  not  only  of  the  Capudan  Pacha,  but  on  that  of 
every  other  Turk  who  happened  to  witness  the  scene. 
Every  mark  of  respect  I  thought  it  necessary  to  tender 
the  Capudan  Pacha  for  his  polite  attentions  to  me,  and 
the  uniform  protection  which  he  is  known  to  have  af 
forded  to  our  commerce  in  these  seas  for  several  years 
past,  being  now  rendered,  I  shaped  my  course  for  this 
place,  where  I  arrived  the  next  morning  at  8  o'clock."35 

35  Rodgers  Papers,  "  Letter  Book  of  the  '  North  Carolina,' "  July  18,  1826. 


352  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

The  official  documents  of  the  state  department  relat 
ing  to  Rodgers's  interview  with  the  grand  admiral  have 
not  been  published,  nor  are  they  accessible  to  historical 
students,  being  still  regarded  by  the  department  as  con 
fidential.  Without  them,  it  is  impossible  to  present  a 
complete  account  of  the  commodore's  diplomatic  mis 
sion.  The  work  that  he  began  was  continued  by  his 
successor  in  command  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron, 
Commodore  W.  M.  Crane;  and  in  1830,  the  year  that 
the  Greeks  obtained  their  independence,  Commodore 
James  Biddle  (the  successor  of  Crane),  Consul  David 
W.  Offley,  and  Mr.  Charles  Rhind  negotiated  a  treaty 
with  Turkey. 

Rodgers's  gifts  from  the  Capudan  Pacha  did  indeed 
cost  him  dearly.  He  sent  the  pacha  for  his  own  use  a 
diamond  ring  and  a  snuff-box  set  with  diamonds,  and 
for  his  dragoman  a  fine  sword.  The  total  value  of  these 
presents  was  not  far  from  two  thousand  dollars.  The 
pacha  asked  for  a  thousand  stands  of  arms  for  his  gov 
ernment,  and  a  musket,  bayonet,  belt,  and  cartouch  box 
for  his  own  use.  The  latter  articles  the  commodore 
gave  him;  but  not  the  arms,  as  he  did  not  care  to  aid  in 
equipping  the  sultan's  military  forces. 

In  August,  1826,  Rodgers,  after  stationing  the  "On 
tario"  in  the  Archipelago  and  ordering  the  "  Erie"  to 
visit  Tripoli  and  Algiers,  sailed  with  the  rest  of  the 
fleet  for  Port  Mahon,  where  he  arrived  on  September 
tenth.  He  now  ordered  the  "  Erie"  to  return  home,  as 
the  term  of  enlistment  of  her  crew  was  about  to  expire. 
During  the  fall  of  1826  and  the  succeeding  winter  the 
"Ontario"  rendered  valuable  service  by  protecting  our 
commerce  in  the  Archipelago.  Two  of  our  merchant 
men,  however,  the  brigs  "  Susan"  of  Boston  and  "  Fal 
con"  of  New  York,  were  stopped  by  the  Greeks  and 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  353 

robbed  of  some  of  their  valuables.  In  the  winter  of 
1826-1827  the  "Porpoise"  was  employed  as  a  dispatch 
boat,  the  "  Constitution"  was  refitted  at  Port  Mahon, 
and  the  "North  Carolina"  made  a  perilous  voyage  in 
the  southern  Mediterranean. 

Early  in  December  the  commodore  went  to  Toulon 
in  the  flag-ship,  and  inspected  the  dock  yards  at  that 
port.  He  next  visited  Marseilles,  where  he  was  cor 
dially  entertained  by  the  British  admiral,  Sir  Alexan 
der  Cochrane,  who  had  been  his  foe  at  Baltimore  in 
the  War  of  1812.  On  his  return  to  Toulon,  Doctor  S. 
P.  Heap  and  family  took  passage  on  board  the  "North 
Carolina"  for  Tunis,  to  which  state  Heap  had  been  ap 
pointed  consul.  From  Tunis,  Rodgers  sailed  for  Port 
Mahon.  He  had  no  sooner  left  the  African  coast  than 
he  encountered  a  violent  northwest  gale,  with  which  he 
contended  the  larger  part  of  a  month.  For  several 
days,  such  was  the  force  of  the  wind,  his  ship  was  able 
to  carry  only  close-reefed  maintopsails  and  storm  stay 
sails;  and  to  keep  these  in  repair  from  fifteen  to  eigh 
teen  sailmakers  were  busy  night  and  day.  Owing  to 
exposure  and  privations,  many  of  his  officers  and  sea 
men  fell  ill  of  catarrhal  complaints,  and  worst  of  all 
the  smallpox  made  its  appearance.  Finally,  on  ex 
hausting  his  provisions,  he  bore  up  and  ran  into  Malta, 
where  he  arrived  on  January  20,  1827.  The  sick  were 
at  once  conveyed  to  a  hospital  on  shore,  and  the  ship 
was  thoroughly  disinfected.  By  February  seventeenth, 
when  the  "North  Carolina"  left  Malta,  the  patients 
were  nearly  all  well;  and  on  March  third,  the  commo 
dore  reported  from  Port  Mahon  that  the  smallpox  had 
disappeared  entirely  and  that  the  health  of  his  vessel  was 
never  better. 

The  log  of  the  "North  Carolina"  for  the  years  1826- 


354  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

1827  throws  much  light  on  the  employments  of  the  offi 
cers  and  crew  on  board  a  line  of  battle  ship  in  the  Old 
Navy.  It  contains  frequent  references  to  the  exercising 
at  great  guns,  the  reefing  and  furling  of  sails,  the  mak 
ing  of  signals,  and  the  cleaning  and  repairing  of  the 
ship.  The  holystone  and  paint  pot  were  in  daily  use, 
.and  the  armorers,  carpenters,  and  other  artisans  kept  up 
an  almost  continual  din.  Occasionally  courts  martial 
were  held,  salutes  fired,  visits  of  ceremony  made  or 
received,  and  orders  for  placing  the  ship  in  mourning 
issued.  In  November,  1826,  funeral  'honors  were  paid 
to  Ex-presidents  Jefferson  and  Adams  by  hoisting  the 
flag  at  half-mast,  firing  minute  guns,  cockbilling  the 
yards,  wearing  crape,  and  painting  black  various  parts 
of  the  ship. 

During  his  two  years'  stay  in  the  Mediterranean, 
Rodgers  greatly  improved  the  discipline  and  moral  tone 
of  the  squadron.  He  issued  rigorous  orders  to  his  offi 
cers  forbidding  dueling,  the  defaming  of  superiors,  the 
communicating  of  articles  to  the  public  prints,  and  the 
wearing  of  civilian  dress  on  shore.  He  forbade  the 
midshipmen  to  lend  money  to  each  other  or  to  become 
indebted  to  foreign  tradesmen,  and  he  restricted  their 
visits  to  Port  Mahon,  a  gay  and  dissolute  town.  Five 
of  the  young  gentlemen  he  court-martialed  for  engaging 
"  in  gaming  at  a  gaming  table  or  tables  kept  by  a  certain 
notorious  gambler  or  gamblers  in  the  town  of  Mahon." 
The  offending  midshipmen  penitently  invoked  the  com 
modore's  mercy.  No  duels  occurred  during  his  stay 
in  the  Mediterranean. 

As  illustrative  of  the  strict  discipline  maintained  in 
the  Old  Navy,  the  following  incident,  which  is  said  to 
have  occurred  on  board  one  of  Rodgers's  vessels  while 
she  was  cruising  in  the  Archipelago  in  the  summer  of 


THE  UNITED  STATES  SHIP  OF  THE  LINE  "NORTH  CAROLINA"  IN  A  STORM' 
IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN,  about  1827 

From  a  photograph  in  the  Bureau  of  Construction  and  Repair,  United  States  Navy  Depart 
ment,  Washington,  D.C.  This  photograph  is  from  a  painting  at  Sion  Hill,  Havre  de  Grace, 
Maryland,  in  the  possession  of  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rodgers.  On  the  original  painting 
there  is  the  following  legend:  "U.S.S.  North  Carolina  under  a  press  of  sail,  weathering 
the  Island  of  Zembla  on  the  26th  of  December,  1826,  in  a  sudden  gale  from  N.N.W. 
Represented  at  the  moment  of  splitting  her  jib  in  pieces,  setting  her  foretopmast  staysail, 
and  brailing  up  her  spanker" 


IN  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  357 

1826,  may  be  quoted.  The  story  is  narrated  by  one  of 
the  officers  of  the  vessel:  "A  short  time  since  one  of 
our  lieutenants  accidentally  heard  one  of  the  crew  whist 
ling  on  the  quarter-deck.  '  Mount  that  capstan,'  said 
he.  'And  whistle  until  I  order  you  to  stop.'  'Aye, 
aye,  sir,'  was  the  ready  reply.  Whereupon  the  sailor 
seated  himself  upon  it  and  whistled  away  a  length  of 
time,  got  wearied,  made  many  a  wry  face,  cursed  his  bad 
luck,  and  whistled  again.  Some  six  hours  passed,  and 
the  poor  fellow's  mouth  had  assumed  rather  an  odd 
shape,  for  whistle  he  could  not;  and  at  length  gradually 
extending  his  jaws,  he  asked  for  a  drink  of  water  and 
drily  exclaimed, '  I'm  d — d,  if  I  ain't  tired  of  whistling.' 
The  officer  of  the  deck  then  gave  him  permission  to 
come  down." 

The  American  adventurers  who  joined  the  Greeks 
gave  the  commodore  no  little  trouble.  One  young  man, 
William  T.  Washington,  formerly  a  cadet  at  West 
Point,  represented  himself  as  a  nephew  of  the  venerated 
general.  He  planned  to  enter  the  Grecian  army;  but 
finding  a  military  career  somewhat  hazardous,  he  adopt 
ed  a  diplomatic  one  and  became  a  political  agent  of  the 
revolutionists.  Fearing  that  he  might  be  arrested  as  a 
spy,  he  renounced  his  allegiance  to  the  United  States 
and  placed  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  French 
flag.  He  was  killed  by  a  random  shot,  while  walking 
on  the  beach  at  Napoli  de  Romania.  Concerning  an 
other  adventurer,  Rodgers  once  wrote  to  Lafayette  as 
follows:  "It  has  been  intimated  to  me  that  a  young 
American  by  the  name  of  Allen,  who  has  lately  been  in 
Paris,  experienced  from  you  much  kindness  and  atten 
tion.  This  young  man  was  not  long  since  a  midship 
man  in  our  navy  and  owing  to  conduct  of  a  most 
dishonorable  kind  was  obliged  to  leave  the  service. 


358  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

After  this  he  went  as  an  adventurer  to  Greece,  where  I 
have  understood  that  in  the  Greek  army  he  had  shown 
intrepidity,  but  still  even  this  does  not  entitle  him  to 
your  favor  so  long  as  he  is  known  to  be  destitute  of  moral 
character." 

Early  in  1827  the  commodore  received  orders  from 
the  department  to  return  home  with  the  "  North  Caro 
lina  "  by  way  of  the  West  Indies.  He  sailed  from  Gib 
raltar  in  the  flag-ship  on  May  thirty-first;  and,  after 
touching  at  Cape  Hayti,  Port  au  Prince,  and  Havana, 
arrived  at  Hampton  Roads  on  July  28,  1827,  having 
been  absent  from  the  United  States  two  years  and  four 
months.  He  was  cordially  welcomed  home  by  his 
many  friends.  The  secretary  of  the  navy  expressed  to 
him  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  department  with  his 
official  acts.  "  I  hear  your  cruise  has  improved  your 
health  and  made  you  at  least  ten  years  younger,"  James 
K.  Paulding  wrote  to  him,  "and  what  is  not  less  agree 
able  that  you  have  by  your  firmness  and  steadiness  re 
stored  the  discipline  of  squadron  under  your  command 
to  what  it  ought  to  be.  For  this  you  deserve  the  thanks 
of  the  whole  country." 


XIV.     HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  NATIONAL  CAP 
ITAL:  1815-1837 

ON  Commodore  Rodgers's  return  from  the  Mediter 
ranean  in  the  summer  of  1827,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  Southard  offered  him  his  choice  of  shore  duties. 
For  a  time  he  hesitated  between  accepting  the  presi 
dency  of  the  navy  board  and  the  commandantship  of  a 
navy-yard;  but  he  finally  chose  the  former,  being  doubt 
less  influenced  by  the  advice  of  his  friends -Southard, 
Paulding,  and  others.  The  commodore  had  some  no 
tion  of  rejecting  both  offers,  and  of  retiring  to  a  farm 
near  Havre  de  Grace  and  spending  the  rest  of  his  days 
in  rural  quiet.  James  K.  Paulding,  navy  agent  at  New 
York,  advised  him  against  this  move,  in  a  friendly  let 
ter,  written  in  August,  1827: 

"  Unless  I  mistake,  I  know  however  which  way  your 
wishes  point.  I  have  no  doubt  but  you  want  to  be 
shooting  canvas  backs  and  playing  the  horse  jockey  on 
the  shores  of  the  Susquehanna;  and  if  you  are  sure -I 
say  sure -that  you  would  be  happier  there,  I  should 
say  go  and  shoot  and  ride  and  plant  corn  and  tobacco, 
and  turn  your  sword  into  a  ploughshare  and  your  cock 
ed-hat  into  a  pigeon-house.  But  in  honest  truth  I  doubt 
whether  a  man  who  has  all  his  life  been  ploughing  the 
sea  will  make  much  figure  at  ploughing  the  land.  You 
might  make  a  hand  at  swapping  horses,  but  upon  my 
soul,  my  dear  commodore,  I  question  whether  you  would 
figure  greatly  in  your  crops,  though  I  don't  mean  to 
undervalue  your  agricultural  skill.  There  is  Com 
modore  Chauncey  an  example  before  you.  He  got 


360  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

a  premium  for  a  pig,  but  his  farming  brought  him 
in  no  premiums.  A  Gentleman  Farmer  is  a  very 
pretty  kind  of  a  gentleman,  only  he  is  very  apt  to  get 
in  debt,  and  to  lay  out  more  in  improvements  than  his 
improvements  pay  him  back  again.  In  the  first  place 
you  would  be  cheated,  for  that  is  the  destiny  of  a  sailor 
as  soon  as  he  puts  his  foot  on  the  land.  The  country 
people  moreover  make  no  conscience  in  cheating  a  Gen 
tleman  Farmer,  because  as  I  have  often  heard  them  say, 
'  He  don't  mind  a  few  dollars.'  Still,  if  a  man  can  give 
his  children  a  good  education,  and  make  both  ends  meet 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  for  that  is  a  sine  qua  non,  the 
farmer's  life  is  after  all  the  life  which  of  all  others  I 
should  like  if  I  were  not  now  too  old  to  begin  a  new 
system.  Upon  the  whole  however,  I  can't  help  thinking 
the  Navy  Board  is  the  place  for  you,  next  to  the  com 
mand  of  a  squadron,  and  I  confess  further  that  I  wish 
to  see  you  there  to  correct  some  of  the  notions  and  flim 
flams  of  certain  of  your  predecessors,  or  rather  succes 
sors.  I  will  promise  to  be  a  most  orderly  and  obedient 
Agent,  that  is  provided  that  I  am  not  brought  to  an 
untimely  end  on  the  8th  of  January  next." 

The  commodore's  second  term  as  president  of  the 
navy  board  was  almost  precisely  the  same  length  as  his 
first -a  few  months  short  of  ten  years.  With  the  ex 
ception  of  the  relatively  brief  period  which  he  spent  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron, 
his  residence  in  Washington  covered  the  years  1815- 
1837,  that  is  all  or  a  part  of  the  presidential  administra 
tions  of  Madison,  Monroe,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Jackson,  and 
•Van  Buren.  The  young  and  modest  capital  on  the 
Potomac  which  he  knew  so  well  bears  but  little  resem 
blance  to  its  older  and  prouder  self  with  which  we  are 
now  familiar.  It  was  a  rambling,  overgrown  village, 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  361 

of  some  fifteen  thousand  inhabitants,  with  streets  incom 
parably  muddy  in  winter  and  dusty  in  summer.  It 
consisted  of  several  clusters  of  buildings,  with  long  va 
cant  or  semivacant  spaces  intervening.  The  White 
House,  Capitol,  post-office,  navy-yard  and  arsenal,  sep 
arated  a  mile  or  more  from  each  other,  were  the  centers 
around  which  the  city  grew.  Georgetown  was  a  de 
tached  municipality  of  about  seven  thousand  people. 

How  delightfully  rural  was  the  capital  may  be  seen 
from  a  letter  of  Paulding  written  one  autumn,  about 
1816.  He  said  that  at  that  time  of  year  Washington 
was  a  dull  place,  "except  to  sportsmen,  who  find  excel 
lent  shooting  about  the  center  of  the  city.  I  have  seen 
a  great  number  of  quail,  plover,  and  snipe  within  a 
couple  or  three  hundred  yards  of  the  President's  man 
sion,  and  they  do  say  that  deer  abound  in  the  'slashes,' 
as  they  are  called,  about  half  a  mile  north  of  that  build 
ing.  I  can't  answer  to  that  fact,  but  I  have  seen  plenty 
of  rabbits  there." 

In  those  early  days  the  society  of  Washington  was 
somewhat  crude  and  homespun,  measured  by  present 
standards;  but  withal  genuine  and  wholesome.  Nor 
was  it  without  charm,  dignity,  and  refinement.  Since 
its  numbers  were  small,  the  men  and  women  compos 
ing  it  came  to  know  each  other  well ;  and  many  of  them 
were  intimate  friends.  Their  social  intercourse  was 
frequent,  quiet,  and  agreeable,  free  from  useless  con 
ventions  and  stiff  formalities.  Conversation  was  abun 
dant  and  connected,  for  the  fatigue  and  impersonality  of 
modern  life  had  not  yet  reduced  men's  talk  to  short 
detached  sentences -unoffending  commonplaces  that  at 
best  merely  amuse.  The  society  of  the  capital  was  an 
amalgam  of  official  and  residential  elements.  After 
the  War  of  1812  it  received  a  strong  military  admixture. 


362  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Several  noted  warriors,  among  others  Generals  Brown, 
Scott,  Macomb,  and  Jesup,  gave  it  a  flavor  of  the  army; 
while  Commodores  Rodgers,  Decatur,  and  Porter,  who 
became  permanent  residents  of  the  city  in  1815,  added  a 
salty  savor. 

Before  1812  there  were  rarely  enough  naval  officers 
in  Washington  to  hold  a  court  martial.  The  first  offi 
cer  to  establish  a  home  in  the  capital  was  Commodore 
Thomas  Tingey,  the  commandant  of  the  navy-yard. 
This  warm-hearted,  chivalrous  gentleman  had  a  fond 
ness  for  society,  and  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  balls,  banquets,  and 
receptions  of  his  adopted  city.  Another  early  resident 
of  the  capital  was  Colonel  Franklin  Wharton,  the  com 
mandant  of  the  marine  corps.  The  naval  circle  at 
Washington,  however,  really  had  its  beginning  with  the 
advent  of  Rodgers,  Decatur,  and  Porter  in  1815.  They 
were  soon  followed  by  other  naval  officers,  who  cast 
in  their  lot  at  the  seat  of  government.  At  the  present 
time  the  naval  population  of  the  capital  consists  of  some 
thousand  persons. 

About  a  mile  to  the  north  of  the  White  House  on 
Meridian  Hill,  Porter  soon  after  his  arrival  built  a 
"stately  castle" -to  use  the  words  of  one  of  his  lodgers, 
James  K.  Paulding.  Decatur  erected  a  house,  which  is 
still  standing,  on  the  corner  of  H  street  and  Jackson 
Place,  facing  Lafayette  Square.  Rodgers  first  estab 
lished  his  family  at  Bellevue  on  the  heights  of  George 
town  ;  but  about  1820  he  moved  to  Greenleaf  Point,  near 
the  Washington  arsenal.  Here  he  purchased  two  large 
houses,  forming  a  part  of  a  row  which  had  been  built 
in  one  of  the  last  years  of  the  eighteenth  century;  and 
by  means  of  connecting  doors  he  made  them  into  vir 
tually  one  house.  Greenleaf  Point  lies  at  the  apex  of 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  363 

the  triangle  of  land  between  the  Potomac  River  and 
the  Eastern  Branch  of  the  Potomac,  which  unite  at 
Washington.  Rodgers's  home  was  on  P  Street,  and  its 
extensive  grounds  on  their  western  side  reached  to  the 
Potomac.  It  was  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the 
Capitol,  and  two  miles  and  a  half  from  the  White  House 
and  Navy  Department.  The  commodore  had  but  few 
neighbors,  and  these  were  mostly  tradespeople.  Indeed 
the  Point  at  this  time  was  much  like  the  country  or  a 
small  rural  village.  Between  it  and  Pennsylvania  Av 
enue  lay  long  stretches  of  unoccupied  land,  with  only  a 
dwelling  here  and  there. 

About  1835  Rodgers  moved  to  a  house  which  he  built 
on  Madison  Place,  facing  Lafayette  Square,  almost  op 
posite  the  home  of  Decatur.  The  story  is  told  that  the 
ground  upon  which  the  Lafayette  Square  house  stood 
was  once  owned  by  Henry  Clay,  who  came  into  posses 
sion  of  it  by  the  exercise  of  that  avocation,  which  Mrs. 
Clay  said  did  not  disturb  her  as  Henry  always  won. 
The  distinguished  statesman,  so  the  story  goes,  trans 
ferred  his  winnings  to  Commodore  Rodgers  for  a  jack 
ass  which  the  commodore  had  obtained  in  a  foreign 
port.  Clay  sent  the  beast  to  his  celebrated  stock-farm 
in  Kentucky  where  it  propagated  its  kind  for  many 
years.  Tradition  further  says  that  the  mules  for  which 
this  state  is  so  justly  famous  owe  their  origin  to  their 
"  braying  grandfather  of  Lafayette  Square."  We  shall 
not  attempt  to  separate  the  truth  of  this  tale  from  its 
fiction.  It  is  a  fact,  however,  that  the  commodore 
brought  a  jackass  home  with  him  from  the  Mediterra 
nean  in  1827,  and  that  in  the  same  year  Clay  pur 
chased  for  him  a  part  of  the  site  on  which  his  Lafayette 
Square  house  was  built. 

After  the  commodore's  death  this  house  was  occupied 


364  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

at  different  times  by  several  of  the  leading  officials  of  the 
government- by  Secretary  of  the  Navy  James  K.  Pauld- 
ing,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Roger  Brooke  Taney, 
Secretary  of  War  W.  W.  Belknap,  and  Secretaries  of 
State  William  H.  Seward  and  James  G.  Elaine.  Here 
in  1865  Seward  was  assaulted,  and  here  in  1893  Blame 
died.  In  1859  it  was  used  as  a  club  house,  and  figured 
in  the  notorious  Sickles-Key  affair.  It  was  torn  down 
in  1895  to  make  room  for  the  Lafayette  Square  theater, 
now  the  Belasco. 

The  commodore  lived  longest,  and  doubtless  most 
happily,  at  the  Greenleaf  Point  house,  for  its  location 
on  the  river  and  its  rural  surroundings  were  most  con 
genial  to  him.  This  is  the  home  that  his  family  remem 
bered  most  fondly.  Here  were  born  four  of  his  child 
ren:  William  Pinkney,  a  lawyer  in  New  York  City; 
Henry,  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy,  who  was  lost  in  the 
"Albany"  in  1854;  Ann  Minerva,  who  married  Colonel 
J.  N.  Macomb,  a  nephew  of  General  Alexander  Ma- 
comb  (commander-in-chief  of  the  army  in  1828-1841)  ; 
and  Augustus  Frederick,  an  assistant  in  the  Coast  and 
Geodetic  Survey.  Two  daughters,  Louisa,  who  mar 
ried  General  Montgomery  C.  Meigs,  and  Jerusha  C. 
were  born  at  Georgetown.  Four  children,  Robert  S.,  a 
colonel  in  the  Civil  WTar;  Frederick,  a  midshipman  in 
the  navy;  John,  a  rear-admiral  in  the  navy;  and  Eliza 
beth,  were  born  at  Havre  de  Grace. 

In  addition  to  these  ten  children,  the  household  of 
Commodore  and  Mrs.  Rodgers  contained  an  honored 
member  in  the  person  of  Mrs.  Jerusha  Denison,  the 
mother  of  Mrs.  Rodgers.  She  is  remembered  by  one 
of  her  grandchildren  as  a  dear  little  gentlewoman.  "  She 
generally  wore  a  grey  silk  or  black  gown,  with  a  volumi 
nous  muslin  kerchief  about  her  neck  and  a  great  close 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS,  1813 

From  the  Polyanthos  (Boston),  vol.  iii,  1.     Engraved  by  John 
R.  Smith  from  a  portrait  by  Henry  Williams 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  367 

cap  with  lace  ruffles,  so  full  and  wide  that  they  shaded 
her  small  face.  She  was  a  gentle  creature,  but  always 
active  and  busy.  She  was  slim  and  erect  in  figure,  with 
small  hands  and  feet,  and  a  fine  spirited  countenance; 
her  complexion  even  in  old  age  was  fair  and  delicate. 
The  '  boys'  went  to  '  Grandma'  to  bind  up  their  wounds 
and  relate  their  grievances.  She  seems  in  my  memory 
to  be  always  administering  cake  or  salve,  figs  or  plaster, 
something'to  soothe  the  outer  and  inner  man." 

During  the  period  of  which  we  write  it  was  common 
for  Washington  gentlemen  to  own  slaves,  and  Rodgers 
was  no  exception  to  the  rule.  Born  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line  he  possessed  many  of  the  tastes  and  customs 
of  the  well-to-do  Southerner.  While  he  accepted  the 
economic  system  of  his  section,  he  was  no  apologist  for 
it.  In  1822  he  executed  a  deed  of  manumission  decree 
ing  the  freedom  of  all  his  young  slaves  on  their  reach 
ing  an  age  at  which  they  would  be  able  to  take  care  of 
themselves.  He  owned  some  ten  or  twelve  negroes, 
among  whom  were  Butler,  his  faithful  body  servant; 
Hamilton,  his  coachman;  Mammy  Hagar,  the  nurse  of 
his  children;  Aunt  Hannah,  the  fat  cook;  Sally,  the 
housemaid;  Fortune,  the  gardener;  Isaac  and  Henry, 
waiters  at  table;  and  Jim,  Jacob,  and  Maria,  young 
pickaninnies. 

With  his  numerous  family  and  his  retinue  of  slaves, 
the  commodore  lived  in  a  truly  patriarchal  manner. 
The  large  house  at  Greenleaf  Point,  with  its  slave  quar 
ters,  its  many  outbuildings  and  its  extensive  grounds, 
was  especially  adapted  to  this  style  of  life.  With  such 
masters  as  Rodgers,  slavery  was  seen  at  its  best.  While 
he  rigorously  insisted  upon  obedience  from  his  slaves, 
he  usually  treated  them  with  much  kindness.  He  had 
a  practice  of  buying  from  them  the  butter  made  from 


368  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

his  own  cows,  and  the  eggs  laid  by  his  own  hens.  When 
his  thrifty  wife  would  reprove  him  for  this  extrava 
gance,  he  was  wont  to  say  that  a  few  cents  was  not  much 
to  him  but  it  meant  a  great  deal  to  them.  He  was  fond 
of  good  horses,  and  kept  two  carriages,  one  for  himself 
and  the  other  for  Mrs.  Rodgers.  With  true  southern 
hospitality,  the  commodore  and  his  lady  entertained 
much,  and  seldom  dined  without  having  several  guests 
at  their  table.  Surrounded  by  their  children,  their  ser 
vants,  and  their  friends,  they  led  a  most  agreeable  and 
dignified  life  at  the  capital. 

The  daughter  of  Commodore  Rodgers,  Mrs.  J.  N. 
Macomb,  of  Washington,  has  written  for  her  children 
a  most  entertaining  account  of  her  girlhood  days  at 
Greenleaf  Point  Through  her  kindness,  the  author  is 
permitted  to  make  use  of  this  family  document,  and  is 
thus  able  to  present  a  most  vivid  picture  of  the  com 
modore's  home  life: 

"  My  father  loved  the  situation  at  the  Point  because 
it  was  near  the  river.  He  bought  the  place,  no  doubt, 
with  a  view  to  the  welfare  and  pleasure  of  his  growing 
family  of  boys  and  girls.  We  had  at  the  Point  two  large 
houses  which  my  father  made  one  by  means  of  com 
municating  doors.  There  was  a  large  garden  extend 
ing  from  the  house  to  the  river;  in  this  garden  my 
father  delighted.  He  had  planted  along  the  fences 
the  finest  raspberries,  also  the  large  Antwerp  rasp 
berry  I  remember  among  them.  There  were  within 
the  borders  of  our  garden  a  variety  of  fine  peaches,  nec 
tarines,  and  figs;  plum  trees  borne  down  by  the  weight 
of  great  purple  plums,  and  one  large  mulberry  tree. 
Such  fruit  as  we  enjoyed  from  that  garden  I  have 
not  seen  since.  And  in  that  dear  old  place  a  fam 
ily  of  children  grew  and  sported  for  many  years. 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  369 

Fortunately  the  happy  hours  of  our  childhood  rest  in 
the  memory  after  its  disappointments  are  forgotten.  I 
see  before  me  now  as  if  it  were  yesterday,  the  little 
porch  upon  which  the  door  opened  at  the  end  of  our 
wide  old  hall.  Coral  honeysuckles  grew  all  over  the 
porch  so  that  in  summer  it  was  a  shady  bower.  With 
in  it,  there  were  two  long  benches  painted  green,  the 
floor  was  of  brick.  Here  children  held  high  revel,  but 
I  never  saw  my  father  or  mother  sitting  there;  they 
took  their  ease,  if  they  ever  had  any,  quite  on  the  other 
side  of  the  great  double  house;  but  how  can  there  be 
ease  with  such  a  household?  Joy  and  sorrow  there 
must  have  been,  and  sunshine  and  love  smiled  upon  the 
household. 

"  Imagine  my  father  at  the  foot  of  our  long  dinner 
table,  carving  for  his  family  and  guests.  We  all  silent 
as  mice,  but  generally  full  of  repressed  merriment  that 
sometimes  exploded  from  the  very  sense  of  repression. 
The  offender  was  immediately  dismissed  in  confusion 
by  a  look  from  our  father;  my  mother,  a  gentle  but 
spirited  creature,  kept  up  her  share  of  conversation 
while  she  often  gave  us  young  ones  an  expressive,  warn 
ing  glance.  My  father's  own  man,  Butler,  stood  be 
hind  his  master's  chair  and  waited  on  no  one  else;  he 
was  the  devoted  friend  and  servant  of  that  loved  master 
to  the  day  of  his  death,  and  my  father  breathed  his  last 
in  Butler's  arms.  Isaac  was  the  waiter,  and  Henry,  his 
younger  brother,  assisted  him.  We  were  under  such 
painful  restraint  that  I  do  not  remember  any  pleasure 
relating  to  the  dining  room,  excepting  the  permission 
to  leave  it.  What  pleasure  could  there  be  when  during 
the  whole  course  of  the  meal  we  could  not  speak.  We 
never  dreamed  of  asking  for  anything,  but  meekly  ac 
cepted  what  was  put  upon  our  plates;  the  effect  of  this 


370  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

simple  arrangement  being,  as  far  as  I  remember,  that 
we  generally  received  a  large  portion  of  something  we 
did  not  like  but  were  nevertheless  expected  to  eat,  and 
a  very  small  portion  of  what  we  really  cared  for.  Nat 
urally  therefore  we  sought  not  to  linger  at  the  festive 
board,  but  welcomed  joyfully  the  release  when  my 
mother  gave  us  a  nod,  and  said,  'Yes,  you  may  go.' 
Silently  we  escaped  and  rushed  down  the  hall,  speed 
ing  to  our  loved  garden  haunts  where  we  might  laugh 
and  shout  at  our  will. 

"At  the  foot  of  this  garden  was  a  gate  opening  on 
the  river,  and  the  boys  used  often  in  their  glee  to  fly, 
without  stopping  for  a  breath,  from  the  back  door 
through  the  gate  and  down  the  little  terrace  to  the 
river.  Two  boats  were  there,  and  often  the  stable  men 
took  the  horses  to  water  them  by  the  river  side.  On 
one  occasion  William  and  Hal  were  bathing  in  the 
river  when  the  men  came  down  the  shore  with  the 
horses.  The  boys  jumped  up  behind  the  men  and 
urged  the  horses  up  the  bank;  just  as  they  came  near 
the  stable  they  saw  their  father  standing  at  the  back 
gate.  Both  boys  leaped,  naked  as  they  were,  over  the 
fence  among  the  tall  raspberry  bushes.  Fortunate 
ly  the  shades  of  evening  lent  their  uncertain  light  to  this 
escapade,  and  my  father  called  to  the  men,  'Did  you 
throw  anything  over  the  fence?'  'No,  Master,  nobody 
ain't  throw'd  nothin  over  no  fence  whar  we  was.'  Mean 
while  the  boys  had  opened  the  river  gate  and  resumed 
their  garments;  when  their  father  appeared  at  the  front 
door,  they  were  on  the  lawn.  Fearful  scratches  they 
must  have  received,  but  they  were  happy  in  concealing 
them. 

"  Near  this  river  gate  was  a  smoke  house,  called  by 
the  servants  'big  smoke  house'  because  there  was  a 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  371 

smaller  one  near  the  kitchen.  In  front  of  the  big  smoke 
house  was  an  arbor  and  over  it  grew  in  beautiful  profu 
sion  climbing  roses  and  sweet  scented  white  and  pink 
honeysuckles;  over  the  smoke  house  grew  Virginia 
creeper  so  thickly  that  the  whole  structure  was  quite 
hidden  in  the  happy  summer  time.  Under  the  arbor 
and  placed  against  the  smoke  house  were  two  charm 
ing  little  marble  seats.  These  were  the  capitals  of  Cor 
inthian  columns  from  an  ancient  Greek  temple,  and 
were  brought  home  in  the  'North  Carolina.'  When 
we  were  in  trouble  or  in  sorrow,  punished  or  expecting 
punishment,  these  darkly  shaded  classic  seats  were  our 
refuge.  When  we  were  most  merry  and  afraid  of  be 
ing  rebuked  for  disturbing  our  elders,  to  this  distant 
fastness  we  repaired  and  there  we  made  the  welkin  ring. 

"  Once  Isaac,  our  butler,  *  got  religion,'  and  went  up 
to  the  big  smoke  house  to  mourn  and  pray.  Being 
afraid  of  interruption  from  the  boys,  he  climbed  up  a 
long  ladder  always  kept  there,  and  knelt  on  the  rafters 
among  the  hams  and  shoulders ;  and  my  brothers  opened 
the  door  silently  and  listened  with  awe  to  the  mysteri 
ous  groans.  They  did  not  molest  their  friend,  and  they 
warned  me  never  to  go  near  a  person  'getting  religion.' 

"There  was  a  square  white  stone  or  marble  carriage 
block  in  front  of  the  house,  and  often  the  picture  of  my 
father  as  he  stood  there  comes  back  to  me.  It  was  his 
habit  to  accompany  the  ladies  visiting  the  house  to  the 
carriage,  and  after  helping  them  into  it  he  would  stand 
on  the  block,  hat  in  hand,  until  the  carriage  turned  the 
corner.  Perhaps  the  first  remembrance  I  have  of  my 
father's  impressive  figure  is  on  some  great  occasion 
when  he  was  going  to  a  ball  with  my  mother.  We 
young  ones  should  have  been  in  bed,  and  generally  were 
so  ere  night  came,  but  our  good  mammy  had  come  out 


372  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

of  the  nursery  and  brought  me  with  her  to  see  the  'Mars- 
ter  and  ole  Miss.'  The  commodore  was  in  full  uniform, 
embroidered  coat,  and  white  kersey  trousers,  embroid 
ered  sword  belt,  and  sword.  How  bright  and  fresh 
and  splendid  he  looked,  a  gallant  figure.  Presently  my 
mother  came  down  the  staircase.  '  Now  jes  look  at  ole 
Miss,'  says  mammy.  '  She  looks  better'n  any  o'  her 
chil'n  ever  will  look;  indeed  she  do!  Tell  you!  Mis- 
tres'  ain't  got  to  stand  back  for  nobody!  My,  she  do 
become  dat  gown! '  My  mother  was  dressed  in  a  black 
satin  gown  with  lace  sleeves,  and  she  had  a  little  lace 
cap  on  her  head.  On  her  arm  she  carried  the  white 
cashmere  shawl  she  always  used  at  such  times.  The 
shawl  had  a  history;  I  think  it  was  given  to  my  father 
by  the  Turkish  Pasha,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  the  ser 
vice  rendered  when  my  father  rescued  some  Turkish 
women  from  Greek  pirates  and  ransomed  them  by  pay 
ing  fifty  dollars  of  his  own  money.  He  took  them  to 
Smyrna  in  the  'North  Carolina'  and  released  them. 
The  shawl  had  been  made  for  a  favorite  inmate  of  the 
Pasha's  harem,  and  my  father  was  told  that  it  took 
eighteen  months  to  make  it.  Now,  moth  eaten  and  dis 
colored,  it  surely  is  not  very  beautiful,  but  in  the  days 
of  my  youth  it  seemed  a  shawl  of  great  worth  and  re 
spectability. 

"  My  dear  mother  had  a  natural  gift  for  teaching. 
She  trained  her  servants  to  be  so  good  and  respectable, 
and  taught  us  children  to  love  truth  and  honor.  Her 
sons  were  brought  up  to  be  as  chivalric  as  the  knights 
of  old.  She  was  very  fond  of  reading  and  seemed  to 
have  a  cultivated  taste  in  literature.  She  loved  Thom 
son's  Seasons,  the  Rape  of  the  Lock,  Gray's  Elegy,  etc. 
The  story  of  the  l  Lovely  young  Lavinia  once  had 
friends;  and  fortune  smil'd,  deceitful,  on  her  birth,'  my 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  373 

mother  used  to  recite  to  us  when  she  was  dressing,  or 
sometimes  she  would  tell  us  some  pretty  classic  story 
when  in  the  evening  we  sat  before  the  fire;  and  these 
were  deeply  impressed  on  my  memory.  Whether  prose 
or  poetry  the  charm  of  her  musical  and  well  modulated 
voice  lent  an  added  grace  to  the  author's  words. 

"As  I  have  brought  you  to  the  dining  room  fire,  I  will 
take  the  opportunity  of  describing  to  you  the  hospitable, 
many  roomed  house  at  Greenleaf  Point.  There  were 
four  large,  three  story  houses,  facing  south,  standing 
apart  from  any  other  place,  and  quite  near  to  the  United 
States  Arsenal.  As  I  told  you,  my  father  owned  two 
of  these  houses.  In  the  third  one  lived  at  one  time  my 
Aunt  Louisa,  Mrs.  Wadswrorth,  and  her  husband,  Cap 
tain  Wadsworth  of  the  navy,  uncle  of  Henry  Wads- 
worth  Longfellow.  They  were  a  very  handsome  pair; 
he  tall  with  curling  brown  hair  and  dark  blue  eyes,  she 
also  tall  and  dark  with  glowing  complexion  and  great 
soft  black  eyes.  At  another  time  that  house  was  occu 
pied  by  Dr.  Buck,  a  stout  fine  looking  man,  whose  ap 
pearance  I  remember  well  from  an  incident  which 
stamped  him  on  my  memory  forever. 

"There  was  a  broad  flat  pavement  in  front  of  these 
houses,  and  just  outside  the  pavement  a  row  of  locust 
trees,  very  tall  and  graceful.  In  the  summer  they  were 
laden  with  long  rich  blossoms,  and  the  house  used  to 
be  full  of  their  perfume  mingled  with  that  of  the  lilacs, 
a  clump  of  which  grew  just  inside  the  front  gate  and 
all  along  that  side  of  the  garden.  There  was  a  lawn 
before  the  house  extending  to  the  river  bank;  my  father 
often  stood  on  the  edge  of  that  bank  watching  some 
steamboat  or  perhaps  merely  studying  the  weather  and 
the  water.  The  corner  house,  nearest  the  river,  was  the 
one  best  furnished  and  most  used,  with  roses  growing 


374  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

over  it;  a  broad  area  under  the  whole  structure  had 
many  kitchen  windows,  and  there  was  scarcely  a  mo 
ment  when  some  little  dark  faces  were  not  to  be  seen 
at  those  windows,  and  dusky  figures  flitting  about  this 
area. 

"The  hall  of  the  corner  house  was  dark  red;  painted, 
I  think.  In  this  long  hall  I  remember  no  furniture  ex 
cepting  dark  mahogany  chairs  and  a  long  narrow  ma 
hogany  table.  Near  the  end  of  the  hall  were  green 
baize  swinging  doors,  and  beyond  them  the  wide  door 
opening  on  the  garden  and  the  little  porch  which  I 
have  described  to  you.  The  room  at  the  front  of  the 
house  opening  from  the  hall  was  the  parlor.  I  remem 
ber  when  to  make  these  lower  rooms  warmer  the  brass 
andirons  were  dismissed,  and  my  father  had  grates  put 
in  to  burn  anthracite  coal.  In  this  parlor  was  an  old 
fashioned  mahogany  Recamier  sofa,  horse-hair  cover, 
I  must  admit;  a  center  table  and  chairs  of  the  same 
wood;  an  'easy  chair'  for  my  father's  use,  but  covered 
with  horse-hair,  stood  near  the  fire-place;  on  the  man 
tel-piece  was  our  little  white  clock,  but  it  had  in  those 
days  a  bunch  of  pink  roses  in  a  vase  on  top  of  it,  and  was 
enclosed  in  a  glass  case.  Opening  from  the  parlor,  was 
the  dining  room.  I  remember  only  of  this  room  the 
big  mahogany  dining  table  and  the  sideboard,  sparkling 
with  glass  and  silver.  There  were  some  cupboards  in 
the  wall ;  the  sideboard  was  a  very  big  affair  and  is  now 
at  Sion  Hill.  Yes,  I  remember  also  the  wine  cooler 
that  stood  beside  the  sideboard -a  very  beautiful  bit  of 
mahogany. 

"  I  am  going  to  take  you  back  to  my  mother's  room. 
Fancy  her  standing  in  a  dimity  wrapper  at  the  mirror, 
combing  her  pretty  yellow  hair.  She  stood  before  an 
old  high  mahogany  bureau,  the  mirror  placed  on  it. 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  375 

A  book  lay  before  her,  Gray's  Poems;  she  was  teaching 
me  to  read  Gray's  Elegy.  I  know  it  was  summer  time 
because  the  windows  were  wide  open  and  the  wind 
blew  some  sprays  of  locust  blossom  into  the  room;  my 
mother  picked  one  up  and  held  it  to  her  gentle  face. 
'  Not  so  sweet  as  it  is  on  the  trees,'  she  said. 

"  Suddenly  the  door  is  thrown  open,  evidently  from 
the  nursery.  Mammy  Hagar,  always  so  respectful  to 
her  mistress,  rushes  in  noisily  exclaiming,  '  Come  Mis- 
tus,  come,  save  poor  Fortune!'  'Why  Hagar  are  you 
crazy?'  says  my  mother.  l  What  are  you  thinking  of?' 
1  Mistus,'  said  Hagar,  the  tears  streaming  down  her 
cheeks,  '  I  ain't  got  no  time  to  talk;  fasten  up  your  ha'r 
and  come  down  stairs.  Don't  you  hear  the  fuss  out  da! 
De  constables  is  got  our  poor  Fortune.  Yes'm,  dey  are 
carrying  him  off  to  jail.  Yes'm,  to  sell  him  to  Georgy.' 
'  How  can  I  help  it,  Hagar?  The  Commodore  is  not 
here;  I  can  do  nothing,  would  you  have  me  go  into  the 
street  half  dressed?'  '  Mistus,  that  ain't  no  count  now; 
you  got  to  come.'  And  Hagar  bound  up  the  yellow  hair 
and  threw  a  light  shawl  over  the  little  dimity  dressing 
gown. 

"All  the  inhabitants  of  the  nursery  followed,  even 
Miss  Margaret  Clark  was  on  post,  and  more  negroes 
than  one  would  suppose  the  establishment  could  contain 
swarmed  after  my  mother  and  mammy  as  they  ran 
down  the  staircase.  Yes,  my  dear  little  mother  ran  fast 
as  her  blood  warmed  up  to  the  fray.  They  rushed  into 
the  street,  she  and  Mammy  with  their  retinue  of  white 
and  black  followers.  As  my  mother  passed  Dr.  Buck's 
house,  she  saw  that  gentleman  sitting  at  his  parlor  win 
dow.  She  called  out,  'Dr.  Buck,  I  want  your  help! 
Please  come  at  once!  One  of  the  Commodore's  ser 
vants  is  being  carried  off  illegally.'  '  Madam,  at  your 


376  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

service!'  said  the  gallant  Doctor,  following  close  be 
hind  her.  '  Oh,  Dr.  Buck,'  said  my  mother  as  we  reach 
ed  the  corner,  '  they  are  putting  Fortune  in  that  car 
riage.' 

"There  at  the  corner  and  near  the  old  pump  was  a 
promiscuous  crowd;  all  our  servants  and  every  one's 
else  in  the  neighborhood  seemed  to  be  grouped  around  a 
large  four-seated  carriage,  into  which  two  men  had  just 
succeeded  in  putting  poor  Fortune.  Never  shall  I  for 
get  his  agonized  and  pleading  face  when  he  saw  my 
mother.  His  blue  shirt  was  open  at  the  back  and  almost 
torn  off  him,  one  sleeve  had  been  pulled  out  and  his 
black  arm  was  bare;  a  great  piece  had  been  grabbed 
out  of  his  shirt.  One  word  only  he  spoke  on  seeing  my 
mother,  'Oh,  my  mistress!!'  It  was  but  a  gasp,  as  the 
carriage  door  was  being  closed  on  him.  Dr.  Buck, 
urged  by  my  mother,  leaped  into  it,  gave  Fortune  a 
desperate  pull  and  then  a  push,  and  cried  out,  'Now, 
run  for  your  life!'  Fortune  required  no  second  bid 
ding;  he  was  gone  like  an  arrow  from  the  bow.  The 
negroes  formed  around  the  fugitive,  jostling  and  im 
peding  the  constables  as  they  pursued  breathlessly.  But 
'click'  went  the  latch  of  my  father's  gate.  Fortune  had 
reached  his  goal,  and  was  within  my  father's  domain 
where  no  one  dared  pursue  him. 

"And  now  I  must  explain  to  you  that  Fortune  Scott 
had  been  at  his  own  urgent  entreaty  hired  by  my  father 
for  a  term  of  years  from  his  master,  an  old  gentleman 
who  lived  in  the  country,  and  who  had  a  dissipated  son 
whose  method  of  raising  money  was  that  of  selling  his 
father's  slaves  whenever  he  found  a  chance  of  doing  so 
without  his  father's  knowledge.  Fortune  was  a  very 
good  man,  capable,  industrious,  strong,  and  fine  looking. 
He  was  our  gardener,  and  he  was  always  busy  keeping 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  377 

everything  in  good  order  that  fell  to  his  care;  but  he 
was  in  constant  dread  of  being  seized  by  this  young 
ruffian,  his  master,  to  pay  some  gambling  debt. 

"There  was  outside  of  our  place  and  at  the  corner 
of  the  stable  furthest  from  the  house,  a  pump  of  water 
much  esteemed  in  the  neighborhood.  I  remember  well 
its  iron  ladle  and  square  stone  basin.  There  the  ser 
vants  used  to  congregate  with  their  pitchers  and  pails; 
and  Fortune  in  the  heat  of  the  summer  afternoon  had 
stepped  out  of  our  back  gate  to  get  a  drink  of  water 
from  this  cool  fountain.  The  young  master  and  his 
myrmidons  had  been  on  the  watch  for  him  for  several 
days  without  his  hearing  of  it,  and  no  sooner  had  he 
reached  the  corner  than  they  all  jumped  upon  him. 
Fortunately  Mammy  Hagar  was  down  stairs  'cl'ar 
starching,'  and  brought  the  news  promptly.  Had  the 
men  come  inside  of  my  father's  domain  I  believe  they 
would  have  been  answerable  to  the  law,  but  not  so  when 
the  poor  slave  was  on  the  public  street. 

"The  sequel  to  this  story  is  that  my  father  was  going 
through  the  market  a  few  days  after  Fortune's  adven 
ture,  when  Isaac  who  was  following  his  master  with 
the  baskets  said,  'Marster,  yonda's  one  of  dem  con 
stables  now,  what  had  holt  o'  Fortune.'  'Where?'  said 
my  father.  (  Marster,  right  over  yonda  buying  his 
meat.'  Upon  which  my  father  stepped  up  to  the  un 
conscious  constable,  and  said,  'You  rascal,  you!  Are 
you  the  fellow  that  undertook  to  carry  off  a  servant  of 
mine?'  and  forthwith  knocked  the  man  down.  The 
excitement  gave  great  amusement  in  the  market  house, 
and  my  father  jumped  into  his  carriage  and  drove  away 
from  the  scene. 

"  In  the  middle  of  the  day  we  children  had  some 
bread  and  jam;  about  half  past  four  we  dined  with  our 


378  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

father  and  mother,  all  of  us  being  present  unless  there 
were  guests.  In  the  evening  there  were  tea  and  cake. 
In  spite  of  the  distance  to  our  house  from  town,  my 
mother  had  many  visitors,  and  cake  and  wine  were 
handed  to  them  by  Isaac  on  a  silver  salver.  In  the 
summer  time  visitors  were  ushered  into  the  '  big  draw 
ing  room '  in  the  second  story,  always  stately  and  cool ; 
but  in  the  winter  they  were  received  in  the  front  parlor 
down  stairs,  which  was  a  warm  and  most  charming 
winter  room,  with  southern  windows  and  big  fire-place. 
"The  memories  of  Greenleaf  Point  crowd  so  thick 
upon  one  another,  I  am  afraid  of  writing  too  much, 
and  yet  I  must  tell  you:  One  day,  after  his  dinner  and 
his  nap,  my  father  was  sitting  in  the  hall  examining  and 
fitting  a  new  silk  hat.  These  head  coverings  are  ac 
knowledged  to  be  stupid  ugly  things,  yet  all  men  love 
and  respect  them.  Behold  my  father,  then,  placidly 
smoothing  his  new  hat  with  a  white  silk  handkerchief. 
Suddenly  the  front  door  opens  and  three  merry  boys 
come  trooping  in -Robert,  Fred,  and  John.  My  fath 
er  on  seeing  them  is  reminded  of  some  misdemeanor  of 
theirs  not  yet  accounted  for-  in  regard  to  horses,  I  think. 
He  calls  out, '  Stop,  boys,  I  want  to  speak  to  you  1 '  The 
two  elder  ones  have  already  got  to  the  end  of  the  hall 
and  are  apparently  out  of  hearing;  only  John,  the  young 
est  of  the  trio,  is  obliged  to  turn  back  and  meet  his  fath 
er's  wrath.  He  approaches  and  stands  silently  before 
him.  '  So  you  young  rascals  have  been  riding  my 
horses  bare-backed,  I  hear!  Is  this  so,  you  little  devil?' 
No  answer  from  the  culprit.  Suddenly  my  father  raises 
his  hand,  still  holding  the  hat,  and  strikes  John  with  it. 
Alas,  alas,  for  the  hat!  most  weak  as  a  weapon  of 
defense,  even  in  that  powerful  hand!  There  stands 
John,  motionless  with  terror,  the  top  of  his  curly  brown 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  379 

head  only  visible  above  the  wreck.  '  Get  out  of  my 
sight,  you  rascal!'  cries  out  my  father,  seizing  the  hat. 
Only  too  glad  to  escape,  away  speeds  John.  The  other 
boys  watching  the  scene  through  the  green  blinds,  say, 
'What  was  he  doing  John,  when  you  shut  the  door?' 
Silently  and  speedily  he  rushes,  followed  by  the  others, 
to  the  very  top  of  the  garden  where  he  walks  on  his 
hands,  rolls  on  the  grass,  and  performs  other  feats  indi 
cative  of  a  state  of  excitement  and  suppressed  merri 
ment.  'Why  don't  you  speak,  John?  What  is  father 
doing?'  'Why,  he's  trying  to  mend  his  new  hat!  He 
is  fitting  the  top  on!  That's  what  he's  doing!'  Peals 
of  laughter  from  the  two! 

"Mr.  Tobias  Lear  was  a  friend  of  my  father.  He 
had  been  private  secretary  to  General  Washington  and 
lived  at  Mount  Vernon,  where  he  married  a  niece  of 
Mrs.  Washington,  Miss  Fanny  Henley,  the  sister  of 
Commodore  Henley,  who  married  in  my  father's  house 
at  Greenleaf  Point,  Miss  Eliza  Denison.  Mr.  Lear  be 
came  consul  to  the  Barbary  Powers;  he  held  this  posi 
tion,  for  several  years,  during  the  administration,  I 
think,  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  Mrs.  Lear  was  with  him 
abroad.  When  they  returned  to  this  country,  they 
brought  with  them  many  foreign  articles  of  dress  and 
vertu.  They  lived  in  the  house  which  afterwards  be 
longed  to  Captain  Ramsay  on  G  Street.  My  parents 
used  often  to  spend  the  evening  with  their  friends  the 
Lears.  Mrs.  Lear  had  no  children,  but  Mr.  Lincoln 
Lear,  the  son  of  Mr.  Lear's  first  wife,  lived  with  them 
and  was  loved  by  both.  He  was  a  lawyer. 

"  My  father  and  mother  had  been  making  a  late 
visit  to  the  Lears  one  evening,  and  as  they  were  bidding 
him  goodbye,  Mr.  Lear  said,  '  I  will  walk  with  you, 
commodore,  a  little  way.'  He  accompanied  them,  slow- 


38o  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

ly  strolling  and  talking;  at  last  as  they  were  near  home, 
he  stopped  and  said,  'Good-bye,  Mrs.  Rodgers!  Good 
bye  commodore!'  pressing  my  father's  hand  warmly. 
The  next  morning  very  early,  my  parents  were  sent  for. 
Something  terrible  had  happened  at  Mr.  Lear's.  He 
had  killed  himself  soon  after  leaving  my  father.  My 
mother  always  fancied  that  he  wished  to  say  something 
to  my  father,  which  her  presence  prevented;  and  they 
both  remembered  that  his  farewell  to  them  had  been 
more  tender  and  lingering  than  usual.  However,  he 
died  and  left  no  sign.  There  was  not  a  conjecture,  even, 
of  the  cause  of  his  death.  He  seemed  well  and  vigor 
ous,  quiet  and  self-contained,  but  not  unhappy. 

"  His  wife  was  a  beautiful  woman,  of  gentle  manners ; 
her  profile  was  as  correct  as  if  carved  in  marble,  but 
she  seemed  cold  as  marble  too.  Mr.  Lear  I  did  not 
know,  but  Mrs.  Lear  I  remember;  and  she  lived  dur 
ing  a  long  widowhood  in  a  two  story  house  on  Pennsyl 
vania  Avenue,  with  a  little  wing  adjoining  it,  which 
was  Mr.  Lincoln  Lear's  office.  Mrs.  Lear's  parlor  was 
hung  with  Algerine  curtains  of  a  pretty  deep  red;  she 
had  a  Turkey  carpet  on  her  parlor  floor,  and  in  the 
corner  there  was  a  cabinet  with  glass  doors.  The  length 
of  my  mother's  visits  I  can  form  no  idea  of,  but  whether 
they  were  twenty  minutes. or  hours  in  duration,  the  time 
sped  quickly  with  me,  for  I  stood  in  silent  awe  before 
the  cabinet,  gazing  at  its  contents.  There  were  behind 
those  glass  doors  some  odd  bits  of  Oriental  china,  some 
filigree  silver,  some  queerly  dressed  dolls  (Turkish  and 
Moorish),  some  decorated  pipes,  some  alabaster  fig 
ures  ;  nothing  that  would  now  be  rich  or  rare,  but  which 
to  me  represented  all  the  fabled  wealth  of  fairyland  or 
of  Aladdin's  palace.  Those  oriental  gewgaws,  upon 
which  I  feasted  my  eyes,  went  with  me  and  became  the 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  381 

basis  and  fabric  of  my  young  dreams.  Mrs.  Lear  her 
self,  wore  a  very  scant  black  silk  gown,  finished  around 
the  edge  with  points,  and  she  usually  had  a  black  ribbon 
around  her  little  classic  head.  Over  this  she  wore  a 
thin  muslin  cap  with  a  broad  flapping  ruffle,  and  yet  she 
was  beautiful!  She  had  dark  blue  eyes  with  black 
brows  and  lashes;  a  most  delicate  ivory-tinted  complex 
ion,  and  perfectly  regular  features.  Her  hands  and  feet 
were  very  small. 

"When  the  house  in  President's  Square,  now  called 
Lafayette  Square,  was  ready  for  occupancy,  the  family, 
being  rooted  in  the  old  country  home,  was  in  no  hurry 
to  flit.  I  think  we  did  not  go  into  the  new  house  until  1 835, 
when  I  was  going  to  school  at  Mademoiselle  Bresch- 
ard's  on  F  Street,  where  the  Ebbitt  House  now  stands; 
and  just  opposite  was  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams's,  whom 
I  remember  very  well.  He  was  a  man  of  very  cold  and 
silent  manners.  Mrs.  Adams  was  then  living,  and  with 
them  was  his  daughter-in-law,  Mrs.  John  Adams,  who 
with  two  charming  little  daughters  made  up  the  house 
hold.  Little  Fanny  Adams  died  when  still  a  child.  She 
was  a  great  pet  with  her  grandfather,  a  pretty  fair- 
haired  child  that  all  the  school  loved.  Louisa,  the  elder, 
married  Mr.  Johnson,  her  cousin. 

"  Sister  Lou  used  to  sing  in  the  choir  of  St.  John's 
church,  and  I  remember  she  wore  a  pale  green  bonnet 
of  vast  proportions,  with  pink  roses  in  it,  very  becoming 
to  her.  The  choir  was  just  over  the  chancel.  The  aisles 
were  of  brick,  and  the  pews  were  high  and  square;  only 
the  tops  of  peoples'  heads  were  seen  when  they  were 
seated,  and  children  were  not  visible  at  all.  Our  pew 
was  at  the  top  of  the  church,  on  the  left  hand  side  as 
you  go  in.  On  the  opposite  side  were  Mrs.  Commodore 
Stewart,  with  her  mother,  Mrs.  Tudor  and  her  daughter 


382  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

Delia,  now  Mrs.  Parnell,  mother  of  Charles  Stewart 
Parnell.  Mrs.  Tudor  was  a  very  old  woman  when  I 
first  saw  her,  yet  she  used  to  totter  up  the  aisle  on  Sun 
day  in  a  white  gown,  with  a  white  bonnet  and  veil  on, 
powdered  and  painted  cheeks -a  ghastly  sight. 

"Commodore  Stewart  had  once  been  a  suitor  of  Miss 
Mayo,  afterwards  Mrs.  Winfield  Scott,  who  boasted 
that  she  had  received  fifty  offers  of  marriage.  Miss 
Mayo  was  staying  with  Mrs.  Madison,  and  my  father 
and  mother  were  present  at  a  dinner  there,  when  a  letter 
from  Commodore  Stewart  offering  his  hand  and  heart 
to  Miss  Mayo  was  being  handed  about  as  a  joke.  My 
father  folded  this  letter  up  when  it  came  near  him  and 
handed  it  back  to  Miss  Mayo,  requesting  her  to  put 
it  aside  as  he  could  not  allow  the  men  present  to  amuse 
themselves  at  the  expense  of  a  brother  officer.  My 
mother  said  he  looked  so  angry  that  she  tried  to  touch 
him  with  her  foot  under  the  table,  but  she  was  too  little 
to  reach  him.  However,  Miss  Mayo  smilingly  pocket 
ed  the  letter,  and  all  was  peace."36 

In  1828,  Commodore  and  Mrs.  Rodgers  lost  their  sec 
ond  son,  Midshipman  Frederick  Rodgers,  when  he  was 
only  seventeen  years  old.  One  morning  in  April  he  and 
three  of  his  young  friends,  Midshipmen  Slidell,  Har 
rison  and  Hunter,  left  the  Norfolk  navy-yard  in  a  sail 
boat  expecting  to  spend  the  day  in  sport  and  recreation. 
When  they  were  about  three  miles  from  the  yard,  their 
boat  was  struck  by  a  squall ;  it  suddenly  capsized,  sank, 
and  carried  the  boys  down  with  it.  Rodgers,  Hunter, 
and  Harrison  rose  to  the  surface,  but  Slidell  was  im 
prisoned  in  the  boat  and  was  drowned.  Rodgers,  who 

36  Macomb,  Mrs.  J.  N.  Memoirs  of  My  Girlhood  Days  in  Washington, 
54-100;  quoted  in  part  and  with  a  few  slight  changes. 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  383 

was  an  excellent  swimmer,  asked  his  two  companions 
if  they  could  swim.  Hunter  replied  that  he  could,  but 
Harrison  said  that  he  could  not.  Rodgers  then  dived 
down  to  the  boat  and  soon  came  up  with  one  of  the  oars, 
by  means  of  which  he  and  Hunter  supported  Harrison. 
Happening  to  recollect  that  he  had  tied  his  favorite  dog 
in  the  boat,  Rodgers  dived  a  second  time  and  tried  to 
release  his  pet.  Failing  in  this,  he  again  went  to  the 
aid  of  Harrison,  and  he  and  Hunter  started  towards  the 
shore  with  him,  cheering  him  with  encouraging  words 
and  assuring  him  that  he  would  be  saved.  Harrison 
begged  his  companions  to  leave  him  to  his  fate,  declar 
ing  that  he  did  not  fear  death  and  that  he  did  not  wish 
them  to  lose  their  lives  in  a  fruitless  attempt  to  save  his. 
Finally  Harrison's  strength  failed  him;  he  released  his 
hold  on  the  oar,  sank,  and  was  drowned.  The  two  sur 
vivors  now  swam  toward  a  schooner  that  was  bearing 
down  toward  them,  still  some  distance  away.  Rodgers 
gave  the  oar  to  Hunter,  and  soon  left  his  companion 
behind  him.  But,  completely  exhausted,  he  sank  before 
he  could  reach  the  vessel.  Hunter  managed  to  keep 
himself  afloat  until  he  was  rescued.  The  heroism  of 
these  midshipmen  has  never  been  surpassed  in  our  navy. 
The  authorities  at  the  Norfolk  navy-yard  exerted 
themselves  to  recover  the  bodies  of  the  three  boys,  but 
their  efforts  were  fruitless.  Grieved  beyond  measure, 
the  commodore  went  to  Norfolk  and  directed  the  work 
of  dragging  the  river.  After  several  days'  labor,  his 
melancholy  search  was  rewarded  with  success,  and  he 
returned  to  Washington  with  the  body  of  his  son,  which 
was  laid  to  rest  in  the  Congressional  Cemetery.  After 
this  tragedy,  the  Commodore  and  Mrs.  Rodgers  were 
never  again  quite  the  same.  Frederick's  place  in  the 


384  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

navy  was  taken  by  his  younger  brother  John -the  Rear- 
admiral  John  Rodgers  of  the  Civil  War. 

The  death  of  Decatur,  which  happened  eight  years 
before  that  of  Frederick  Rodgers,  was  severely  felt  by 
the  commodore,  who  was  somewhat  older  than  Decatur 
and  who  loved  him  with  an  almost  paternal  affection. 
They  had  long  been  closely  associated  in  the  navy,  and 
from  1815  to  1820  had  met  each  other  daily  at  the  office 
of  the  navy  board.  When  Decatur  Was  challenged 
by  Commodore  James  Barren,  he  sought  the  counsel  of 
Rodgers,  who  advised  him  not  to  accept  the  challenge, 
telling  him  that  his  reputation  for  bravery  was  too  well 
established  to  suffer  from  a  refusal.  Rodgers  also  de 
clined  to  act  as  Decatur's  second -an  office  that  finally 
fell  to  Bainbridge. 

Commodore  Barren,  soon  after  his  trial  in  1808  and 
his  suspension  from  duty  in  the  navy,  entered  the  mer 
chant  service  and  went  abroad.  Notwithstanding  that 
his  term  of  suspension  expired  in  February,  1813,  he 
remained  in  Europe  throughout  the  War  of  1812..  On 
his  return  to  the  United  States  in  1818,  he  sought  active 
service  in  the  navy.  His  claims  were  resisted  by  every 
naval  captain,  except  one,  on  the  grounds  that  as  mat 
ters  then  stood  an  imputation  lay  against  him  for  not 
fighting  for  his  country  in  her  hour  of  need.  Decatur 
took  a  prominent  part  in  resisting  Barren's  restoration 
to  duty,  holding  that  his  conduct  since  the  Chesa 
peake-Leopard  affair  had  been  such  as  ought  to  bar 
his  readmission  into  the  service.  It  should  be  said,  how 
ever,  that  Decatur  never  knew  the  reason  assigned  by 
Barron  for  his  continued  absence  abroad,  lack  of  means 
to  pay  his  passage  home.  The  differences  between  the 
the  two  officers  finally  led  to  a  challenge  from  Barron, 
which  Decatur  accepted,  although  he  declared  that  he 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  385 

bore  Barren  no  ill-will  and  therefore  had  no  desire  to 
cause  his  death  but  would  only  wound  him  in  the 
hip. 

According  to  the  preliminaries  agreed  to  by  the  two 
seconds,  Captains  Bainbridge  and  Elliott,  the  duel  was 
to  be  fought  with  pistols,  at  a  distance  of  eight  yards. 
It  took  place  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  March 
twenty-second,  1820,  at  Bladensburg  near  Washington. 
After  the  ground  had  been  measured,  the  pistols  had 
been  loaded,  and  the  principals  had  taken  their  posi 
tions,  Barren  said  to  Decatur  that  "he  hoped,  on  meet 
ing  in  another  world,  they  would  be  better  friends  than 
in  this ; "  and  Decatur  replied,  "  I  have  never  been  your 
enemy,  sir."  Both  officers  fired  so  nearly  together  that 
only  one  report  was  heard.  Barren  fell  wounded  in  the 
right  thigh.  Decatur  stood  for  a  moment  erect,  pressed 
his  hand  to  his  right  side,  and  then  fell,  remarking  "  I 
am  mortally  wounded,  at  least  I  believe  so,  and  wish 
that  I  had  fallen  in  defence  of  my  country."  The  ball 
passed  through  his  abdomen. 

Several  of  Decatur's  friends,  Rodgers,  Porter,  and 
Doctors  Trevett  and  Washington  of  the  navy,  were  at 
hand  to  attend  him  should  he  be  hurt.  As  soon  as  the 
shots  were  fired  they  ran  to  his  assistance.  Rodgers, 
with  the  aid  of  Trevett,  helped  him  to  his  carriage; 
and  supporting  him,  he  had  him  driven  rapidly  to 
his  home  at  Lafayette  Square,  which  was  reached 
at  half-past  ten  o'clock.  Rodgers  remained  at  the  bed 
side  of  the  unfortunate  officer  until  his  death,  about 
twelve  hours  later.  He  was  one  of  the  witnesses  of 
Decatur's  will,  which  was  signed  a  few  hours  before  he 
died.  Rodgers,  Tingey,  Porter,  Macdonough,  and 
Chauncey  served  as  pallbearers  at  Decatur's  funeral, 
one  of  the  largest  ever  held  at  the  Capital.  The  pistol 


386  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

used  by  Decatur  is  still  in  the  possession  of  the  Rodgers 
family. 

The  commodore  probably  found  his  income  but  little 
more  than  sufficient  for  the  support  of  a  large  family 
and  the  maintenance  of  a  dignified  station  in  society. 
As  commissioner  of  the  navy  his  pay  was  thirty-five  hun 
dred  dollars  a  year,  almost  double  what  it  had  been  as 
captain.  He  was  able  to  supplement  his  salary,  in  a 
measure,  by  returns  from  commercial  ventures.  In  1815, 
he  formed  a  partnership  with  Howes  and  Charles  W. 
Goldsborough  in  a  lumber,  brick,  and  lime  business. 
He  also  made  investments  in  several  canals  and  specu 
lated  moderately  in  Washington  realty.  He  was  a  di 
rector  of  the  Bank  of  Columbia,  and  president  of  the 
Potomac  Fire  Insurance  Company. 

The  commodore's  notable  service  in  the  navy,  his 
important  station  as  president  of  the  board  of  navy  com 
missioners,  and  his  rank  as  senior  naval  officer,  made 
him  a  distinguished  character  at  the  capital.  No  im 
portant  occasion,  whether  it  were  a  public  dinner,  a 
Fourth  of  July  celebration,  or  a  state  funeral,  was  com 
plete  without  his  presence.  Like  most  sailors  he  was  a 
man  of  few  words,  and  his  speeches  at  banquets  as  a  rule 
did  not  extend  beyond  the  offering  of  a  toast.  Often  the 
sentiment  proposed  by  him  took  a  practical  turn,  as  may 
be  seen  from  one  that  he  gave  at  a  dinner  in  honor  of 
General  Andrew  Jackson  at  Alexandria,  Virginia,  in 
1815:  "Agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufacture;  the 
two  bowers  and  the  sheet  anchor  by  which  alone  our 
country  rides  in  safety."  At  a  dinner  at  Washington  in 
1824  in  honor  of  Lafayette,  the  commodore's  toast  was 
"General  Lafayette;  the  friend  of  mankind,  the  con 
sistent  champion  of  liberal  principles." 

As  a  citizen  of  the  capital,  Rodgers  performed  his 


HOME  LIFE  AT  THE  CAPITAL  387 

civic  duties  with  exemplary  fidelity.  He  served  on 
the  board  of  public  health,  and  also  on  the  board  of 
aldermen.  His  influence  was  occasionally  sought  by  as 
piring  politicians,  desirous  of  becoming  judges,  mem 
bers  of  the  cabinet,  congressmen,  navy  agents,  or  jus 
tices  of  the  peace.  Henry  Wheaton,  when  he  was  a 
candidate  for  the  Supreme  Bench,  solicited  his  aid;  as 
did  also  Cadwallader  D.  Golden  who  wished  to  be  made 
secretary  of  the  navy.  He  knew  well  many  of  the  public 
men  of  his  time,  and  counted  as  his  friends  some  of  the 
leading  statesmen  of  both  political  parties -among 
others,  Madison,  Monroe,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Hayne,  and 
Clay.  His  sterling  qualities  of  character,  his  social 
and  official  standing,  and  his  popularity  with  all  classes, 
won  for  him  an  honored  place  among  the  early  resi 
dents  of  the  capital. 


XV.    LAST  YEARS:  1827-1838 

/COMMODORE  Rodgers's  second  term  as  president 
V^of  the  navy  board  began  in  October,  1827,  and 
ended  on  May  i,  1837.  His  fellow  commissioners  dur 
ing  his  second  term  were  Commodores  Tingey,  Stewart, 
Morris,  Chauncey,  Patterson,  and  Warrington.  Since 
his  work  at  the  navy  board  has  already  been  fully  de 
scribed,  it  is  necessary  in  this  connection  to  refer  only 
to  certain  new  duties  that  now  fell  to  him. 

Rodgers  was  long  interested  in  the  subject  of  dry 
docks,  and  frequently  during  his  first  term  as  navy  com 
missioner  recommended  their  construction.  In  1822, 
an  inclined  plane  which  he  invented  as  a  substitute  for 
a  dock  was  erected  at  the  Washington  navy-yard,  and 
the  frigate  "  Potomac"  was  safely  hauled  up  on  shore  by 
means  of  it.  Finally  in  1827  the  construction  of  two 
dry  docks  was  begun,  one  at  Norfolk  and  the  other  at 
Boston,  and  six  years  later  they  were  completed.  The 
commodore  was  present  when  the  battle-ship  "  Dela 
ware,"  the  first  vessel  to  be  docked  in  the  United 
States,  entered  the  Norfolk  dock  on  June  17,  1833,  the 
anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  Exactly  one 
week  later  the  historic  frigate  "  Constitution"  entered 
the  Boston  dock,  under  most  impressive  circumstances. 
In  accordance  with  the  orders  of  the  commandant,  all 
the  officers  of  the  Boston  yard  assembled  in  full  dress 
to  witness  the  event.  Vice-president  Van  Buren,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Navy  Woodbury,  and  Secretary  of  War  Cass 
were  present;  and  President  Jackson  was  expected,  but 
was  detained  at  home  by  illness.  A  large  crowd  of  peo- 


390  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

pie  added  life  and  color  to  the  scene.  Commodore 
Isaac  Hull  appeared  once  more  upon  the  deck  of  the 
"  Constitution,"  the  officer  and  the  vessel  that  "  first 
broke  the  charm  of  British  naval  invincibility  on  the 
ocean." 

The  creation  of  several  new  naval  establishments 
during  the  decade  1827-1837  considerably  increased  the 
work  of  the  commissioners.  In  1829,  a  naval  asylum 
at  Philadelphia  and  a  naval  hospital  at  Norfolk  were 
built,  and  a  few  years  later  additional  hospitals  were 
constructed  at  Chelsea  (near  Boston),  New  York,  and 
Pensacola.  The  naval  asylum,  now  called  the  naval 
home,  was  built  as  a  refuge  for  officers  and  seamen  in 
capacitated  for  duty  by  age,  accident,  or  sickness.  In 
1836,  a  rope  walk  was  erected  at  the  Boston  yard,  and 
in  1837  a  naval  apprentice  system  was  established.  In 
1830,  the  Depot  of  Charts  and  Instruments,  out  of  which 
grew  the  Naval  Observatory  and  Hydrographical 
Office,  was  founded  in  Washington.  During  the  last 
years  of  Rodgers's  service  on  the  board  extensive  pre 
parations  were  made  for  a  South  Sea  exploring  expedi 
tion,  which  finally  set  sail  in  1838  under  the  command 
of  Lieutenant  Charles  Wilkes. 

In  1835,  tne  construction  of  the  first  vessel  of  the 
steam  navy,  destined  soon  to  supplant  the  old  sailing 
navy,  was  begun.  This  steamship,  which  is  known  as 
the  "  Fulton  the  Second,"  was  built  in  accordance  with 
the  plans  of  the  navy  commissioners.  How  small  she 
was  may  be  seen  from  a  comparison  of  her  dimensions 
with  those  of  one  of  our  recent  battle-ships  of  the 
"  Dreadnought "  type :  lengths  one  hundred  eighty  and 
five  hundred  ten  feet,  beams  thirty-five  and  eighty-five 
feet,  and  displacements  twelve  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  tons.  She  carried  only  seventy-five  tons  of 


LAST  YEARS  391 


coal,  a  quantity  deemed  sufficient  for  three  days'  steam 
ing. 

The  views  of  the  commissioners  respecting  the  ad 
visability  of  building  a  steam  fleet  were  much  in  advance 
of  those  of  Congress.  In  1835,  they  made  a  report 
recommending  the  early  employment  of  steam  vessels  by 
the  navy,  and  in  the  following  year  they  prepared  a 
ship-building  program  that  provided  for  the  construc 
tion  of  twenty- five  steamships.  According  to  this  pro 
gram  the  fleet  was  to  consist  of  one  hundred  fifteen  ves 
sels:  fifteen  ships  of  the  line,  twenty-five  frigates, 
twenty-five  sloops  of  war,  twenty-five  steamships,  and 
twenty-five  smaller  vessels.  They  estimated  that  the 
completed  navy  would  require  thirty  thousand  seamen. 

Although  the  commodore's  professional  schooling, 
like  that  of  his  fellow  officers,  was  picked  up  in  the 
merchant  marine  service  and  on  board  ships  of  war, 
he  was  nevertheless  a  strong  advocate  of  a  naval  acad 
emy.  In  1826,  when  he  was  in  the  Mediterranean,  he 
tried  to  obtain  plans  of  the  naval  school  at  Carthagena, 
for  use  in  the  construction  of  a  similar  institution  in 
the  United  States.  In  1831  as  president  of  the  navy 
board  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  set 
ting  forth  the  views  of  the  commissioners  respecting 
a  naval  academy.  The  new  institution  was  to  be  located 
at  Annapolis,  and  a  naval  captain  was  to  act  as  its  super 
intendent.  Instruction  was  to  be  given  in  "  all  the  liv 
ing  languages,"  mathematics,  surveying,  navigation, 
drawing  and  fencing.  A  small  ship-rigged  vessel,  armed 
with  several  cannon,  was  to  be  stationed  at  the  school 
for  use  in  teaching  seamanship  and  the  handling  of 
guns. 

Each  year  the  commodore,  accompanied  by  his  two 
fellow  commissioners  and  often  by  Secretary  Golds- 


392  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

borough,  made  a  tour  of  inspection  of  the  northern  navy- 
yards.  His  last  trip  was  that  of  1836.  Leaving  Wash 
ington  early  in  September,  the  commissioners  first  vis 
ited  the  Philadelphia  navy-yard  and  naval  asylum,  then 
in  charge  of  Commodore  James  Barren.  At  New  York 
they  stayed  at  Bunker's  Inn,  where  they  held  several 
sessions  of  the  navy  board  and  consulted  with  experts 
regarding  engines  for  the  "  Fulton  the  Second."  On 
their  way  east  they  stopped  at  Providence  and  made  an 
examination  of  Narragansett  Bay  with  a  view  to  the  se 
lection  of  a  site  for  a  naval  station.  After  inspecting 
the  Boston  and  Portsmouth  yards,  they  returned  to  the 
capital  early  in  October. 

Rodgers  performed  his  official  duties  with  the  con 
scientiousness  of  the  true  Scotchman.  His  attendance 
at  the  office  of  the  commissioners  was  almost  as  regular 
as  the  movements  of  the  sun.  Even  when  in  ill  health, 
he  rarely  missed  a  meeting  of  the  board,  being  at  times 
the  only  commissioner  present.  His  carriage,  driven  by 
his  coachman  Hamilton  and  drawn  by  two  handsome 
horses,  going  to  and  from  the  navy  department,  was  long 
a  familiar  sight  at  the  capital. 

There  is  a  story  related  by  John  Quincy  Adams  that 
illustrates  the  commodore's  blunt,  straightforward  way 
of  transacting  business  at  the  naval  office.  When  Jack 
son  became  president,  he  and  his  followers  were  inclined 
to  find  excuses  for  discrediting  Adams's  administration 
and  the  work  of  many  of  Adams's  chief  officials.  A 
charge  was  trumped  up  against  Rodgers ;  and  one  day 
Amos  Kendall,  .a  cheap  subaltern  of  the  president,  and 
John  P.  Van  Ness,  the  mayor  of  Washington,  made  their 
appearance  at  the  navy  department  to  investigate  him. 
"  Rodgers  told  them,"  Adams  said,  "  that  if  he  had  been 
guilty  of  official  misdemeanor  he  had  a  right  to  a  trial 


LAST  YEARS  393 


by  his  peers ;  that  there  was  the  door  of  the  office,  out 
of  which  he  recommended  them  to  retire  to  save  him 
and  them  the  mortification  of  his  kicking  them  out, 
which  he  should  certainly  otherwise  do.  They  sneaked 
off,  and  then  an  article  of  the  Globe  disclaimed  any  in 
tention  of  trying  the  commodore,  and  pretended  that  the 
enquiry  was  only  of  some  malversation  of  his  clerks." 

The  commodore  was  a  remarkably  strong  and  muscu 
lar  man,  and  many  stories  are  told  of  his  feats  of  strength. 
Once  on  shipboard  some  of  his  sailors  were  trying  to 
move  a  heavy  anchor  weighing  a  thousand  pounds,  and 
were  making  much  noise  and  little  progress.  Becoming 
impatient,  he  ran  forward,  pushed  them  aside,  and  lift 
ed  the  anchor  himself.  One  day  a  contractor  came  to  the 
commissioner's  office  with  samples  of  cotton  sailcloth, 
which  material  he  was  anxious  to  introduce  into  the 
navy.  He  claimed  that  it  was  superior  to  hemp  cloth 
and  insisted  that  it  would  be  able  to  resist  the  heaviest 
gale  of  wind,  urging  the  commodore  to  test  its  strength. 
Rodgers  quietly  took  up  one  of  the  samples,  and,  stretch 
ing  it  with  his  fingers,  severed  it  as  if  it  were  a  cambric 
handkerchief. 

As  a  young  man  he  was  rarely  or  never  ill,  and  not  un 
til  his  sixtieth  year  did  his  vigorous  health  show  signs  of 
breaking.  In  the  summer  of  1832  the  Asiatic  cholera, 
in  a  most  virulent  form,  made  its  appearance  in  the 
United  States;  and  in  August  it  reached  Washington 
where  it  obtained  quite  a  foothold  owing  to  the  presence 
there  of  a  large  number  of  negroes  and  ignorant  for 
eigners  who  lived  in  an  unsanitary  manner.  Late  in 
September  Benjamin  Lincoln  Lear,  an  unmarried  son 
of  Tobias  Lear,  was  seized  with  this  dreadful  disease, 
which  no  one  understood  and  of  which  every  one  was 
afraid.  True  always  to  his  friends  at  whatever  personal 


394  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

cost,  Rodgers  nursed  young  Lear,  was  with  him  when  he 
died,  laid  him  in  his  coffin,  and  buried  him.  On  the 
day  after  the  funeral,  the  commodore  was  stricken  with 
an  acute  attack  of  the  cholera.  For  several  weeks  he 
was  exceedingly  sick  and  was  confined  to  his  bed.  His 
robust  constitution,  however,  came  off  victor  in  the 
struggle  with  the  disease,  but  it  was  shattered  and  never 
regained  its  former  strength.  From  this  time  his  friends 
observed  a  gradual  decline  in  his  health  and  a  percepti 
ble  failing  of  his  memory.  The  regularity  of  his  at 
tendance  at  the  board,  however,  was  but  little  relaxed. 
One  summer  he  was  persuaded  to  try  the  waters  at  the 
Sweet  Sulphur  Springs  in  Virginia,  where,  with  Mrs. 
Rodgers,  he  spent  several  weeks,  but  without  improving 
his  health. 

Finally,  he  decided  to  go  abroad  for  a  change  of  air 
and  scene;  and  on  May  i,  1837,  he  resigned  his1  commis- 
sionership.  The  National  Intelligencer  noted  his  de 
parture  from  the  navy  board  and  the  city  in  the  follow 
ing  kindly  words: 

"We  understand  that  Commodore  Rodgers,  one  of 
the  oldest  and  most  faithful  of  our  public  servants,  and 
for  many  years  the  senior  officer  of  the  Navy,  and  Pres 
ident  of  the  Board  of  Navy  Commissioners,  has  resigned 
his  latter  commission  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  who  have  both  on  all  occasions  manifested  their 
esteem  and  good  wishes  towards  him.  For  several  years 
his  health  has  been  impaired,  owing,  it  is  believed,  to 
an  attack  of  the  cholera.  He  seeks  its  restoration  in 
relaxation  from  the  cares  of  official  duties,  and  in  a  trip 
across  the  Atlantic,  under  the  full  persuasion  that  he 
will  experience  much  benefit  from  breathing  the  sea  air, 
which  may  be  said  to  be  his  native  element.  Few  men 


LAST  YEARS  395 


living  have  for  such  a  length  of  time  encountered  the 
perils  and  privations  of  a  sea  life,  few  have  rendered 
more  important  services  to  their  country.  The  vener 
able  Commodore  will  be  accompanied  on  his  voyage 
with  the  best  wishes  of  the  community  in  which  he  has 
lived  so  long,  and  their  earnest  prayers  for  the  recovery 
of  his  health." 

On  May  tenth,  accompanied  by  his  faithful  body- 
servant,  Butler,  he  embarked  at  New  York  on  board  the 
packet-ship  "  Montreal,"  bound  for  London.  He  spent 
several  weeks  in  England,  visiting  not  only  the  metrop 
olis,  but  also  Plymouth  and  Portsmouth;  and  he  was 
everywhere  shown  much  attention  by  the  British  Ad 
miralty  and  the  officers  of  the  Royal  Navy.  At  Ply 
mouth  he  was  the  guest  of  Admiral  Sir  James  and  Lady 
Hillyar,  two  dear  friends  with  whom  he  had  often  ex 
changed  hospitalities  on  the  Mediterranean  station.  Of 
the  commodore's  stay  in  London,  Mrs.  Macomb  relates 
the  following  incident: 

"  Butler,  during  my  father's  visit  to  England,  wrote 
every  week  a  letter  giving  an  account  of  all  their  pro 
ceedings  to  my  mother,  his  letters  always  beginning 
'  Honored  Mistress.'  He  related  that  he  could  have 
married  many  a  pretty  English  girl  if  he  had  been  a 
single  man,  for  they  made  much  of  him  in  the  servants' 
hall,  and  the  maids  took  him  to  church,  and  in  the  eve 
ning  loved  to  have  him  sing  and  play  on  the  guitar 
which  was  an  accomplishment  of  his.  He  told  my  moth 
er  that  the  Doctor  wished  the  Commodore  to  ride  every 
day  when  they  were  in  London,  so  my  father  told  But 
ler  to  get  him  a  good  horse -'And  Mistress,  I  got  for 
my  Master  the  best  horse  I  could  find  in  the  livery  stable 
and  I  got  another  for  myself,  for  I  seen  that  every  En 
glish  gentleman  had  a  servant  behind  him;  but  I  did 


396  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

not  dare  to  tell  my  master  I  had  hired  that  horse.  The 
groom  was  to  hold  him  round  the  corner  till  Master 
cantered  off,  and  then  I  mounted  and  followed  him. 
He  did  not  see  me  until  he  was  in  the  Park,  and  then  he 
turned  round  for  to  look  at  somethin'  and  he  seen  me. 
He  said,  "What!  Butler,  you  rascal,  are  you  on  horse 
back?  "  I  said,  "  Yes,  Master,  let  me  follow  you.  Don't 
you  see,  Master,  all  the  great  gentlemen  has  their  men 
after  them?"  Master  just  laughed  and  shook  his  head 
at  me,  and  after  that  when  I  got  a  horse  for  him  I  al 
ways  ordered  one  for  Butler  too.  Not  a  one  of  them  all 
sot  his  horses  straighter,  or  rode  free'r  than  my  Mas 
ter.'" 

Late  in  August,  1837,  the  commodore  returned  to  the 
United  States,  with  his  health  but  little  improved.  After 
remaining  a  few  weeks  at  his  home  on  Lafayette  Square, 
in  Washington,  he  went  to  the  naval  asylum  at  Phila 
delphia  and  placed  himself  under  the  care  of  his  medi 
cal  friend,  Dr.  Thomas  Harris  of  the  navy.  He  was 
still  attended  by  his  devoted  valet.  Mrs.  Rodgers  also 
accompanied  him  .and  took  rooms  near  the  asylum.  The 
commodore's  mind  weakened  somewhat  with  his  body, 
and  his  hold  upon  life  was  slowly  relaxed.  A  few  hours 
before  his  death,  when  it  was  seen  that  he  was  rapidly 
failing,  Mrs.  Rodgers  was  sent  for,  but  he  was  uncon 
scious  when  she  reached  his  bedside.  His  last  words 
were  addressed  to  his  valet,  "  Butler  do  you  know  the 
Lord's  Prayer?"  "  Yes,  Master."  "Then  repeat  it  for 
me."  He  died  in  the  arms  of  his  faithful  servant,  on 
August  i,  1838. 

Soon  after  the  commodore's  death,  his  body  was  re 
moved  from  the  asylum  to  the  home  of  Commodore 
James  Biddle,  on  Walnut  Street,  Philadelphia,  near 
Tenth  Street.  It  was  laid  to  rest  on  the  afternoon  of 


LAST  YEARS  397 


August  third,  in  a  most  impressive  manner.  In  compli 
ance  with  the  orders  of  Commodore  Charles  Stewart, 
the  commandant  of  the  Philadelphia  navy-yard,  Rod- 
gers's  funeral  was  attended  by  all  the  naval  officers  in 
the  city,  in  full  uniform.  At  the  head  of  the  procession 
to  the  cemetery  was  the  First  Brigade  of  the  Pennsylva 
nia  Militia,  commanded  by  General  A.  M.  Prevost,  and 
attended  by  the  navy-yard  band  and  the  German  Wash 
ington  Guards  band.  The  flags  and  side  arms  of  the 
brigade  were  dressed  in  black.  Following  it,  in  order, 
were  a  detachment  of  marines,  the  clergymen,  the  hearse 
bearing  the  casket  which  was  draped  with  the  national 
flag,  the  pallbearers  among  whom  were  Commodores 
Charles  Stewart  and  James  Biddle  and  Captain  Wil 
liam  H.  Shubrick  of  the  navy  and  Major  Hartman 
Bache  and  Captain  William  A.  Thornton  of  the  army, 
eight  United  States  seamen,  the  chief  mourners,  officers 
of  the  army  and  navy,  foreign  ministers,  judges,  govern 
ment  officials,  and  citizens  to  the  number  of  several 
thousand.  During  the  movement  of  the  procession  min 
ute  guns  were  fired  at  the  navy-yard.  The  casket  was 
conveyed  to  Christ  Church  burying  ground,  at  the  cor 
ner  of  Arch  and  Fifth  streets.  It  was  removed  from 
the  hearse  and  carried  to  the  grave  by  the  eight  seamen, 
who  were  preceded  by  the  marines.  After  the  Episco 
pal  burial  service  had  been  read  by  the  Reverend  Doc 
tor  Stephen  Higginson  Tyng,  of  the  Church  of  the 
Epiphany  of  Philadelphia,  the  casket  was  lowered  into 
the  grave;  and  the  marines  fired  a  farewell  salute  of 
three  volleys. 

On  August  third,  Rodgers's  friend,  James  K.  Paul- 
ding,  now  secretary  of  the  navy,  issued  at  Washington 
the  following  general  naval  order:  "As  a  mark  of  re 
spect  to  the  memory  of  Commodore  John  Rodgers,  late 


398  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

senior  officer  of  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  who  died 
in  Philadelphia  on  the  ist  instant,  the  flags  of  the  navy- 
yards,  stations,  and  vessels  of  the  United  States  navy  are 
to  be  hoisted  half-mast,  and  thirteen  minute  guns  fired 
at  noon  on  the  day  after  the  receipt  of  this  order.  Offi 
cers  of  the  navy  and  marine  corps  are  to  wear  crape  for 
thirty  days." 

In  the  spring  of  1839  the  body  of  the  commodore  was 
removed  to  the  family  burial  site  in  the  Congressional 
Cemetery  at  Washington.  This  burying  ground  owes 
its  name  to  a  practice  that  Congress  long  followed  of 
erecting  in  it  cenotaphs  to  the  memory  of  those  sena 
tors  and  representatives  who  died  in  office.  It  overlooks 
the  Eastern  Branch  of  the  Potomac,  and  commands  a 
pleasing  view  of  the  green  hills  beyond.  Here  in  1828 
Midshipman  Frederick  Rodgers  was  buried;  and  here 
now  father,  mother,  son,  and  two  daughters  sleep  side 
by  side.  The  commodore's  final  resting-place  is  marked 
by  a  plain  pyramidal  monument  of  sandstone,  about 
six  feet  high.  On  one  of  its  sides  is  the  following  simple 
inscription:  "Commodore  John  Rodgers;  Born,  ijya;37 
Died,  Senior  Officer  of  the  United  States  Navy,  August 
131,1838;  After  forty-one  years  of  brilliant  and  impor 
tant  service."  On  the  opposite  side  are  these  words: 
"  Minerva  Denison  Rodgers;  Beloved  wife  of  Commo 
dore  John  Rodgers;  Fond  and  faithful  Mother  of  elev 
en  Children;  Born,  1784;  Married,  1806;  Died,  1877." 
On  a  third  side  is  the  epitaph  of  Frederick  Rodgers. 

Adjoining  the  commodore's  grave  is  the  tomb  of  his 
fleet  captain  in  the  Mediterranean  in  1825,  Commodore 
Daniel  T.  Patterson.  Not  far  away  lies  his  successor 
as  president  of  the  navy  board,  Commodore  Isaac 

37  In  his  autobiography  Commodore  Rodgers  gives  the  date  of  his  birth  as 
1773. 


LAST  YEARS  399 


Chauncey.  Near  the  entrance  to  the  cemetery  is  bur 
ied  one  of  Rodgers's  dearest  naval  friends,  Commodore 
Thomas  Tingey.  His  two  army  friends,  Generals  Jacob 
Brown  and  Alexander  Macomb,  rest  near  him.  In  this 
city  of  silence  are  also  buried  Benjamin  Lincoln  Lear 
and  his  father  Tobias  Lear,  whose  tomb  records  that  he 
was  early  distinguished  as  the  private  secretary  and  fa 
miliar  friend  of  the  illustrious  Washington.  Not  far 
from  the  graves  of  the  Lears  is  the  monument  of  Wil 
liam  Pinkney,  Rodgers's  brother-in-law. 

Of  the  naval  officers  of  his  time,  Commodore  Rodgers 
was  the  type  and  exemplar.  He  was  the  incarnation  of 
the  spirit  of  the  Old  Navy,  of  that  service  whose  watch 
words  were  order,  discipline,  obedience,  duty,  victory, 
and  glory.  He  was  of  a  highly  vigorous  and  active 
temperament,  and  to  the  last  his  tread  was  firm,  his  car 
riage  military,  and  his  figure  erect.  His  features  were 
virile  and  spirited,  denoting  quickness  of  temper,  in- 
dominitable  will,  and  great  energy.  Although  essen 
tially  a  man  of  action,  he  was  somewhat  of  a  reader  of 
books,  preferring  in  fiction  the  sea  stories  of  James  Fen- 
imore  Cooper.  As  a  self-educated  man,  he  possessed 
much  homely  practical  knowledge  acquired  on  land  and 
sea.  He  cared  little  for  the  creeds  and  conventions  of 
the  religious  sects.  In  Washington  he  frequently  at 
tended  with  Mrs.  Rodgers  St.  John's  Episcopal  Church; 
and  it  is  still  remembered  that,  when  the  sermons  were 
unusually  long,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  his  good  wife 
he  would  arise  from  his  seat,  yawn,  and  stretch  himself. 

From  his  Scotch  ancestry,  Rodgers  inherited  a  grav 
ity  of  mien  and  a  somewhat  stern  and  exacting  nature, 
an  aptitude  for  hard  steady  toil,  temperance  in  all  things, 
purity  of  life,  love  of  home,  and  manly  independence. 
In  all  his  work  he  was  attentive,  industrious,  clear 


400  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

sighted,  and  incorruptible.  He  could  be  neither  ca 
joled  nor  frightened  from  the  path  of  duty.  Respecting 
his  achievements,  he  was  the  soul  of  modesty,  seldom 
mentioning  them  either  in  public  or  private.  While  he 
disliked  display,  he  was  yet  a  stickler  for  the  forms 
and  customs  of  his  profession.  Willing  to  give  freely 
his  time,  his  substance,  and  his  life  if  need  be,  for 
his  friends,  he  hated  his  enemies  with  a  steady  persist 
ence.  He  gave  them  a  fair  warning,  and  struck  no  foul 
blows.  Far  dearer  than  fame  or  glory  were  the  delights 
of  his  home  and  fireside.  He  was  most  fortunate  in  his 
marriage,  and  drank  deep  of  the  cup  of  domestic  happi 
ness.  His  wife  was  always  to  him  the  queen  of  women, 
and  he  to  her  the  devoted  lover.  He  had  the  simplicity, 
candor,  and  bluffness  of  the  rugged  sailor.  A  hater  of 
sham  and  artifice,  he  courted  no  superior,  nursed  no  de 
lusions,  and  knew  no  fear. 

A  most  vivid  characterization  of  the  commodore  was 
written  some  years  after  his  death  by  one  of  his  contem 
poraries,  the  great  senator  from  Missouri,  Thomas  Hart 
Benton.  It  may  be  fittingly  quoted  in  this  connection: 

"  My  idea  of  the  perfect  naval  commander  had  been 
formed  from  history,  and  from  the  study  of  such  charac 
ters  as  the  Von  Tromps  and  De  Ruyters  of  Holland,  the 
Blakes  of  England,  and  the  De  Tourvilles  of  France - 
men  modest  and  virtuous,  frank  and  sincere,  brave  and 
patriotic,  gentle  in  peace,  terrible  in  war;  formed  for 
high  command  by  nature;  and  raising  themselves  to 
their  proper  sphere  by  their  own  exertions  from  low  be 
ginnings.  When  I  first  saw  Commodore  Rodgers,  which 
was  after  I  had  reached  senatorial  age  and  station,  he 
recalled  to  me  the  idea  of  those  modern  admirals;  and 
subsequent  acquaintance  confirmed  the  impression  then 
made.  He  was  to  me  the  complete  impersonation  of 


LAST  YEARS  401 


my  idea  of  the  perfect  naval  commander -person,  mind, 
and  manners;  with  the  qualities  of  command  grafted 
on  the  groundwork  of  a  good  citizen  and  good  father  of 
a  family;  and  all  lodged  in  a  frame  to  bespeak  the  sea 
man  and  officer. 

"  His  very  figure  and  face  were  those  of  the  naval 
hero -such  as  we  conceive  from  naval  songs  and  bal 
lads  ;  and,  from  the  course  of  life  which  the  sea  officer 
leads -exposed  to  the  double  peril  of  waves  and  war, 
contending  with  the  storms  of  the  elements  as  well  as 
with  the  storm  of  battle.  We  associate  the  idea  of  bod 
ily  power  with  such  a  life;  and  when  we  find  them 
united -the  heroic  qualities  in  a  frame  of  powerful  mus 
cular  development-we  experience  a  grateful  feeling  of 
completeness,  which  fulfils  a  natural  expectation  and 
leaves  nothing  to  be  desired.  And  when  the  same  great 
qualities  are  found,  as  they  often  are,  in  the  man  of 
slight  and  slender  frame,  it  requires  some  effort  of  rea 
son  to  conquer  a  feeling  of  surprise  at  a  combination 
which  is  a  contrast,  and  which  presents  so  much  power 
in  a  frame  so  little  promising  it;  and  hence  all 
poets  and  orators,  all  painters  and  sculptors,  all  the 
dealers  in  imaginary  perfections,  give  a  correspond 
ing  figure  of  strength  and  force  to  the  heroes  they 
create. 

"  Commodore  Rodgers  needed  no  help  from  the  crea 
tive  imagination  to  endow  him  with  the  form  which 
naval  heroism  might  require.  His  person  was  of  the 
middle  height,  stout,  square,  solid,  compact,  well-pro 
portioned  ;  and  combined  in  the  perfect  degree  the  idea 
of  strength  and  endurance  with  the  reality  of  manly 
comeliness -the  statue  of  Mars,  in  the  rough  state,  be 
fore  the  conscious  chisel  had  lent  the  last  polish.  His 
face,  stern  in  outline,  was  relieved  by  a  gentle  and  be- 


402  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

nign  expression -grave  with  the  overshadowing  of  an 
ample  and  capacious  forehead  and  eyebrows."38 

For  five  generations  the  Rodgers  family  in  America 
has  exhibited  in  an  unusual  degree  a  taste  and  aptitude 
for  military  life.  Two  of  the  commodore's  sons,  Rear- 
admiral  John  Rodgers  and  Colonel  Robert  S.  Rodgers; 
two  sons-in-law,  General  Montgomery  C.  Meigs  and 
Colonel  J.  N.  Macomb;  two  grandsons,  Major  John 
Rodgers  Meigs  and  Lieutenant  Frederick  Rodgers;  and 
two  nephews,  Commander  C.  R.  P.  Rodgers  and  Com 
mander  G.  W.  Rodgers,  were  officers  of  either  the  army 
or  the  navy  during  the  Civil  War.  Major  John  Rod 
gers  Meigs,  chief-engineer  of  the  Army  of  the  Shenan- 
doah,  was  killed  near  Harrisonburg,  Virginia,  in  1864. 
Commander  G.  W.  Rodgers,  who  was  chief  of  staff  of 
Rear-admiral  John  A.  Dahlgren,  was  killed  on  board 
the  "  Catskill  "  in  an  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  in  August, 
1863.  It  was  of  this  gallant  officer  that  Miles  O'Reilly 
wrote : 

"  Woe's  me !  George  Rodgers  lies, 
Wid  dimmed  and  dhreamless  eyes, 
He  has  airly  won  the  prize 

Of   the  sthriped   and  starry  shroud; 
While  some  fought  shy  away, 
He  pushed  far  into  the  fray, 
As  if  ayger  thus  to  say, 

'All  the  lads  have  not  been  cowed.'  " 

The  commodore  is  now  represented  in  the  navy  by 
three  grandsons  and  five  great-grandsons,  and  in  the 
army  by  two  grandsons  and  one  great-grandson.  His 
grandsons  in  the  navy  are  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rod 
gers  (retired)  and  Rear-admiral  John  A.  Rodgers,  the 
sons  of  Colonel  Robert  S.  and  Sarah  (Perry)  Rodgers; 
and  Commander  William  L.  Rodgers,  a  son  of  Rear- 

38Benton,  T.  H.     Thirty  Years'  View  (New  York,  1856),  vol.  ii,  144. 


LAST  YEARS  403 


admiral  John  Rodgers.  The  grandsons  in  the  army  are 
Colonel  Montgomery  Meigs  Macomb  and  Major  Au 
gustus  C.  Macomb,  the  sons  of  Mrs.  J.  N.  Macomb. 
Rear-admiral  C.  R.  P.  Rodgers  was  a  son  of  the  com 
modore's  brother,  Commodore  G.  W.  Rodgers,  and 
Captain  Raymond  P.  Rodgers  is  a  grandson.  Mrs.  Mi 
nerva  Denison  Rodgers,  the  wife  of  the  commodore, 
outlived  her  husband  forty  years,  dying  at  Rock  Island 
Illinois,  in  1877,  at  the  age  of  ninety-three  years.  Two 
of  the  commodore's  children  are  still  living,  Mrs.  J. 
N.  Macomb  of  Washington  and  Mr.  Augustus  Fred 
erick  Rodgers  of  San  Francisco.  Senator  William 
Pinkney  Whyte  of  Maryland  was  a  grand-nephew  of 
Commodore  Rodgers.  His  grandmother  was  the  com 
modore's  sister,  Ann  Maria,  who  married  Senator  Wil 
liam  Pinkney,  Maryland's  famous  jurist.  One  of  her 
sons  was  Edward  Coate  Pinkney,  the  most  brilliant 
southern  poet  before  Edgar  Allan  Poe.  Ex-senator 
George  Gray,  a  distinguished  statesman  and  judge  of 
Delaware,  is  a  grandson  of  the  commodore's  sister  Re 
becca,  who  married  Andrew  Gray. 

Before  1861,  the  naval  stage  was  cleared  for  a  new 
set  of  actors,  those  who  in  the  Civil  War  were  to  win 
the  "glory  and  the  stars."  Many  of  the  old  heroes 
crossed  the  bar  on  their  last  cruise  in  the  middle  years 
of  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century:  Perry  in 
1819;  Decatur,  1820;  Macdonough,  1825;  Tingey, 
1829;  Bainbridge,  1833;  Rodgers,  1838;  Chauncey, 
1840;  and  Hull  and  Porter,  1843.  On  the  death  of 
Rodgers,  Commodore  James  Barren  succeeded  him  as 
the  senior  officer  of  the  navy.  Previous  to  Barren's 
attaining  this  position,  he  had  been  given  the  com 
mand  of  several  shore  stations;  but  after  the  Chesa 
peake-Leopard  affair  in  1807  he  never  again  went 


404  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

to  sea.  To  the  end  he  was  a  discredited  officer,  the 
tragic  figure  of  the  Old  Navy.  When  he  died  in  1851, 
Commodore  Charles  Stewart  succeeded  him  as  senior 
officer;  and,  when  in  1862  the  rank  of  rear-admiral  was 
created,  Stewart  was  promoted  to  it- the  only  captain 
of  the  War  of  1812  to  achieve  this  distinction.  He 
passed  away  in  1869,  the  last  of  the  heroes  of  that  war. 
His  death  was  the  occasion  of  one  of  Edmund  Clarence 
Stedman's  finest  poems,  entitled  "The  Old  Admiral," 
one  stanza  of  which  may  be  quoted  as  a  fitting  conclu 
sion  to  this  narrative : 

"  He  was  the  one 
Whom  Death  had  spared  alone 

Of  all  the  captains  of  that  lusty  age, 
Who  sought  the  foemen  where  he  lay, 
On  sea  or  sheltering  bay, 

Nor  till  the  prize  was  theirs  repressed  their  rage. 
They  are  gone, -all  gone: 

They  rest  with  glory  and  the  undying  Powers; 

Only  their  name  and  fame  and  what  they  saved  are  ours!  " 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  following  list  of  writings  contains  the  chief 
sources  of  information  used  by  the  author.     All  manu 
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1891),  vols.  vi,  vii,  viii. 
ADAMS,  JOHN  QUINCY.     Memoirs  (Philadelphia,  1874-1877),  vols. 

vi,  vii,  viii. 
ALLEN,   G.  W.     Our  Navy  and   the   Barbary   Corsairs    (Boston, 

1905). 
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ARCHER,  G.  W.     Letters  to  R.  S.  Rodgers,  1894-1897.     Ms. 

These  letters  are  in  the  possession  of  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rodgers, 

Washington,  D.C. 

ARMY  AND  NAVY  CHRONICLE  (Washington,  1837-1838),  vols.  iv,  v, 

vi. 

BAILEY,  ISAAC.     American  Naval  Biography  (Providence,  1815). 
BALDWIN,  J.  D.  and  W.  Clift.     A  Record  of  the  Descendants  of 

Capt.  George  Denison,  of  Stonington,  Conn.  (Worcester,  1881). 
BALTIMORE    COMMITTEE   OF   VIGILANCE    AND    SAFETY.     Minutes 

(1814).    Ms. 

This  manuscript  is   in  the  library  of  the  Maryland   Historical   Society, 
Baltimore,  Maryland. 

BALTIMORE  DAILY  INTELLIGENCER,  1794. 

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BENTON,  T.  H.     Thirty  Years'  View  (New  York,  1854-1856). 

BRITISH  ADMIRALTY.  Extracts  from  the  Logs  of  the  "  Little  Belt," 
1811;  "  Belvidera,"  1812;  "Alexandria,"  1813;  and  "Loire," 
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CHESAPEAKE  (vessel).     Log  for  June  22-23,  1807.     Ms. 

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406  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

CLAYPOOLE'S  AMERICAN  DAILY  ADVERTISER  (Philadelphia),  1799- 

1800. 
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Cemetery,  Washington,  D.C. 

COOPER,  J.  F.     History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica  (New  York,  1866). 
Lives  of  Distinguished  American  Naval  Officers  ( Philadelphia, 

1846),  2  vols. 
COWDERY,    JONATHAN.     American    Captives    in    Tripoli    (Boston, 

1806). 
DOUGLAS,  SIR  HOWARD.     Treatise  on  Naval  Gunnery,  fifth  edition 

(London,  1860).     See  also  the  fourth  edition. 
EMMONS,  G.  F.     Statistical  History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States 

(Washington,  1853). 

FAMILY  SKETCH  of  the  Life  of  Commodore  John  Rodgers.     Ms. 
This  manuscript  is  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  J.  N.  Macomb,  Washington, 
D.C. 

FEDERAL  GAZETTE  AND  BALTIMORE  DAILY  ADVERTISER,  1795-1814. 
FOLSOM,  BENJAMIN.     A  Compilation  of  Biographical  Sketches  of 

Distinguished    Officers    in    the    American    Navy    (Newburyport, 

1814). 
GENEALOGY  OF  THE  RODGERS  FAMILY.     Ms. 

This  document  is  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  J.  N.  Macomb,  Washington, 

D.C. 
CLEAVES,  ALBERT.     James  Lawrence,  Captain,  United  States  Navy 

(New  York,  1904). 
GOLDSBOROUGH,    C.    W.     An    Original    and    Correct   List   of   the 

United  States  Navy  (Washington,  1800). 

The  United  States  Naval  Chronicle  (Washington,  1824). 

GRIFFIS,  W.  E.     Matthew  Calbraith  Perry  (Boston,  1890). 
GUERNSEY,  R.  S.     New  York  City  and  Vicinity  during  the  War  of 

1812-15  (New  York,  1889-1895),  2  vols. 
HARFORD  COUNTY  Land  Records.     Ms. 

These  records  are  at  Harford  County  Court-house,  Bel  Air,  Maryland. 
HIBBEN,  H.   B.     History  of  the  Washington  Navy-yard,  in  U.S. 

Senate  Executive  Documents,  5ist  congress,  first  session,  vol.  v, 

no.  22. 
HUNT,  GAILLARD,  editor.     The  First  Forty  Years  of  Washington 

Society  (New  York,  1906). 


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JAMES,  WILLIAM.  The  Naval  History  of  Great  Britain  from  the 
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JOHN  ADAMS  (vessel).  Log  for  May  4-September  14,  1803,  in  the 
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KENNEDY,  J.  P.  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  William  Wirt  (Philadel 
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(Washington,  1906). 
LOCKWOOD,   M.  S.     Historic  Homes  in  Washington    (New  York,, 

1890). 

[LONDON,  Eng.]  TIMES,  1796-1813. 
LOSSING,  B.  J.     The  Pictorial  Field-Book  of  the  War  of  1812  (New 

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MACKENZIE,  A.  S.     A  Year  in  Spain,  fifth  edition    (New  York, 

1847),  vol.  ii. 
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2  vols. 

Life  of  Stephen  Decatur  (Boston,  1846). 

MACOMB,  MRS.  J.  N.    Memoir  of  My  Girlhood  Dayy  in  Washing- 

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2  vols. 

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MORRIS,  CHARLES.     Autobiography  (Boston,  1880). 

MORRIS,  R.  V.     A  Defence  of  the  Conduct  of  Commodore  Morris 

during  his  Command  in  the  Mediterranean   (New  York,  1804), 

99  pages,  pamphlet. 

NAVAL  CHRONICLE  (London,  1799-1813),  vols.  i-xxx. 
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POULSON'S  AMERICAN  DAILY  ADVERTISER  (Philadelphia),  1800-1814. 
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[PRENTISS,    CHARLES].     Life   of   the   Late   Gen.   William   Eaton 

(Brookfield,  1813). 

PRESTON,  W.  W.     History  of  Harford  County,  Maryland   (Balti 
more,  1901). 
RICHARDSON,  J.  D.     A  Compilation  of  the  Messages  and  Papers  of 

the  Presidents  (Washington,  1896),  vol.  i. 

RIVES,  G.  L.     Selections  from  the  Correspondence  of  Thomas  Bar 
clay  (New  York,  1894). 
RODGERS,  COMMODORE  JOHN.     Autobiography,  2  pages.     Ms. 

This  manuscript  is  in  the  possession  of  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rodgers, 
Washington,  D.C. 

RODGERS,  COMMODORE  JOHN.     Reply  to  General  William  Eaton, 
undated.     Ms. 

This  manuscript  is  in  the  possession  of  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rodgers, 
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RODGERS,  MINERVA  DENISON.     Recollections  of  My  Life.     Ms. 

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RODGERS  PAPERS,  1775-1842.     Ms. 

This  extensive  collection  of  papers  consists  of  letters  to  and  from  Com 
modore  John  Rodgers,  log  books,  letter  books,  order  books,  etc.  They  are 
most  numerous  for  the  years  1804-1814.  and  1824-1827.  Many  of  them 
have  been  recently  deposited  in  the  Office  of  Library  and  Naval  War  Rec 
ords,  Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.C.,  by  Rear-admiral  Frederick  Rod 
gers;  and  some  of  them  are  still  in  the  possession  of  Rear-admiral  Rodgers. 
Duplicates  of  these  papers  are  frequently  found  in  the  official  archives  of 
the  department.  Those  deposited  at  the  department  are  listed  in  R.  W. 
Neeser's  Statistical  and  Chronological  History  of  the  United  States  Navy, 
vol.  i,  ii. 

RODGERS,  R.  S.     Closing  Events  of  the  War  with  Tripoli,  in  the 
Proceedings   of   the    United   States   Naval  Institute    (Annapolis, 
1908),  vol.  xxxiv,  889-916. 
ROGERS,  CHARLES.     The  Scottish  House  of  Roger,  second  edition 

(Edinburgh,  1875). 

ROGER,  J.   S.     James  Rogers  of  New  London,  Ct.,  and   His  De 
scendants  (Boston,  1902). 

ROOSEVELT,  THEODORE.     The  Naval  War  of   1812    (New  York, 
1882). 

The  War  with  the  United  States,  1812-15,  in  W.  L.  Clowes's 

Royal  Navy  (London,  1901),  vol.  vi,  1-183. 

SCHARF,  J.  T.     History  of  Baltimore  City  and  County  (Philadel 
phia,  1881). 

History  of  Maryland    (Baltimore,   1879),  3  vols. 

The  Chronicles  of  Baltimore  (Baltimore,  1874). 

THOMAS,  R.     The  Glory  of  America;  Comprising  Memoirs  of  the 

Lives  and  Glorious  Exploits  of  Some  of  the  Distinguished  Officers 

Engaged  in  the  Late  War  with  Great  Britain  (New  York,  1834). 

U.S.   NAVY  DEPARTMENT.     Barbary  Powers   Letter   Book,    1799- 

1808,  2  vols.     Ms. 

Booth-Tingey  Letter  Book,  1814,  I  vol.     Ms. 

Captains'  Letters,  1805-1837,  230  vols.     Ms. 

Many  of  Rodgers's  letters  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy  are  in  this  file. 

Congress  Letters,  1798-1834,  6  vols.     Ms. 

Gunboat  Letters,  1803-1808,  I  vol.    Ms. 

Letters  to  Officers  of  Ships  of  War,  1798-1838,  25  vols.     Ms. 

Many  of  the  letters  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy  to  Rodgers  are  in  this 
file. 
Letters  to  the  President,  1708-1820,  I  vol.     Ms. 


4io  COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 

U.  S.  NAVY  DEPARTMENT.     Miscellaneous  Letters,   1794-1800,   I 

vol.     Ms. 

Murray  Letter  Book,  1799-1805,  I  vol.    Ms. 

Private  Letters,  1813-1840,  I  vol.     Ms. 

Records  of  the  Office  of  the  Navy  Commissioners,  1815-1842. 

Ms. 

For  an  account  of  these  voluminous  records,  see  R.  W.  Neeser's  Statistical 
and  Chronological  History  of  the  United  Stales  Navy,  vol.  i,  5-6.  The 
journal  of  the  navy  board,  letters  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  naval 
contracts,  and  register  of  naval  officers  have  been  used  chiefly  in  this  work. 

Register  of  the   Commissioned   and   Warrant   Officers  of  the 

Navy  of  the  United  States,  1814-1838,  24  vols. 

Register  of  the  Navy,  1798-1840,  8  vols.     Ms. 

Ships  Service  Book,  1801-1809,  I  vol.     Ms. 

This  book  was  compiled  in  the  navy  department,  it  is  believed,  by  C.  W. 
Goldsborough,   and  contains  much   information  relating   to  the  wars  with 
the  Barbary  powers. 
U.S.    SENATE.     Journal   of    Executive    Proceedings    (Washington, 

1828-1887),  vols.  i-iv. 

VAN  TYNE,  C.  H.  and  W.  G.  Leland.  Guide  to  the  Archives  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  in  Washington,  second  edition 
(Washington,  1907),  172-199. 

WASHINGTON  DAILY  NATIONAL  INTELLIGENCER,  1813-1838. 
WASHINGTON  DIRECTORY,  1822,  1827,  1830,  1834. 
WASHINGTON  GAZETTE,  1820. 
WASHINGTON  GLOBE,  1838. 

WASHINGTON  NATIONAL  INTELLIGENCER,  1801-1812. 
WASHINGTON  NATIONAL  JOURNAL,  1828. 
WHARTON,  A.  H.     Social  Life  in  the  Early  Republic  (Philadelphia, 

1902). 

WILSON,  C.  D.     Through  an  Old  Southern  County  [Harford  Coun 
ty,  Maryland],  in  New  England  Magazine  (Boston,  1899),  new 
ser.,  vol.  xx,  161-176. 
WILSON,    R.    R.     Washington;   The    Capital   City    (Philadelphia, 

1901),  2  vols. 

WILSON,  THOMAS.  The  Biography  of  the  Principal  American  Mil 
itary  and  Naval  Heroes  (New  York,  1817). 


INDEX 


ACTON,  SIR  JOHN:  Sicilian  minister, 
in 

Adams,  Frances:  381 

Adams,  Henry:  historian,  209  note, 
237  note 

Adams,  John:  president  of  U.S.,  in 
connection  with  the  navy  and  the 
French  War,  33,  35,  37,  38,  39,  47, 
49,  53,  7i,  175;  death  of,  354 

Adams,  John  Quincy:  315,  328,  330, 
331,  3^1,  387;  anecdote  of,  respect 
ing  Rodgers,  392-393 

Adams,  Mrs.  John:  daughter-in- 
law  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  381 

Adams:  U.S.  ship,  73,  100,  101,  105, 
107,  108,  no,  in,  112,  202 

Adeline:      British    vessel,   257 

Admiral  Barclay:  British  whaler, 
261 

Aeolus:      British    naval    ship,    237 

Aetna:    U.S.   ketch,    188 

Africa:  22,  64,  93 

Alabama:   U.S.  ship  of  the  line,   314 

Albany:    U.S.    ship,   364 

Alert:   British   brig,   269 

Alert:     British   naval   ship,   259,   276 

Alexandria:     British  naval  ship,  269 

Alexandria,    Egypt:      128,    146 

Alexandria,  Va:     26,  286,  287,  288 

Algeciras,    Spain:      334. 

Algiers:  city,  99,  103,  104,  113,  121, 
165,  340,  252 

Algiers:  dey  and  state,  93;  rela 
tions  with  Dutch  and  English,  94, 
327;  relations  with  U.S.,  96-98, 
104-105 ;  navy  of,  99 ;  mentioned, 
149,  161,  165 

Algiers   Bay:      161 

Alicant,   Spain:     in,   265 


Allen, —  :  aide  to  Rodgers  at  Bal 
timore,  290 

Allen,  Capt.  W.  H:  186,  192,  244, 
276,  290 

Allen,    Midshipman    — :      357-358 

Allen,  Rev.  John:     173 

Amelia   Island:     273 

America:      Continental    seventy- four, 

3H 

America:     merchant  ship,   37 

American  Daily  Advertiser  (Phila 
delphia)  :  69  note 

American  State  Papers:  140  note, 
209 

Anaconda:     American  privateer,  263 

Ancona,  Italy:  144 

Andre,  Major  John:    British  spy,  305 

Annapolis,  Md:  209,  219,  220,  314, 
39i 

Antelope:     schooner,   20-21 

Antigua:     island,    40 

Arabs:     98,  99,  129 

Archangel,    Russia:      267 

Archer,  G.  W:     note  18 

Archer,  Lieut.  John:     39 

Argus:  U.S.  schooner,  128,  129,  142, 
146,  160,  162,  166,  202,  206,  209, 

210,     215,     2l8,     220,     247,     248,     249, 

255,  260,  264,  271,  276,  290 
Armistead,    Major    George:      defense 

of  Baltimore,   290,  292,   293,  298 
Armstrong,   John:  American   seaman, 

262 

Argo:    British  vessel,  257 
Argo:     British    whaler,    261 
Argos,    Gulf    of:      337 
Aux   Cayes,   Santo   Domingo:     21 
Azores   Islands:     256,   257,   261,   263, 

265 


412 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


BACHE,   MAJOR  HARTMAN:     397 

Back  River:     near  Baltimore,  291 

Bahama  Islands:     273 

Bainbridge,  Joseph:  captain  U.S. 
navy,  163 ;  characterization  of, 
302-303 

Bainbridge,  William:  commodore  U.S. 
navy,  13;  in  French  War,  33,  38, 
39,  61 ;  retained  in  navy,  75 ;  voy 
age  to  Constantinople,  96 ;  captures 
"Mirboka,"  112;  loses  "Philadel 
phia,"  117;  Rodgers  communicates 
•with,  130;  trial  of,  142;  sits  on  Bar- 
ron  court,  194;  in  War  of  1812, 
244,  246,  263,  264,  274,  276,  299; 
navy  commissioner,  301,  303,  315; 
commands  in  Mediterranean,  314, 
327;  second  in  Decatur  duel,  384- 
385 ;  death,  403 

Ball,  Lady:  wife  of  Sir  Alex.,  161 

Ball,  Sir  Alexander:     161 

Baltimore,  Md:  20,  21,  25,  26,  36, 
39,  49,  50,  53,  6x,  68,  69,  70,  71, 
73,  76,  80,  81,  82,  84,  182,  219, 
274;  operations  at,  in  War  of  1812, 
284-286,  289-298 

Baltimore:  U.S.  ship,  in  French  War, 
36,  37,  38 

Baltimore  Committee  of  Vigilance  and 
Safety:  290 

Baltimore  Daily  Intelligencer:  news 
paper,  25 

Bank  of  Columbia  (Washington, 
D.C.):  386 

Barbadoes:     38,  272,  273 

Barbary:  relations  with  U.S.,  31, 
32,  96-97,  139,  334J  eafly  history, 
93-94;  relations  with  Europe,  93- 
96;  people,  land,  and  customs,  99; 
see  also  Algiers,  Tunis,  1  ripoli,  and 
Morocco 

Barbuda:     island,  40 

Barcelona,  Spain:     in 

Barclay,  Lieut:  British  naval  officer, 
218 

Barney,  Commodore  Joshua:     15,  31, 


32;  defense  of  the  Chesapeake  and 
Washington,  282-285 
Barney,    Joshua:     midshipman     U.S. 

navy,  329 

Barney,  W:     of  Baltimore,  70 
Barney's  Inn   (Baltimore)  :     274 
Barnstable,  Mass:     199 
Barreaut,  —  :     French  captain,  45,  50 
Barron  Jr.,  James:     Commodore,  U.  S. 
navy,  32,  33;  promoted  captain,  51; 
rank  among  captains,   75 ;   in  Bar 
bary  Wars,  100,  105,  119,  121,  127, 
134,   137,   142,   146;   building   gun 
boats,  171;  family  of,  174;  associa 
tion   with   Rodgers,    175;    proposed 
duel,   175-183 ;    in   Chesapeake-Leo 
pard  affair,  183-187;  trial  of,  191- 
197,  304;  rank  among  captains,  244, 
299,  325;   duel  with  Decatur,   384- 
386;    in    charge   of   naval    asylum, 
392 ;   senior  officer  and  death,  403- 
404 

Barron  Sr.,  James:     commodore  Vir 
ginia   navy,    119,   174 
Barron,    Richard:     captain    Virginia 

navy,    174 
Barron     Jr.,     Samuel:     captain    U.S. 

navy,  175 

Barron  Sr.,  Samuel:  commodore  U.S. 
navy,  32;  in  French  War,  38; 
retained  in  navy,  75 ;  family  and 
youth,  119;  commands  Mediterra 
nean  squadron,  115,  119-136,  137, 
138,  140,  166,  169;  returns  home, 
1465  building  gunboats,  171;  men 
tioned,  175,  193,  243 
Barron,  William:  lieutenant  Contin- 

tal  navy,  174,  319 

Barry,  Commodore  John:     13,  31,  32; 
in    French    War,    34,    38,    39,    40; 
mentioned,  75,   114,   175 
Barrymore,    Midshipman   J.   H:     203 
Basin,  The  (Baltimore) :  291,  292,  295 
Basse  Terre,   Guadaloupe:     39,  48 
Basseterre,  St  Kitts:  40,  47,  48,  67 
Battery    (New   York   City):    218 


INDEX 


Beauclerk,  Rear-admiral  Amelius: 
British  naval  officer,  277 

Belasco  Theater  (Washington,  D.C.) : 
364 

Belisle:     Br.  naval  ship,   185 

Belknap,  W.  W:  secretary  of  war, 
364 

Bcllevue:     home    of   Rodgers,    362 

Bellona:    Br.   naval  ship,   185 

Bellona  [Gun]  Factory  (Richmond, 
Va.):  319 

Belvidera:  British  frigate,  248;  fight 
with  "President,"  2.50-256;  men 
tioned,  282,  319 

Benton,  Senator  Thomas  Hart:  char 
acterization  of  Rodgers,  399-402; 
refer,  to  Thirty  Years'  View,  402 
note 

Berbice,  British  Guiana:  61,  63,  66, 
272 

Bergen,   Norway:     266,   267 

Berkley,  Vice-admiral  G.  C:  Br.  naval 
officer,  185 

Bermuda:    250,  261,  263 

Betsey:     American  brig,  96 

Betsy:     British   vessel,   257 

Bibliography:     405 

Biddle,  Commodore  James:  244,  299, 
352,  396,  397 

Bingham,  Capt.  Arthur  Batt:  com 
mander  of  "Little  Belt,"  223-228, 
233,  235-239 

Black   Sea:     346 

Bladensburg,  Md:     285,  286,  287,  385 

Elaine,  James  G:  secretary  of  state, 
364 

Blakely,    Lieut.    Johnston:     122,    299, 

303 

Block  Island:  272 

Bloomfield,  Gen.  Joseph:  of  U.S. 
army,  247 

Bonaparte,  Elizabeth  (Patterson)  : 
78 

Bonaparte,  Jerome:  brother  of  Na 
poleon  I,  77 

Bonaparte,  Joseph:  brother  of  Na 
poleon  I,  70,  162 


Bonaparte,  Napoleon:  French  emper 
or,  70,  77,  205 

Bonne,   Capt.   J.   J:    215 

Bordeaux,  France:     21,  25,  66 

Boston,  Mass:  26,  124,  144,  167,  215, 
217,  219,  244,  257,  259,  260,  262, 
263,  264,  271,  352 

Boston:     American    brig,    101 

Boston:     Continental  frigate,  174,  319 

Boston:  U.S.  ship,  73 

Boston    Bay:     218,    265 

Boston  Harbor:    258 

Boston    Navy-yard:     309,    322,    389, 

39°.  392 

Boxer:     British  naval  ship,  271,  276 

Brandywine,  Del:     188 

Brandywine:   U.S.   frigate,   315,   339 

Brazil,   coast  of:     263 

Breschard,  Mademoiselle — :  of  Wash 
ington,  D.C.,  38 

Bright,   Capt.   Francis:     38 

Bristol,  Eng:  64 

British:  Baltimore  trade  with,  25- 
28 ;  regard  for  Truxtun,  47,  48 ;  at 
Surinam,  62-63;  relations  with  Al 
giers,  94,  327;  difficulties  with,  in 
Mediterranean,  143,  144-146;  out 
rages  on  American  coast,  184-187, 
212,  214,  220,  229  (see  also  Ches 
apeake-Leopard  affair,  and  Presi 
dent-Little  Belt  affair)  ;  ships  off 
American  coast,  209,  211,  216-220, 
223,  248,  249,  260,  272,  273,  282; 
war  with,  see  also  War  of  1812 

British  Admiraliry:     277,   395 

British   Channel:     257 

Brooke,  Col.  Arthur:  British  army 
officer,  293,  294,  295 

Brooke,    Sailing-master    Samuel:     192 

Broome,  Midshipman  J.  M:     187,  192 

Brown,  Capt.  Thomas:  of  British 
navy,  273 

Brown,  Gen.  Jacob:     362,  399 

Buck,  Dr.  —  :  of  Washington,  D.C., 
373,  375,  376 

Bunker's  Inn  (New  York  City): 
392 


414 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Burkits,  William:  seaman  of   "Pres 
ident,"    237    note 
Burling,  —  :     a  Baltimore  gentleman, 

174 

Burrows,  Capt.  William:  244,  276 
Butler:     slave,   367,   369,    395,   396 
Byron,     Capt.     Richard:     of     British 
navy,  250,   255 

CADIZ,  SPAIN:  25,  144,  265 
Caldwell,  Henry:     captain  of  marine 

corps,  225,  239 

Caldwell,  Lieut.  James  R:     118 
Calhoun,  John  C:     330 
Campbell,  Commodore  H.  G:    75 ;  in 

Mediterranean,   100,   108,   113,   119, 

127,   141,   142,   147,   159,   165,   183; 

member  of  Barren  court,  194;  men 
tioned,  244,  299,  301,  325 
Canada:     77,  246,  282 
Canary  Islands:     257,  261,  272 
Canova,  Antonio:     Italian  sculptor,  77 
Canton:     vessel,  35 
Canton,   China:     35,   317 
Cape  Charles,  Va:  236 
Cape   Cod:     263 
Cape  Francois,  Santo  Domingo:     76- 

82 ;   burning  of,   78-80 
Cape  Hatteras:     247 
Cape    Hayti,    Haiti:     358 
Cape  Henlopen,  Del:     282 
Cape  Henry,  Va:     36,  177,  185,  215, 

223,   and  note 
Cape  May,  N.J:  215 
Cape  Mesurado,  Africa:     333 
Cape   Sable:     257 

Cape    Samana,    Santo    Domingo:     78 
Capitol     (Washington,     D.C.)  :     285, 

3<5i,   363 
Capps,  Rear-admiral  Washington  L: 

10 
Capudan     Pascha,     of     Turkey:     see 

Khosrew 
Carnegie   Institution   of  Washington: 

ir 
Carthagena,  Spain:    naval  school  at, 


Cass,  Lewis:     secretary  of  war,  389 

Cassin,  Master-commandant  Stephen: 
3i9 

Catania,  Italy:     146 

Cathcart,  James  L:  consul  to  Tunis, 
97,  102,  103,  104,  105,  in 

Catskill:    U.S.   ship,   402 

Caulkins,   Miss  F.   M:     historian,   83 

Cave,   Thomas:     distiller,   64 

Cayenne,  French  Guiana:  61-63,  65, 
66,  272 

Cecil   County,   Md:     18 

Cecil  Furnace:  near  Havre  de  Grace, 
Md.,  28,  283,  284 

Cervantes:  quoted,  94 

Chaplain,  Naval:  rules  respecting, 
312 

Charleston,  S.C:  64,  101,  106,  144, 
210,  215 

Chauncey,  Commodore  Isaac:  33,  76; 
in  Mediterranean,  105,  119;  at  New 
York,  189,  191,  198;  member  of 
Barren  Court  of  enquiry,  192,  193 ; 
member  of  frigate  board,  202 ;  at 
tends  torpedo  experiments,  206; 
member  of  Rodgers  court  of  en 
quiry,  239;  mentioned,  244,  299, 
302,  314,  319,  321,  322,  327,  330, 
33i,  359,  385,  389,  398,  403 

Cheeseman,  Forman:  naval  con 
structor,  210 

Chelsea,  Mass:    naval  hospital  at,  390 

Cherry:     schooner,  66 

Chesapeake:  U.S.  frigate,  31,  34, 
119;  retained  in  navy,  73;  in  Med 
iterranean,  100-102,  105 ;  in  con 
nection  with  "Leopard,"  183-188, 
191-198,  212,  213,  214,  229,  232; 
in  commission,  200;  in  War  of  1812, 
260,  264,  271,  276 

Chesapeake  Bay:  19,  68,  84,  184, 
219,  260;  operations  on,  in  1814, 
282-298;  mentioned,  309,  311;  prac 
tice  cruise  on,  331 

Chesapeake-Leopard  Affair:  10,  183- 
188,  191-198,  220,  384,  403 

Chichester:    Br.  naval  ship,  185 


INDEX 


415 


China  squadron:  established,  317 
Chippewa:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314 
Cholera,  Asiatic:  visits  U.S.,  393-394 
Christ  Church  burying-ground  (Phil 
adelphia)  :     397 
Christophe:  Santo  Domingan  general, 

78-79 

Church   of   the   Epiphany    (Philadel 
phia) :     397 
Clark,     Margaret:     of     Washington, 

D.C.,   375 

Clarkson,  D.  N:     American  agent,  67 
Clay,  Henry:     statesman,  174,  363,  387 
Clay,   Mrs.   Henry:    363 
Cochran:       Englishman    killed    in    a 

duel,  163 

Cochrane,  Vice-admiral  Sir  Alexan 
der:  operations  on  tlie  Chesapeake, 
282-289,  292-295;  Rodgers  visits, 

353 

Cockburn,  Rear-admiral  George: 
British  naval  officer,  284-285 

Colden,  Cadwallader  D:  candidate 
for  secretary  of  the  navy,  387 

Cole,  Capt.   Thomas:     21 

Collingwood,  Vice-admiral  Cuthbert: 
Br.  naval  officer,  144,  145 

Columbia:   U.S.  frigate,   315 

Columbine:     Br.   frigate,   189 

Columbus:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line, 
314;  launching  of,  316-317;  men 
tioned,  329 

Comet:  American  schooner,  272 

Conduriotti,  George:  president  of 
Grecian  Republic,  337 

Congress:  U.S.  frigate,  31,  73,  84; 
under  Rodgers  in  Mediterranean, 
119-124,  130;  under  Decatur,  127, 
128,  146,  159,  160;  repaired,  202; 
in  War  of  1812,  247,  251,  255,  260, 
261,  264,  265,  271;  visits  China,  317 

Congressional  Cemetery  (Washington, 
D.C.):  383,  398-399 

Constantinople:    96,  328 

Constellation:  U.S.  frigate,  31;  move 
ments  under  Truxtun,  33-49,  60,  61, 
71 ;  retained  in  navy,  73  ;  in  Medi 


terranean,  zoo,  101,  103,  119,  121, 
127,  141,  147,  157,  160;  mentioned, 
175,  202,  264 

Constitution:  U.S.  frigate,  31,  51, 
73 ;  in  French  War,  33,  35,  38,  61 ; 
under  Preble  in  Mediterranean, 
118;  description  of,  124-125;  under 
Rodgers  in  Mediterranean,  125-127, 
129-130,  137,  139,  140,  146,  147, 
154,  158,  159,  160,  161,  167;  under 
Campbell,  165;  under  Rodgers  on 
Atlantic  coast,  199-202,  209;  com 
manded  by  Hull,  210,  215,  219;  in 
War  of  1812,  258,  260,  263,  264, 
271,  277;  builder  of,  315;  in  Med 
iterranean,  329,  339,  341,  353; 
docked,  389,  390 

Cook,  naval  office  of:  rules  respect 
ing,  311-312 

Cooper,   James   Fenimore:     399 

Cooper,  Lieut.  Benjamin:  339,  346, 
35Q 

Corinth,  Greece:  335 

Corlear's  Hook,  N.Y:  206 

Court  of  Honor:     204 

Courts  Martial :  of  Barreaut,  45 ;  of 
Ridgely,  143 ;  of  Barren,  192-198 ; 
of  Crane,  259-260;  officers  for  hold 
ing,  at  Washington,  362 

Courts  of  Enquiry:  of  R.  V.  Mor 
ris,  114-115;  of  Bainbridge,  142; 
of  J.  Barron,  192;  of  Tingey,  201; 
of  O.  H.  Perry,  219;  of  Hull,  322 

Cowper,  Lieut.  William:     33,   39,  46 

Cox,  E.  N:  lieutenant  U.S.  navy,  191 

Cox,  George:  master-commandant 
U.S.  navy,  55,  127,  130,  146,  156, 
159,  166 

Crane,  Commodore  W.  M:  in  Med 
iterranean,  1 60;  lieutenant  of 
"Chesapeake"  and  duel,  192-193 ;  in 
War  of  1812,  259,  276;  characteri 
zation,  302;  diplomacy  with  Tur 
key,  352 

Crawford,  Capt:  British  naval  of 
ficer,  217 

Creighton,    Capt.    J.    O:     192;    lieu- 


4i6 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


tenant  of  "President,"  210,  227,  240; 
letter  to  Rodgers,  320;  in  Mediter 
ranean,  329,  330 

Crowninshield,  George  W:  secre 
tary  of  the  navy — in  connection  with 
navy  commissioners,  301,  303,  306, 
308;  visits  "Washington,"  314;  re 
tires  from  secretaryship,  324 

Cruize,    Chaplain:     157 

Crump,    Midshipman  Richard:     192 

Cumberland:  U.S.  frigate,  315 

Curagoa:     island,   61 

Curson,  Samuel:  a  New  York  mer 
chant,  174 

Cyane:  U.S.  corvette,  329,  333 

Cynthia:     vessel,  62 

DAHLGREN,  REAR-ADMIRAL  JOHN  A: 
13,  402 

Dale,  Commodore  Richard:  31,  32, 
75,  97,  100 

Dallas,  Lieut.  A.  J:     210,  240 

Danes:     relations  with  Barbary,  95 

Danielson,    Midshipman   Eli   E:     203 

Daphne:     British  brig,  267 

Daphne:     vessel,   62 

Dardanelles:  340,  341,  342,  345,  346, 
347 

Davidson,  Capt  —  :  of  Philadelphia, 
81-82 

Davis,  Dr.  George:  naval  surgeon 
and  consul,  104;  negotiations  with 
Tunis,  148-155 

Davis,  Lieut.  —  :  66 

Davis    Sr.,    Rear-admiral    C.    H:     13 

Deacon,  Master-commandant  David: 
333 

Decatur  Jr.,  Commodore  Stephen:  13, 
3*>  33>  7<>J  in  Mediterranean,  118, 
127,  142,  153-154,  159;  building 
gunboats,  171 ;  commands  squad 
ron  on  Atlantic  coast,  188,  198,  201, 
210;  president  of  Rodgers  court, 
239;  in  War  of  1812,  244,  246,  247, 
248,  250,  251,  260,  263,  274,  276, 
299;  navy  commissioner,  302,  306; 
accident  to  guns,  319;  commands 


in  Mediterranean,  327;  home  of, 
362,  363;  duel,  384-386;  death,  403 

Decatur  Sr.,  Commodore  Stephen,  32, 
38 

Decatur,   Lieut.   James:     118 

Delaware:  river  and  bay,  199,  246, 
260,  263,  273,  281,  282,  298 

Delaware:     state,  18,  39 

Delaware:  U.S.  ship,  38 

Delaware:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314, 
389 

Delaware  Flotilla:  description  of, 
281-282;  work  of,  282-283;  men 
tioned,  298 

Demerara,  British  Guiana:  61,  63,  66, 
263,  272 

Demologos:  U.S.  steamship,  316 

Denison,  Ann    (Borodell)  :     82 

Denison,  Capt.  George:     82-83 

Denison,  Gideon:     merchant,  83-85 

Denison,   Henry:     84 

Denison,  Jerusha  (Butler) :  83  ;  home 
and  friends,  88-91 ;  description  of, 
364-367 

Dent,  Capt.  J.  H:  service  in  Med 
iterranean,  127,  128,  155,  156,  165; 
characterization  of,  302 

Depot  of  Charts  and  Instruments: 
founded,  390 

Derne,  Tripoli:  capture  and  aban 
donment  by  Americans,  128-127, 
132,  133,  140-141 

Devil's  Islands,  West  Indies:     65 

Dewey,  Admiral   George:     14 

De  Witt,  Charles  G:  clerk  to  navy 
board,  304 

Diggio,  John:  American  seaman, 
220,  223 

Discipline,  Naval:  163,  203-204;  in 
Mediterranean,  328-329,  354,  357 

Docks,  Naval  Dry:  310,  311;  construc 
tion  of,  begun,  389-390 

Dodge,  Dr.  James:     158 

Dolphin:     British   privateer,  256 

Don  Quixote:     quoted,  94 

Dorsey's  Foundry:    near  Baltimore,  28 

Downes,  Midshipman  John:     164 


INDEX 


Dreadnaught:  Br.  naval  vessel,  144, 
145 

Dreadnaught   type   of   vessel:     390 

Duels  and  dueling:  in  Mediterra 
nean,  163,  329,  354;  prevalence  of, 
174;  one  threatened  between  Rod- 
gers  and  J.  Barren,  174-183 ;  be 
tween  officers  of  "  Chesapeake," 
192-193  ;  between  midshipmen,  203- 
204,  219;  prevention  of,  204;  Bar- 
ron-Decatur,  306,  384-386;  laws  of, 
324 

Duke  of  Montrose:  British  packet, 
265,  266 

Dumbrugeac:  Santo  Domingan  agent, 
69 

Dunsdan,  Joseph:  American  seaman, 
262 

Dupont,  Rear-admiral  Samuel  F:  13, 
330 

Dutch:  Baltimore  trade  with,  21;  in 
Surinam,  62-63;  relations  with  Al 
giers,  94 

Dutchess  of  Portland:  British  brig, 
256 

EAGLE:  U.S.  brig,  66,  68 

East     India     Squadron:     established, 

317 

East  Indies:  American  trade  with, 
32-33;  mentioned,  93,  171 

Eastport,   Maine:     215 

Easton,  Edward:     shipmaster,  64 

East  River,  N.Y:  206 

Eaton,  Gen.  William:  promise  to 
bey  of  Tunis,  104;  Derne  expedi 
tion,  128-129,  134  note,  138  note, 
140-141,  146;  judge  advocate,  142; 
mentioned,  203 

Eckford,  Henry:  naval   architect,  315 

Edmonson:     Baltimore    merchant,    25 

Edward:     British  vessel,  272 

Edwin:     brig,    339 

Eleanor:     American    schooner,   261 

Eliza   Swan:     British  ship,  269 

Elkton,  Md:    283,  285 

Elliott,  Capt.  Jesse  D:    244,  385 


Embargo  Policy,  Jefferson's:     198-200 

English,  Lieut.  George  B:  diplomatic 
agent,  328,  342,  344 

English:     see   British 

Enterprise:  U.S.  schooner,  in  Medi 
terranean,  97,  100,  xot,  102,  103, 
105,  106,  108,  109,  in,  112,  128, 
I44»  !47>  itf,  160,  162,  165,  183; 
in  War  of  1812,  264,  271 

Erie:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  329,  333, 
339,  340,  352 

Eski  Stamboul  (or  Old  Constantino 
ple)  :  342 

Essex:  U.S.  ship,  in  Mediterranean, 
73,  119,  121,  127,  128,  137,  139, 
147,  159,  163,  165,  166;  on  Atlan 
tic  coast,  200,  202;  in  War  of  1812, 
246,  247,  260,  263,  271,  276 

Essex  Junior:  U.S.   ship,   321 

Etruria,  First  Minister  of:  160 

Europe:  Baltimore  trade  wi*h,  22-26, 
33;  Early  relations  with  Barbary, 
93-96,  139 

Evans,   Lieut.    Samuel:    128,   160 

FALCON:    American  brig,   352 

Falcon:     British  schooner,  265 

Falmouth,  Eng:    26,  261,  265 

Far  East:     22 

Farragut,  Admiral  David  G:     13,  34, 

312;   reports  concerning,   321-322 
Federal  Gazette  and  Baltimore  Daily 

Advertiser:    note   26,   note   28,    53, 

54,    172 
Federalists:    49,    71,    234,    235,    237, 

309 

Felicity:     vessel,    21 
Fell's  Point,  Md:     50,  54 
Ferry  Branch  (Baltimore)  :     291,  292, 

294 

Fleetwood,  Benjamin:     17 
Fletcher,  Capt.  Patrick:     51  and  note 
Flora:     Br.   frigate,    145 
Florida:  territory,  36,  77,  273 
Fly:    British    brig,    269 
Folger,    Capt.    Benjamin:     20-21 
Foote,  Rear-admiral  A.  H:     13 


4i8 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Forman,   Gen.  T.  M:     283 

Forrest,   Lieut.   Dulany:     287 

Fort    Babcock:    near    Baltimore,    292, 

294 
Fort  Covington:  near  Baltimore,  292, 

294 

Fort  McHenry:  69;  defense  of  Balti 
more   in   1814,  290-298 
Fort  Sumter:  attack  on,  403 
Fort   Washington:   on   Potomac,    286, 

287,   288 
Fowle,  Midshipman  Charles  L:  death 

from  duel,  219 

Franklin:  U.S.  brig,  147,  160,  167 
Franklin:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314 
Frazier,    Lieut.    Solomon:    290,    292, 

293,  295 

Frederici:  governor  of  Surinam,  65 
French:    Baltimore    trade    with,    21; 
American  war  with,  36-51;  60-68; 
treaty  with,  68 ;  mission  to,  68-72 ; 
war  in  Santo  Domingo,  77-82;  re 
lations    with   Tunis,   95 ;    ships   off 
Atlantic  coast,   184,   209,  211,  219; 
injuries    committed    by,    212,    214; 
American  vessel  mistaken  for,  215 
Frolic:   British  naval   brig,   263,   276 
Frolic:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  313 
Fullerton,  Mrs.  —  :  school-teacher,  84- 

85 

Fulton,  Robert:  torpedoes  of,  204-207 
Fulton  the  First:  see  Demologos 
Fulton   the   Second:   naval   steamship, 

description  of,  390-391 ;  mentioned, 

392 
Fundy,  Bay  of:  256 

GADSBY'S  HOTEL  (Washington,  D.C.) : 

330 

Galatea:  British  frigate,  261 
Gale,  Capt.  Anthony:  of  the  marine 

corps,   176 

Gallatin,  Albert:   189 
Gamble,  Lieut.  Thomas:  210,  252,  290, 

292,   322 

Ganges:  Br.  ship   of  the  line,  26 
Ganges:  U.S.  ship,  38 


Gardiner's   Bay    (Long   Island)  :   219 
General  Greene:  U.S.  ship,  73 
General  Hull :  American  schooner,  263 
General  Monk:  vessel,  15 
General  Pike:  U.S.  ship,   319 
Genoa,  Italy:  161 

George  Washington:  U.S.  ship,  96 
Georges    Bank:     near    Massachusetts 

coast,  257 

Georgetown,  D.C:  32,  361,  362 
Georgia:  state,  83 
Germans:  Baltimore  trade  with,  25 
Ghent,  treaty  of:  298 
Gheretti:  Turkish  ship,   142-143:  see 

also  "Intrepid" 

Gibbon,   Midshipman  James:   130 
Gibraltar:  city,  97,  98,  99,   100,  101, 

103,    105,    106,   no,   in,   113,    117, 

120,     121,     122,     124,     125,     159,     165, 

175,  i?6,  177,   332,  334,  339 

Globe  (Washington,  D.C.)  :  news 
paper,  393 

Gloria  da  Mar:  vessel,  66,  67 

Golconda:  ship,  202 

Goldsborough,  Charles  W:  official  of 
the  navy  department,  47  note,  no 
note,  149  note,  200,  201 ;  service  in 
navy  department,  304,  391 ;  partner 
of  Rodgers,  386 

Goldsborough,  Howes:  386 

Goldsborough,  John  Rodgers:  commo 
dore  U.S.  navy,  304 

Goldsborough,  Louis  M:  rear-admiral 
U.S.  navy,  304 

Goldsborough,  Mary  Rodgers  (Mrs. 
Howes) :  18,  279,  280 

Goletta,  Tunis:  147 

Gordon,  Capt.  Charles:  184,  186,  193, 
197,  198,  201;  characterization  of, 
303 

Gordon,  Capt.  James  A:  of  British 
navy,  operations  on  the  Potomac, 
286-289 

Governor's  Island,  N.Y:  189 

Grand  Banks:  near  Newfoundland, 
256,  257,  260,  265,  269 

Gray,   Andrew:   18,  403 


INDEX 


419 


Gray,  Ex-senator  George:  of  Dela 
ware,  403 

Gray,   Rebecca    (Rodgers)  :    18,   403 
Great  Britain:  see  British 
Grecian   Archipelago:   327,   334,    339, 

340,  352,  354 
Greek  Army:   357,  358 
Greek  Revolution:  327,  328,  337,  338, 

352,   357 

Greenleaf  Point  (Washington,  D.C.)  : 
description  of,  362-363;  Rodgers's 
life  at,  367-379 

Grice,    Joseph    Francis:    naval     con 
structor,   280 
Grier,    Rev.    John    W:    U.S.    naval 

chaplain,   330 
Gross,  Lieut.  Simon:  33 
Guadaloupe:  island,  21,  39,  40,  48,  60 
Guerriere:   British   frigate,   220,   223, 
242,  246,  247,  258,  259,  276,  277,  280 
Guerriere:  U.S.  frigate,  279;  descrip 
tion    of,    280-281;    mentioned,    282, 
298,  303;   accident  to  guns,  319 
Guiana,  British,   French,   and  Dutch, 

in  South  America:  61-66,  77 
Gunboat  No.  i:  U.S.  vessel,  119,  175 
Gunboat  No.  2:  U.S.  vessel,  175 
Gunboat  No.  6:  U.S.  vessel,  144,  199 
Gunboat  No.  7:  U.S.  vessel,  172,  188 
Gunboat  No.  8:  U.S.  vessel,  162 
Gunboat  Policy,  Jefferson's:  171,  204 
Gunboats:    Tripolitan,     99,     106-110, 
118,   123;  American,  in  Mediterra 
nean,    144-145,    147,    160,    165-166; 
numbers,    171-172;    at    New    York, 
188-190,     199;     abandonment,    200, 
201,    202 

Gun  Factory,  for  the  navy:  310 
Guns,  Naval:  of  "Insurgente,"  41, 
45;  of  "Constellation,"  45;  of 
"Maryland,"  53  ;  order  of  exercises, 
59-60;  of  "John  Adams,"  100;  of 
"Constitution,"  124;  of  gunboats, 
189;  of  "President,"  210;  of  "Bel- 
videra,"  250;  of  "Guerriere,"  281; 
manufacture  of,  310-111;  of  Old 
Navy,  313-314,  320;  accidents  to, 
27 


319;    improvement   of,   319-320;    of 
"North  Carolina,"   329 

HADJI  MOHAMMED:  follower  of  Tun 
isian  envoy,  168 

Hagar:  slave,  367,  375,  377 

Haiti:  island,   38 

Halifax:  Br.   naval  ship,   185,   187 

Halifax,  N.S:  216,  228,  237,  259,  263, 
273 

Hall,  Capt.  John:  of  marine  corps, 
193,  198 

Hamburg,  Germany:  25 

Hamet  Karamanli:  brother  of  pasha 
of  Tripoli,  104,  128-129,  141 

Hamilton:   slave,   367,   392 

Hamilton,   Alexander:   174 

Hamilton,  Paul:  secretary  of  the  navy, 
201,  203,  204;  new  naval  policy  of, 
211-213;  in  connection  with  Pres 
ident-Little-Belt  Affair,  219-220, 
227  note,  228,  230,  237-239,  241; 
orders,  244-250,  mentioned,  259 

Hammond,  Commodore  —  :  of  British 
navy,  143 

Hampstead  Hill  (Baltimore)  :  292, 
295,  296 

Hampton,   Va:   178,   183,   187 

Hampton  Roads,  Va:  36,  37,  49,  50, 
51,  101,  120,  184,  191,  196,  202,  211, 
215,  323,  332,  358 

Hamuda  Pasha:  see  Tunis 

Hannah:    slave,    367 

Haraden,   Lieut.    Nathaniel:    162 

Harford  County,  Md:  17,  18,  39,  83, 
173 

Harford  County  Committee:  16,  17 

Harford  County  Historical  Society:  n 

Harmony:  American  ship,  323 

Harmony:  vessel,  21-22 

Harris,  Dr.  Thomas:  323,  396 

Harrison,  Midshipman  Robert  M: 
death  of,  382,  383 

Harrisonburg,  Va:  Major  J.  R.  Meigs 
killed  at,  402 

Harwood,   Dr.   Nicholas:  130 

Havana,  Cuba:  36,  37,   38,  61 


420 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Havre,  France:  19,  68,  69 
Havre   de   Grace,   Md:   at   the  head 
of  the  Chesapeake,  and  residence  of 
the  Rodgers  family:  16,  18,  19,  82, 
83,  84,  85,  171,  173,  182,  188,  191, 
198,  201,  219,  220;  visited  by  Brit 
ish,  279-281,  283;   mentioned,  298, 
339>  358,  359,  364;  see  also  Lower 
Susquehanna  Falls 
Hayne,  Robert  Y:  friend  of  Rodgers, 

387 

Heap,  Dr.  S.  P:  consul  to  Tunis,  353 
Hellespont:  340,  341,  342,  346 
Henley,  Commodore  J.  D:  84,  317,  379 
Henley,  Eliza   (Denison) :  84,  379 
Henley,  Lieut.  Robert:  122 
Henry:  slave,  367,  369 
Hero:  American  ship,  323 
Hero:  British  naval  ship,  211 
High   Flyer:  British   naval   schooner, 

270,   275,   276 

Hillyar,  Admiral  Sir  James:  395 
Hillyar,   Lady:    395 
Hiram:  British  vessel,  257 
Hoffman,  Dr.  Richard  K:  323 
Hogue:   British   seventy- four,   265 
Hook,  William:  gunner,   193,  198 
Hopkins,  Commodore  Esek:  13,  31 
Hornet:  U.S.  brig,  165,  175,  247,  249, 

255,  257,  260,  263,  264,  313 
Hornet:  U.S.  sloop,  128,  129,  147,  160, 

166 

Hughes,  Col.  Samuel:  85,  89,  182 
Hughes,  Mrs.  Samuel:  85,  86,  89 
Hull,     Commodore     Isaac:     13;      in 
French   War,    33,    76;    in   Barbary 
Wars,  105,  108,  109,  128,  146,  160, 
162,    163 ;    on   Barron  court  of   in 
quiry,  192,  193 ;  off  Atlantic  coast, 
210,  2ii ;  in  War  of  1812,  244,  259, 
264,  274,  276,  280,  299;  navy  com 
missioner,    303,   304,   306;    trial   of, 
322;  mentioned,  390;  death,  403 
Hull,  Eng:  25 

Humphreys,  Joshua:  naval  construct 
or,  35,  "4,  315 


Humphreys,  Samuel:  naval  construc 
tor,  315 

Humphreys,  S.  P:  captain  of  British 
ship  "Leopard,"  185-187,  196 

Hunter,  Midshipman  Bushrod  W: 
narrow  escape  of,  382-383 

Huntress:  ship,   217 

Hutchinson,    George:    English    mate, 

"43 

Hutchinson,   Lieut.    George:   of   Brit 
ish  navy,  270 
Hyder  Ally:  vessel,  15 
Hydrographical    Office:    390 

IBRAHIM  PASHA:  aids  Turkish  Sultan, 

337 
Inclined  plane:  invented  by  Rodgers, 

389 
Independence:   U.S.   ship  of  the   line, 

314 

Indian   Chief:  brig,   250 
Indian   Head,    Md:   287,  289 
Insurgente:  Fr.  and  U.S.  frigate,  cap 
ture  of,  39-46;   movements  as  U.S. 
ship,  46-51,   62;    mentioned,   53,   71 
Intrepid:  U.S.  ketch,  118,  142;  see  al 
so   "Gheretti" 
Ireland,   Rev.   John:   83 
Iron  Works  of  John  Mason  (George 
town,  D.C.)  :  319 

Irving,  Washington:  author,  239,  305 
Irving,  William:  author,   305 
Isaac:    slave,    367,    369,    371 
Israel,  Lieut.  Joseph:  118,   142 
Izard,  Capt:  of  South  Carolina,  70 

JACK-O'-THE-LANTERN  :   vessel,   21 
Jackson,  Andrew;   president  of  U.S., 

360,  386,   389,  392 
Jackson,  F.  J:  British  minister,  217 
Jackson    Place    (Washington,    D.C.): 

362 

Jacob:    slave,    367 
Jamaica:  261,  269 
Jamaicamen:   248,   250,   256,  258 
Jane:  merchant  ship,  movements  un- 


INDEX 


421 


der    Capt.    John    Rodgers,    22-26; 
mentioned,    74 
Jansen,  Herman  Diedrich:  Norwegian 

merchant,   267 

Jarvis,  William:  consul,   126-127 
Jason:  Br.  frigate,  189 
Java:  Br.  frigate,  263,  264,  276 
Java:   U.S.   frigate,   279,   286 
Jean  and  Ann:  Br.  brig,  267 
Jebra:  Greek  polacre,  142,  143 
Jefferson,  Thomas:  71;  reduces  navy, 
73,    74;    management    of    Barbary 
Wars,  98,   105,   108,   113,   118,   154, 
156,    158,    164,    167,    168;    gunboat 
policy,  171,  204;  in  connection  with 
Chesapeake-Leopard      affair,      187, 
189;    approves  sentence   of  Barron, 
197;  embargo  policy,  198,  200;  de 
cline  of  navy  under,  202,  209;  hon 
ors  paid  to,  on  death,  354 
Jersey:  English  island,  256 
Jesup,   Gen.  Thomas   S:   330,   362 
Jim:  slave,   367 
John:  English  vessel,  257 
John   Adams:   U.S.    ship,    73;    arma 
ment  and  description,  100-101 ;   un 
der  Rodgers,  101-112;  under  Camp 
bell,  113;  mentioned,  119,  147,  160, 
200 

John  Adams:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  315 
Jonathan:  Br.  schooner,  273 
Johns  Hopkins  University:  n 
Johnson,  Louisa    (Adams)  :  381 
Johnson,  William  C:  married  Louisa 

Adams,  381 

Jones,  Capt.  Jacob:  194;  in  War  of 
1812,  244,  260,  276,  299;  character 
ization   of,   302 
Jones,   Capt.   John   Paul:   13,    31,  46, 

51,  97,  234 
Jones,    Capt.    Thomas    Ap    Catesby: 

319 

Jones,  Gen.  Walter:  330 
Jones,  William:  secretary  of  the  navy, 
264;   policy  in  War  of  1812,  276; 
defense  of  Washington,  283-289 
Juno:  vessel,  26 


Joyeuse,  Admiral  Villaret:  of  French 

navy,   77 
Juan  Fernandez:  island,  15 

KELLY,  WILLIAM:  senator  from  Ala 
bama,  331 

Kendall,  Amos:  auditor  in  treasury 
department,  392 

Khosrew:  Turkish  grand  admiral, 
328;  description  of,  340;  first  inter 
view  with,  341-346 ;  salute  to, 
348-349;  visits  flag-ship,  349;  visit 
returned)  349-350;  presents  from 
and  for,  350-351,  352,  372;  atten 
tions  paid  to,  351 

Kitty:  British  brig,  265 

LA  BAYONNAIZE:  Fr.  vessel,  26 
Lafayette:    French     general    in    Am. 
Revolution,   19;   conveyed   home  by 
"Brandywine,"     339;     kindness     to 
Americans,  357;  Rodgers's  toast  on, 
386 
Lafayette   Square  (Washington,  D.C)  : 

362,   363,   381,  385,   396 
Lafayette  Square  Theater:  364 
Lake  Champlain,  battle  of,  298 
La   Madona:   Greek   polacre,   142-143 
Lane-Poole,  Stanley:  139  note 
Launchings:  of   "  Guerriere,"  281;  of 

"  Columbus,"    316-317 
Lawrence,  Captain  James:  13,  33,  34; 
in    Mediterranean,    144,    145,    163; 
service  on  Atlantic  coast,  188,  189, 
190,  201,  210,  218,  220;  court  to  pre 
vent  dueling,  204;   torpedo  experi 
ments,  206;   in  War  of   1812,  244} 
247,  263,  276,  299 
Lazaretto,    the:   near   Baltimore,    292, 

295 

Lear,  B.  L:  lawyer,  77;  home  and  of 
fice  in  Washington,  379-380;  death 
from  cholera,  393-394;  tomb,  399 
Lear,  Frances  D.  (Henley):  76,  84; 
home  and  family  in  Washington, 
379-381 


422 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Lear,  Mary  (Long)  :  77 
Lear,  Tobias:  diplomatist^  early  life 
76-77;  services  in  Santo  Domingo, 
77-81;  assists  in  making  a  treaty 
with  Morocco,  113;  negotiates  trea 
ty  with  Tripoli,  121,  132-140;  ne 
gotiations  with  Tunis,  147,  150-158; 
consul  to  Algiers,  160,  161,  165; 
Rodgers  to,  176;  home  and  death, 
379-380;  tomb,  399 

Leclerc,  C.  V.  E:  French  general, 
operations  in  Santo  Domingo,  77- 
81,  86 

Leclerc,  Pauline    (Bonaparte) :  77 

Lee?    Midshipman   S.   P:   330 

Leopard:  British  naval  ship,  engage 
ment  with  "  Chesapeake,"  185-187, 
196,  197 

Levant:  93,  334,  336 

Lexington,   Ky:   318 

Library  of  Congress:  10 

Lion:  British  bark,  269 

Lisbon,  Spain:  enlisting  seamen  at, 
125-127,  265 

Little  Belt:  Br.  sloop  of  war,  209  note; 
engagement  with  "President,"  223- 
241 

Liverpool,  Eng:  25,  26,  27,  64^  202, 
216,  218 

Livingston,  Robert  R:  statesman,  206 

Lloyd's  Coffee-House   (London)  :  50 

Loire:  British  naval  ship,  272,  273 

London,  Eng:  25,  50,  64,  269,  395 

[London,  Eng.]   Times:  209  note 

Longfellow,  Henry  Wadsworth:  84, 
"8,  373 

Long  Island:   199 

Long  Island  Sound:  264 

L'Orient    France:  21,  45 

Lossing,  B.  J:  270  note 

Loudenslager's  Hill:  see  Hampstead 
Hill 

Louisiana:  state,  77 

Lower  Susquehanna  Ferry,  Md:  16, 
17,  18,  19;  see  also  Havre  de  Grace 

Ludlow,  Lieut.  Charles:  34,  194,  201; 


executive  officer  of  "  President,"  210, 
235 
Lynnhaven  Bay,  Va:  185,  187 

MACDONOUGH,  COMMODORE  JAMES:  13, 
33,  39,  42,  84;  in  War  of  1812,  244, 
274,  298,  299;  characterization  of, 
302 ;  commands  "  Constitution,"  329, 
333;  difficulty  with  Rodgers,  333- 
334;  illness  and  death,  339,  403; 
pallbearer  at  Decatur's  funeral,  385 

Macedonian:  frigate  captured  from 
the  British,  263,  264,  276 

Mackenzie,  Lieut.  Alexander  Seidell: 
332;  Hear  in  Spain,  333  note 

Mackerel:  British  naval  vessel,  248 

McLean^  John:  postmaster-general, 
33° 

McNeill,  Capt.  Daniel:  61,  62,  63,  75, 
114 

Macomb,  Alexander:  commander-in- 
chief  U.S.  army,  362,  364,  399 

Macomb,  Ann  Minerva  Rodgers 
(Mrs.  J.  N.):  364,  395,  403;  ac 
count  of  girlhood  in  Washington, 
368-382 

Macomb,  Augustus  C:  major  U.S. 
army,  403 

Macomb,  J.  N:  colonel  U.S.  army, 
364,  402 

Macomb^  Montgomery  Meigs:  colonel 
U.S.  army,  403 

M'Connico,  A.  J:  of  Norfolk,  193 

Macon's  Bill  No.  10:  209 

Madeiras,  the:  217,  257 

Madison,  James:  president  of  U.S.  18, 
1 68;  in  connection  with  President- 
Little  Belt  affair,  209,  230,  238, 
241 ;  views  respecting  first  cruise 
of  "  President,"  258 ;  flight  from 
Washington,  285;  work  in  reor 
ganizing  navy  department,  300,  301, 
303,  305,  309;  mentioned^  314,  360, 
387 

Madison,   Mrs.  James:  314 

Madison  Place  (Washington)  :  363 


INDEX 


423 


Mahamed  Dghias:  Tripolitan  official, 

107 
Mahan,    Rear-admiral    A.    T:    246; 

From  Sail  to  Steam,  quoted,  277  and 

note 

Malaga,    Spain:    101,    in,   334 
Malta:   island   of,   98,    101,   102,   103, 

105,   106,    108,    no,    in,    117,    121, 

124,  125,    127,    129,    130,    132,    134, 
135,    137,   140,    141,    142,    146,    147, 
163,   165,   353 

Mamelukes:   128,   141 

Maria:  Br.  vessel,  265 

Maria:  slave,   367 

Maria:  vessel,   26 

Marines  and  marine  corps:  54,  56,  59, 

125,  163,    176,    178,    193,    197,   225, 
228,   239;    at   Philadelphia,   Wash 
ington,    and    Baltimore,    282,    284, 
285,   287,   289,   290,   292,  297,  298; 
mentioned,    330,    362,    398 

Marseilles,   France:   353 
Martha's  Vineyard:  263 
Martinique:  island,  66,  67 
Maryland:  merchant  ship,  21 
Maryland:   state,    16,   17,   31,   33,   39, 

55,  73,  83 

Maryland:  U.S.  ship,  description,  53- 
55;  rules  on  board  of,  55-60;  move 
ments  in  French  War,  61-72 
Maryland  Association  of  Freemen:  17 
Maryland    Historical    Society:    n 
Maryland  Provincial   Convention:  16 
Mason,  John:  general  U.S.  army,  330 
Mason,  John:  maker  of  guns,  319 
Massachusetts:  state,  33,  82,  264 
Massachusetts,  legislature  of:  263 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Pro 
ceedings:  303  note 
Matanzas,    Cuba:   38 
Material,    Naval:   effect    of    War    of 

1812   on,   299-300 

Mavrocordato,  Prince  Alexander:  sec 
retary  of  state  of  Greek  republic, 
337 

Meade,  Lieut.  John:  of  Br.  navy,  185, 
186 


Mediterranean  Squadron:  general  du 
ties,  97-99;  under  Dale,  97;  under 
R.  V.  Morris,  100-114;  under  Pre- 
ble,  117-118;  under  S.  Barron,  119- 
136;  under  Rodgers,  137-166;  un 
der  Campbell,  165,  187;  J.  Barron 
appointed  to  command,  183;  com 
manders  after  War  of  1812,  327, 
329;  choice  of  Rodgers  to  com 
mand,  327-329;  fitting  out  of  flag 
ship,  329-332;  arrival  of  flag-ship, 
332-333;  ships,  333;  first  voyage  up 
Mediterranean,  334-337;  visit  to 
Greece,  337-338;  in  winter-quar 
ters,  339,  352-353;  visit  to  Smyrna 
and  Turkish  fleet,  339-352;  visit  to 
Tunis,  353  ;  general  condition,  353- 
357;  return  of  flag-ship,  358 
Medura:  French  frigate,  272 
Meigs,  John  Rodgers:  major  U.S. 

army,  402 

Meigs,  Louisa  (Rodgers)  :  364,  381 
Meigs,   Montgomery  C:  general  U.S. 

army,  364,  402 

Melampus:  Br.   frigate,   184,  187 
Mellimelni    Sulliman:    Tunisian    am 
bassador,  158-159;  in  America,  164, 
167-168 

Melos:  island  of,  340 
Merchant   Service:   in   1786-1797,   20- 
29;     naval    officers    in,    32-33;    to 
Santo  Domingo,  76,  78-82;   protec 
tion   of,   211 
Meridian   Hill    (Washington,    D.C.)  : 

362 
Meshouda:  Tripolitan  vessel,  101,  106, 

in,   113,   114 

Messina:  no,  in,  143,  160,  334 
Metcalf,   Victor  H:   secretary  of   the 

navy,   10 

Mexico,  Gulf  of:  215 
Middletown,   Conn:   171,   188 
Midshipmen  of  the  Old   Navy:  312- 
313;     applications    for    promotions, 
320-321 ;  in  the  Mediterranean,  328- 
329,   354 
Minorca:  island,  101 


424 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Mirboka:  Moroccan  cruiser,  112,  113, 

114 

Mona  Passage,  West  Indies:  272 
Monroe,    James:    president    of    U.S: 

316,  324,  325,  328,  331,  360,  387 
Montauk  Point,  N.Y:  215 
Montezuma:  vessel,  25 
Montreal:  ship,   395 
Montserrat:    island,    40 
Morea,  Greece:  337,  338 
Moreau,   J.   V:   French   general,   205- 

206,   250 
Morgan,  Captain  C.  W:  203,  204;  in 

War  of  1812,  268,  281,  282,  283 ;  in 

Mediterranean,  303,  330,  333 
Morier,  J.  P:  British  minister,  217 
Morocco:  state   and  emperor,   93,   98, 

99,    101,    106;    blockade,    112-114; 

treaty,    113-114,    169;    visited,    121, 

125 
Morphew,  Master  Joseph:  of  British 

navy,  261 
Morris,     Charles:     commodore     U.S. 

navy,  299  ;  characterization  of,  302 ; 

navy  commissioner,   303,  306,   389; 

mentioned,  322,  330,  339 
Morris,    Gouverneur:    statesman,    100 
Morris,  Lewis:  statesman,   100 
Morris,  R.  V:  commodore  U.S.  navy, 

75,    169;   early  services,   100;   com 
mands      Mediterranean      squadron, 

loo-ui;    removal,    m;    return    to 

U.S.,  112;  trial  and  dismissal,  114- 

"5 

Moselle:  Br.   naval  brig,  214,   215 
Mount  Etna,   Sicily:   146 
Mount     Pleasant:     near     Havre     de 

Grace,  Md.,   89 
Mount  Vernon,  Va:  287,  379 
Mullowny,   Capt.   John:  51 
Murray,    Commodore   Alexander:    51, 

74,  75  ;  in  Mediterranean,  100,  101 ; 

naval   rank,   115;    on  Barren  court 

of    enquiry,    192,    193;    mentioned, 

243,  281,  299,  324 

Murray,     W.     V:    American    envoy, 
70 


Mytilene:  island  of,  346,  347;  gov 
ernor  of,  347-348 

NANTASKET  ROADS:  near  Boston,  257 

Nantucket  Shoals:  215,  216,  250,  251, 
270 

Naples,  city  and  government:  no, 
in,  133,  160,  162 

Napoli  de  Romania,  Greece:  visit  of 
Rodgers  to  337-338;  American 
killed  at,  357 

Narragansett  Bay:  271,   309,   392 

Naseby:  battle,  82 

National  Intelligencer  (Washington)  : 
80,  176,  289,  316,  324,  394 

Nautilus:  U.S.  schooner,  in,  127, 
128,  129,  147,  148,  155,  160,  166,  259 

Naval  Academy:  310,  391 

Naval  Administration:  effect  on,  of 
wars,  300 

Naval  Asylum:  at  Philadelphia,  390, 
393 

Naval    Chronicle    (London)  :   49 

Naval   Hospitals:   202,   310,   311,   390 

Naval   Observatory:   390 

Naval  Ordnance:  see  guns 

Naval   Stations:    309 

Navarin,   Greece:  337,   338 

Navy:  Continental,  13,  31,  32,  33,  76, 
314;  First  Steam,  13;  New,  13; 
Old — Rodgers's  relation  to  and 
place  in,  9,  14,  399;  mentioned,  13, 
32;  material  of,  31,  33;  personnel 
or>  3J-33>  74-76;  pay  and  rations, 
34;  rules  and  regulations,  35-36, 
55-60,  311-313  ;  effect  on,  of  Tripoli- 
tan  War,  169;  midshipmen  of,  312- 
313;  guns  of,  313-314,  320;  ships, 
3*3-3*7 >  customs  and  employment 
of,  317,  353-357 

Navy  Commissioners,  Board  of:  202; 
establishment  and  organization, 
300-301,  303,  306;  office  of,  305, 
392;  qualifications  of  captains,  301- 
303 ;  members,  306,  360,  389,  394, 
398-399;  differences  with  presi 
dent,  306-309;  work  of,  309-311, 


INDEX 


425 


325;  navy  rules  of,  311-313;  build 
ing  ships,  3I3"3I7;  buying  supplies, 
317-318;  improving  ordnance,  319- 
320;  duties  respecting  naval  per 
sonnel,  320-322;  building  dry  docks, 
389-390;  increase  of  work,  390; 
building  steamships,  390-391 ;  views 
on  naval  academy,  391 ;  tours  of  in 
spection,  391-392 
Navy-yards:  309-310,  316;  see  also 

names  of  yards 
Nelly:  schooner,  76,  80-8 1 
New  Bedford,  Mass:  199 
Newburyport,   Mass:  26,   199 
Newcastle,   Del:   281,   283,   284,   298, 

303 

Newcastle,  Eng:  256 
Newcomb,  Lieut.  H.  S:  263,  268,  287, 

288,  290,  292,  294,  295 
Newfoundland:  265,  266 
New  Jersey:  state,  33,  199,  203 
New  London,  Conn:  83,  202,  218,  219, 

264 
New  Orleans,  La:  171,  188,  200,  210, 

214 
New  Orleans:  U.S.   ship  of  the  line, 

3i4 
Newport,  R.  I:  171,  188,  199,  202,  215, 

218,  219,  242,  246,  270,  271 
Neversink,   N.J:  217 
Nevis:   island,  40 
New  York:  city,  18,  26,  171,  184,  188, 

189,    190,    191,   198,    199,   201,   202, 

210,     211,     2l6,     217,     219,     22O,     228, 

231,  244,  245,  246,  249,  264,  279, 
284,  290,  303,  315,  322,  323,  352, 

390,  392,   395 
New  York:  state,  31,  33 
New  York:  U.S.  frigate,  73,  100-102, 

105-107,   in,   112,   163,   202 
New  York:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314 
New  York  Harbor:  199,  206,  239,  247 
New  York  Herald:  223  note 
New  York,  mayor  of:   190-191 
New  York  Navy-yard:  189,  203 
New  Providence,   Nassau:  216 
Nicholson,   Commodore  James:  31 


Nicholson,    Commodore    Samuel:    31, 
32,   34,   38,   74,   75,    "4,    "5,   »93 ; 
death  of,  243 
Nicholson,  Master-commandant  J.  B: 

333 

Niles,  Hezekiah:  editor,  296 
Niles's  Weekly  Register:  280  note,  296 
Nissen,    Nicholas    C:   Danish    consul, 

107,  137 

Nonesuch:  U.S.  schooner,  329 
Nonintercourse  Act  of  1809:  200,  209 
Norfolk:  U.S.  brig,  38,  40,  61 
Norfolk,  Va:  26,  49,  53,  61,  181,  187, 
188,    192,   195,   198,   210,   217,   264, 
322,  329,  330,  390 
Norfolk   Navy-yard:   382-383 
North    Atlantic    Station:    of    British 

navy,  258,  277 
North   Cape,   Norway:  267 
North    Carolina:   state,    83;    comment 
on  President-Little   Belt  fight,  231- 
232 

North  Carolina:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line, 
314;  description  of,  329-330;  offi 
cers,  330;  practice  cruise,  331-332; 
voyage  and  arrival  in  Mediterra 
nean,  332-333;  visit  to  Mediterra 
nean  ports,  334-339,  371;  in  winter- 
quarters,  339;  visit  to  Smyrna  and 
Turkish  fleet,  339-351,  372;  visit  to 
Xoulon  and  Tunis,  353;  life  on 
board,  353-357;  return  to  America, 
358 
North  Point,  Md:  battle  at,  293,  295, 

296 

North  Sea:  27,  271 
Norton,    George:    merchant,    318 
Norway:   "President's"   visit   to,   266- 

269 

Norwich,  Conn:  83 
Nymph:   French   frigate,   272 
Nymph:   British  frigate,  260,   265 

O'BANNON,  LIEUT.  P.  N:  128,  141 
O'Brien,   Richard:   consul,    104-105 
Oceana:  Spanish  ship,   218 
Offley,  David  W:  American  consul  to 


426 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Smyrna,    336,    337,    340,    344,    347, 

348,   352 

Ohio:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314,  315 
Ontario:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  329,  333, 

338,    339,   340,    34i,    352 
O'Reilly,    Miles:   quoted,   402 
Orkney    Islands:    267 
Osborn,  Lieut.   W.   S:  of  the   marine 

corps,  163 
Our  Navy:  poem  of  War  of  1812,  275 

PACIFIC  SQUADRON:  established,  327 

Paine,  Thomas:  freethinker,  70-71 

Paris,  France:  68,  69 

Park  Theater   (New  York  City):  274 

Parnell,  Charles  Stewart:  Irish  states 
man,  382 

Parnell,  Delia  (Stewart)  :  mother  of 
Charles  Stewart  Parnell,  382 

Paros,  island  of:  incident  of  the  Turk 
ish  women,  335-336,  340 

Passamaquoddy  Bay:   199,  211 

Patapsco  Neck,  Md:  291,  292,  293 

Patapsco  River,  Md:  68;  British  op 
erations  on,  285,  291-295 

Patterson,  Capt.  D.  T:  191,  330,  350, 
389,  398 

Patterson  Park  (Baltimore)  :  292 

Patuxent  River:  21;  British  opera 
tions  on,  282-285 

Paulding,  James  K.  (author  and  naval 
official):  accounts  of  life,  305;  let 
ters  to  Rodgers,  358,  359-360;  de 
scribes  Washington,  361 ;  describes 
Porter's  house,  362;  home,  364;  or 
ders  on  death  of  Rodgers,  397-398 

Paulding,   John:   patriot,    305 

Paulding,   William:   239 

Paulina:  Barbary  polacre,  103-104 

Pawtucket,  R.I:  271 

Peabody  Institute:   n 

Peacock:  British  naval  vessel,  276 

Peacock:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  313,  315 

Peck,   Midshipman  P.  P:  128 

Pelican:  British  sloop  of  war,  290 

Pennants,  Naval:  245 

Pennsylvania:  state,   31,  33 


Pennsylvania:   U.S.   ship   of  the   line, 

314,  3i5 

Pennsylvania  Avenue  (Washington, 
D.C.) :  363,  380 

Pennsylvania  militia,  first  brigade  of: 
attends  Rodgers's  funeral,  397 

Penrose,  Isaac:  17 

Pensacola,  Fla:  naval  hospital  at,  390 

Perry,  M.  C :  commodore  U.S.  navy, 
18;  officer  on  "President"  1811,  210, 
220,  235;  in  War  of  1812,  252,  257, 
262,  266,  269 ;  in  Mediterranean, 
330,  342,  345,  346,  348,  350 

Perry,  O.H:  commodore  U.S.  navy, 
J3>  33,  34!  in  Mediterranean,  163; 
in  command  of  gunboats,  188,  189, 
191;  in  command  of  Argus,  201; 
plan  to  prevent  dueling,  204;  in 
command  of  "Revenge,"  218,  219; 
services  in  War  of  1812,  244,  274, 
286,  287,  290,  295,  299 ;  characteri 
zation  of,  302 ;  death,  403 

Perry,   R.    C:   captain    U.S.   navy,    32 

Perry,  R.  H.  J:  lieutenant  U.S.  navy, 

210,    268,    322 

Personnel,    Naval:   effect   of   War   of 

1812   on,  299 
Philadelphia,  Pa:  18,  39,  83,  84,  202, 

256,    260,    281,    282,   284,    298,    303, 

315,  390,    396 

Philadelphia:  U.S.  frigate,  73,  112, 
117,  118,  138,  140,  142;  several  offi 
cers  of,  conveyed  home  on  the  "Pres 
ident,"  146 

Philadelphia  Navy-yard:  392,  397 
Phillips,   Capt.   Isaac:   36,   38 
Pichegru,  Charles:  French  general,  206 
Pilgrim:  schooner,  21 
Pillsbury,  Rear-admiral  John  E:  10 
Pinkney,  Edward  Coate:  403 
Pinkney,   Maria  Ann    (Rodgers)  :   18, 

403 
Pinkney,  Miss  —  :  sister  of  William 

Pinkney,   115 

Pinkney,  Mrs.  William:  279 
Pinkney,  William:  jurist,  18,  314,  399, 
403 


INDEX 


427 


Piracy:  in  West  Indies,  315,  317,  322; 
in  Grecian  Archipelago,  327 

Plymouth,   Eng:   395 

Poe,   Edgar   Allan:   403 

Poictiers:  British  seventy- four,  263 

Polk,  Dr.  G.  W.  M.  R:  55 

Polyanthos   (Boston)  :  243  note 

Pomona:  schooner,   81-82 

Porpoise:  U.S.  schooner,  339,  340, 
34i,  345,  353 

Port  au  Prince,  Haiti:  358 

Port  Mahon,  Minorca:  339,  352,   353 

Porter,  David:  captain  in  the  mer 
chant  service,  29 

Porter,  David:  commodore  U.S.  navy, 
13,  29,  33,  76;  in  French  War,  39, 
45,  46,  47;  in  Tripolitan  War,  105, 
107,  130,  142,  160,  162,  163,  165; 
member  of  Barren  court,  194;  in 
War  of  1812,  244,  247,  259,  263, 
276,  284-290,  299,  321;  navy  com 
missioner,  302,  303,  304,  306,  314; 
in  West  Indies,  322-323 ;  in  con 
nection  with  offer  of  secretaryship 
to  Rodgers,  324;  residence,  362; 
in  connection  with  Decatur  duel, 
385;  death,  403 

Porter,  David  D:  admiral  U.S.  navy, 
13,  29,  312 

Portland,  Me:  171,  188 

Porto  Rico:   38,  272 

Portsmouth,   Eng:  395 

Portsmouth,   N.H:  76 

Portsmouth:  U.S.  ship,  61,  62 

Portsmouth    Navy-yard:    392 

Potomac:  U.S.  frigate,  315,  389 

Potomac  Fire  Insurance  Company 
(Washington,  D.C.):  386 

Potomac  River:  in  connection  with 
British  invasion,  282,  285-289; 
mentioned,  331,  360,  363;  Eastern 
Branch  of,  119,  363,  398 

Pouler's  Hook,   N.Y:  218 

Poulson,  Zachariah:  editor,   69   note 

Powhatan:    American    ship,    250 

Preble,  Commodore  Edward:  13,  33, 
51,  75 ;  operations  against  Morocco, 


111-114;  operations  against  Tripoli, 
117-118;  mentioned,  121,  124,  142, 
144,  161,  169,  171,  188,  192,  244 

Preble   Papers:   101    note 

President:  U.S.  frigate,  31,  73,  97, 
119,  121,  127,  130,  146,  175,  200, 
206;  officers  in  1810,  210;  descrip 
tion  of,  210-211;  movements  1810- 

1811,  211,   215-228,  241-242;   affair 
with  "Little  Belt,"  221-241;  in  1811- 

1812,  246-247;  first  cruise,  247-259, 
319;    second    cruise,    260-262;     re 
fitted,    263 ;    third   cruise,    264-271 ; 
fourth   cruise,   272-274;    resume   of 
services,  275-277;   refitting  at  New 
York,  279 

President-Little  Belt  Affair:  10,  219, 
241,  243 

President  of  the  United  States:  see 
J.  Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Mon 
roe,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Jackson,  and 
Van  Buren 

Preston,  W.   W:   note   17 

Prevost,  Gen.  A.   M:   397 

Prince   Rupert's   Bay:    38 

Princess   Ann,   Md:   55 

Pringle,  Mark:  merchant,  85,  279,  280 

Prometheus:  U.S.  brig,  298 

Promotions,    Naval:    310 

Providence,  R.I:  216,  271,  392 

Public  Advertiser  (New  York)  :  news 
paper,  190 

Purviance,   John:  of  Baltimore,  70 

RAGGED  POINT:  in  Potomac  River,  331 
Raleigh,  Sir  Walter:  bust  of,  331 
Ramage,    James:    sailing-master   U.S. 

navy,  287 

Ramillies:  Br.  naval  ship,  272 
Ramsey,    Capt.  —  :    of    Washington, 

D.C:   379 
Randall,  Major  —  :     at     defense     of 

Baltimore,   295 

Randolph,  John:  statesman,  174 
Ranger:  schooner,  64 
Rank,    Naval:   310,   324-325 
Rapp,  Lieut.  Henry  B:  268 


428 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Raritan:  U.S.   frigate,  315 

Read,  Capt.  G.  C:  339 

Rebecca:  vessel,  25 

Redick,  Midshipman  David:  203 

Reedy  Island:  in  the   Delaware,   284 

Reforms,    Naval:   202-203,    300,    309- 

3" 

Renshaw,  Lieut.  James:  130,  199 
Republican  Party  (1800-1820) :  73,  299 
Retaliation:  U.S.  schooner,  38,  39 
Revanche  du  Cerf:  French  privateer, 

215 
Revenge:    U.S.    schooner,     199,    210, 

215,  216,  218,  219 
Reynolds,    Margaret:    16 
Reynolds,  Thomas:   16 
Rhind,  Charles:  diplomat,  352 
Rhode  Island:  state,   33 
Richmond:    U.S.    brigantine,    38,    40, 

119 
Richmond,  Va:     U.S.     district     court 

at,    215 

Ridgely,  Dr.  John:  130,   140 
Ridgely,  Lieut.  C.  L:  143 
Roach,  Midshipman  James:  145 
Robinson,    Lieut.    Thomas:    128,    144, 

156 

Rock  Island,  111:  403 
Rodgers:  family  of,  14-18,  402-403 
Rodgers,    Alexander:   poet,    15 
Rodgers,  Alexander:  son  of  Col.  John 

Rodgers,  18,  86,  91 
Rodgers,  Augustus  Frederick:  of  U.S. 

coast   survey,   364,  403 
Rodgers,    C.   R.   P:   commander   U.S. 

navy,  402 
Rodgers,  C.  R.  P:  rear-admiral  U.S. 

navy,  403 

Rodgers,  Elizabeth   (the  elder)  :  18 
Rodgers,    Elizabeth     (the    younger) : 

364 

Rodgers,  Elizabeth  (Reynolds) :  16,  18 
Rodgers,  Frederick:  midshipman  U.S. 

navy,    279,    330,    364,    378;    heroic 

death  of,  382-384;  tomb  of,  398 
Rodgers,  Frederick:  rear-admiral  U.S. 

navy,  10,  84,  402 


Rodgers,  G.  W:  commander  U.S. 
navy,  402 

Rodgers,  G.  W:  commodore  U.S. 
navy,  18,  119,  164,  263,  403 

Rodgers,  Henry:  lieutenant  U.S.  navy, 
364,  3?o 

Rodgers,  Jerusha   C:   364 

Rodgers,  John:  colonel  Revolutionary 
War:  16-18,  20 

Rodgers,  John:  commodore  U.S.  navy, 
place  in  naval  history,  9,  14;  fam 
ily,  14-18 ;  youth  and  early  sea  ser 
vice,  19-29  ;  lieutenant  on  "  Constel 
lation,"  33-46;  captain  of  "Insur- 
gente,"  46-47 ;  promoted  captain,  50- 
51;  captain  of  "Maryland,"  53-72; 
retired  from  navy,  74-75 ;  experi 
ences  at  Santo  Domingo,  76-82; 
courtship,  82-85,  9J>  115>  command 
er  of  "John  Adams"  and  "  New 
York,"  100-113;  aids  Morris  at 
Tunis,  103-104;  blockades  Tripoli, 
105-110,  121-124,  129-130;  succeeds 
Morris,  in;  aids  in  negotiating 
Moroccan  treaty,  112-113;  resume 
of  Mediterranean  services,  114; 
building  a  gunboat,  119;  com 
mands  "Congress,"  120-124;  com 
mands  "Constitution,"  124-130; 
opinion  as  to  attack  of  Tripoli,  130- 
131;  succeeds  S.  Barron,  131-136; 
assists  in  making  treaty  with  Trip 
oli,  137-141 ;  visits  Tunis,  141,  147- 
159;  miscellaneous  duties  in  Medi 
terranean,  141-146,  159-165;  re 
turns  to  America,  165-166;  resume 
of  Mediterranean  services,  166,  168- 
169;  building  gunboats,  171-172, 
199;  personal  appearance,  172; 
marriage,  172-173  ;  saves  life  of  ne- 
gress,  173-174;  proposed  duel,  174- 
183;  commands  New  York  flotilla, 
188-191,  198-204;  visits  family,  191, 
198 ;  president  of  Barron  court  mar 
tial,  193-198;  president  of  Tingey 
court  of  enquiry,  201 ;  president  of 
frigate  board,  202;  promotes  naval 


INDEX 


429 


reforms,  202-203 »  connection  with 
Fulton,  204-207 ;  at  sea,  209 ;  as 
sists  in  making  new  navy  arrange 
ments,  209-210;  commander  of 
northern  division  of  ships,  210-211, 
213-215;  captures  a  privateer,  215; 
cruising,  216-219,  241-242;  engage 
ment  with  "Little  Belt,"  220-237; 
courts  of  enquiry  on,  229,  230,  237- 
241 ;  naval  renown,  243  ;  preparing 
for  war,  244-247;  first  cruise  and 
engagement  with  "  Belvidera,"  247- 
259;  shore  duties,  259,  263-264;  sec 
ond  cruise,  259-263 ;  third  cruise, 
264-272 ;  fourth  cruise,  272-273 ; 
honors,  274-275 ;  resume  and  com 
parison  of  services,  275-277;  visits 
family,  279,  280;  shore  duties  at 
Philadelphia,  280-298;  at  Baltimore, 
284-286,  289-298;  at  Washington, 
286-289;  offered  secretaryship  of 
the  navy,  300,  324;  first  term  as 
navy  commissioner,  301-322,  325; 
president  of  Hull  court  of  enquiry, 
322;  mission  to  Key  West,  322-323; 
becomes  senior  naval  officer,  324- 
325 ;  secretary  of  the  navy  ad  in 
terim,  326;  appointed  to  command 
Mediterranean  squadron,  327-329; 
dinners  at  Washington  and  Nor 
folk,  330-331;  a  practice  cruise, 
331-332;  arrives  at  Gibraltar,  332- 
333;  difficulty  with  Macdonough, 
333-3341  visits  Napoli  de  Romania 
and  other  ports,  334-339;  returns  to 
Smyrna,  339-340;  relations  with 
Turkish  grand  admiral,  340-352; 
visits  Tunis  and  other  ports,  352- 
353;  management  of  squadron,  354- 
357;  troubles  with  adventurers,  357- 
358;  returns  home,  358;  choice  of 
shore  stations,  359-360;  second  term 
as  navy  commissioner,  360,  389-392; 
homes,  family,  and  friends  in  Wash 
ington,  362-382;  loss  of  a  son,  382- 
383;  part  in  Decatur  duel,  384-385; 
commercial  ventures,  386;  station 


in  society  and  civil  life,  392-393 ; 
ill  health,  393-394;  resigns  com- 
missionership,  394-395;  trip  abroad, 
395-396;  death  and  burial,  396-398; 
tomb,  398-399;  character,  399-402; 
military  services  of  family,  402-403  ; 
death  of  naval  associates,  403-404 

Rodgers,  John:  rear-admiral  U.S. 
navy,  13,  279,  364,  378,  379,  402, 
403 

Rodgers,  John  A:  rear-admiral  U.S. 
navy,  402 

Rodgers,  J.  H:  son  of  Commodore 
John  Rodgers,  191 

Rodgers,  Minerva  (Denison)  :  wife  of 
Commodore  John  Rodgers,  82 ;  girl 
hood,  84-91;  engagement,  115;  mar 
riage,  172-173 ;  eldest  son,  191 ; 
mentioned,  286;  life  at  Washington, 
368,  372-376;  death  of  son,  382- 
383;  attends  husband  in  illness,  394, 
396;  epitaph,  398;  member  of  St. 
John's  church,  399;  death,  403 

Rodgers,  Raymond  P:  captain  in 
U.S.  navy,  403 

Rodgers,  Richard:  midshipman  U.S. 
navy,  203-204 

Rodgers,  R.  S:  colonel  Civil  War,  74, 
279,  364,  378,  402 

Rodgers,  R.  S:  lawyer,  Kansas  City, 
10,  1 8  note 

Rodgers,    Sarah    (Perry)  :   402 

Rodgers,  Thomas  R:  doctor,  18 

Rodgers,  Walter:  midshipman  U.S. 
navy,  229-230 

Rodgers,  William  L:  commander  U.S. 
navy,  402 

Rodgers,  William  Pinkney:  lawyer, 
364,  370 

Rodgers  and  Decatur:  poem,  232-233 

Rodgers  and  the  Little  Belt:  poem,  234 

Rodgers  Papers:  10,  101  note,  149 
note,  209  note,  227  note,  351  note 

Rodgers's  Bastion    (Baltimore)  :  292 

Rodman,  Samuel:  sailing-master  U.S. 
navy,  290,  292,  295 

Roger:  bishop  of  St.  Andrews,  15 


430 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Roger:   family  of,   14-16 

Rogers,   Capt.  Josias:   15 

Rogers,   Capt.   Woodes:   15 

Rogers,   Friar   John:    15 

Rogers,  Thomas:  15 

Rope  walk:  founded  at  Boston  navy- 
yard,  390 

Rose:  ship,  202 

Ross,  Gen.  Robert:  British  army  offi 
cer,  284,  285,  295 

Rules  and  regulations  of  the  navy: 
early,  311;  of  navy  commissioners, 
3H-3I3 

Rutter,  Lieut.  Solomon:  290,  292,  295 

SABINE:  U.S.  frigate,  315 

St.  Augustine,  Fla:  272 

St.   Dominica:  island,  38 

St.    Helena:    island,   261 

St.  Johns  Episcopal  Church  (Wash 
ington,  D.C.):  381;  Rodgers's  at 
tendance  at,  399 

St.  Kitts:  island,  26,  38,  40,  47,  48,  49, 
50,  60,  63,  69,  269 

St.  Lucia:  island,  26 

St.   Miguel:  Russian  ship,  142 

St.  Petersburg,  Russia:  244 

St.  Thomas:  island,  67,  68 

Salle,   Morocco:   121 

Sally:  slave,  367 

Sampson,  Rear-admiral  W.  T:  14 

Sands,  Midshipman  Joshua  R:  321 

Sandy  Hook,  N.Y:  202,  216,  218,  219, 
228,  245,  246,  247,  250,  273 

Sandy  Hook  Bay:  247,  249 

Santee:   U.S.   frigate,   315 

Santo  Domingo:  island,  21,  38,  61, 
76-82,  86 

Savannah,  Ga:  83 

Savannah:  U.S.  frigate,  315 

Sawyer,  Rear-admiral  Herbert:  of 
British  navy,  235,  258 

Schuyler,  Midshipman  P.  P:  203 

Scott,  Fortune:  slave,  367;  capture  and 
escape,  375-377 

Scott,  Maria  D.  (Mayo)  :  wife  of 
Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  382 


Scourge:     American    privateer,     267, 

268 

Sea  Horse:  British  frigate,  270 
Seamen,  Naval:  53,  54,  120,  143,  184, 

187;   regulations  respecting,  57-59; 

enlisting    at    Lisbon,     125-127;     in 

War  of   1812,  248-249,  290-291 
Secretary  of  the  navy:  300-301,   320; 

see  also  names  of  Secretaries  Stod- 

dert,    R.    Smith,    P.    Hamilton,    W. 

Jones,  Crowninshield,  Southard,  and 

Woodbury 
Secretary    of    the    Navy    ad    interim: 

Rodgers   serves   as,   325 
Self  ridge,    Midshipman    Thomas    O: 

330 

Selkirk,  Alexander:  15 
Serapis:   Continental   prize  vessel,  46 
Seton,   Lieut.   Henry:   55 
Seward,     William    H:    secretary    of 

state,    364 

Shannon:  Br.  brig,  269 
Shannon:  Br.  frigate,  264-265,  271 
Shaw,  Capt.  John:  147,  194,  244,  302 
Shetland  Islands:  266 
Shirley,  Ambrose:  sailing-master,  39 
Shubrick,  Capt.  William  H:  397 
Sicilies,  King  of  Two:  in,  118,  143 
Sickles-Key   affair:   364 
Signal  System:  in  War  of  1812,  244- 

245 

Simpson,  James:  consul,  113 
Sinclair,    Capt.   Arthur:   39,   247 
Sion  Hill:  home  of  the  Denison  fam 
ily,  84,  85,   91,   115,   172,  173,   191, 

374 
Siren:  U.S.  vessel,  125,  127,  147,  160, 

166,  201 
Slavery:    in    West   Indies,    64-65;    in 

Barbary,     93-94;     in    Washington, 

D.C.,   367-368,  375-377 
Slave  Trade:  suppression  of,  by  navy, 

3i7 
Slidell,  Midshipman  W.  J:  death  of, 

38a 
Smith,  Benjamin:  Lieutenant  U.S. 

navy,  191,  192 


INDEX 


43i 


Smith,  John:  Baltimore  merchant,  21, 

74 
Smith,  John:  captain  U.S.  navy,  117, 

127,  160,  244,  247,  264,  265,  276 
Smith,  Joseph:  midshipman  U.S.  navy, 

210 
Smith,  Robert:  secretary  of  the  navy} 

73,  74,  75,  108,  in,  184,  193,  296 
Smith,   Samuel:  senator  and   general, 

21,  73 ;   defense  of  Baltimore,  290, 

296,  297,  298 
Smith   Sidney:    lieutenant   U.S.   navy, 

192 
Smyrna,  Asia  Minor:  American  trade 

with;  327;  squadron  visits,  336-337, 

339-340 

Snap:  Br.  naval  brig,  218 
Somers,  Lieut.  Richard:  in,  118,  142 
Somerset  County,   Md:  55 
Southard,  Samuel  L:  secretary  of  the 

navy,  325,  328,  330,  331,  338,  358, 

359 
South  Sea  exploring  expedition:  319, 

390 

Spanish:  Baltimore  trade  with,   25 
Spanish  Main:  64 
Spark:   U.S.   ship,   321 
Spence,     Master-commandant     Robert 

T:  290 

Spezzia:  in  Mediterranean^  335 
Spitfire:  American  brig,  220 
Spitfire:  British  sloop  of  war,  269 
Spitfire:  U.S.  ketch,  144,  160,  164,  166 
Springfield,  Mass:  188 
Stark,  Dr. — :  of  Norfolk,  193 
Steamships:  first  in  navy,  316,  390-391 
Stedman,  Edmund  Clarence:  The  Old 

Admiral,  quoted,  404 
Sterrett,   Lieut.   Andrew:   39,   42,   46^ 

97,  100 

Stevenson,  R.  L:  novelist,  19 
Stewart,    Charles:     commodore     U.S. 

navy,    33,    34,    76,    147,    171,    194; 

member    of    Rodgers    court    of    in 
quiry,    239 ;    mentioned,    244,    299, 

302^   327,   382;    navy  commissioner, 

389 ;    orders  of,   on  death   of  Rod 


gers,    397;    pallbearer    at    funeral, 

397;  death  of,  404 
Stewart,  Charles  W:  librarian,  10 
Stewart,  Mrs.  Charles:  381 
Stockton,  R.  F:  commodore  U.S  navy, 

287,  290,  295 

Stodder,  David:  shipbuilder,  35 
Stoddert,   Benjamin:  secretary  of  the 

navy,  32,  39,  46,  49,  53,  61,  63,  71, 

73,  175 

Stokes,  Robert  Young:  19 
Stonington,    Conn:   82 
Strieker,  Gen.  John:   182;   defense  of 

Baltimore,   293,   297 
Stringham,  Midshipman  Silas:  210 
Sultan  of  Turkey:  142,  328,  337,  344, 

35° 
Supplies,    Naval:    purchase    of,    310, 

3i7-3i8 
Surinam^   Dutch   Guiana:  61,  62,   63, 

64,  65,   66,   71,  272 
Surveys,   Naval:  218-219,  317 
Susan:  American  brig,  352 
Susquehanna  River:   18,   19,   84,   172, 

173,  359 

Swallow:  British  packet,  261 
Sweet  Sulphur  Springs,  Va:  394 
Syracuse,    Sicily:    98,    125,    140^    141, 

142,  144,  146,  160,  161,  162,  164,  165 

TALBOT,  CAPT.  SILAS:  13,  31,  32,  34, 
61,  75 

Tamrnany  Hall:  274 

Tammany  Society:  200 

Taney,  Roger  Brooke:  secretary  of 
the  treasury  ^  364 

Tangier:  city,  99,   112,  117,  125,  334 

Tangier  Bay:  121 

Tarleton,  Gen.  Banastre:  of  British 
army,  27-28 

Tartarus:  Br.  naval  vessel,  248 

Taylor,   Midshipman  John:  252 

Taylor,  R.  B:  lawyer,   195 

Tazewell,  Littleton  W:  Norfolk  law 
yer,  195,  304,  305 

Tenedos:  Br.  naval  vessel,  144,  264^ 
265 


432 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Tenedos:  island  of,  341,  342,  343,  345, 
346,  349 

Teneriffe,  Canary  Islands:  256 

Tennessee:  state,  83 

Thomas:  vessel,  26 

Thompson's  Island  [now  Key  West], 
Fla:  323 

Thornton,  CapL  William  A:  of  U.S. 
army,  397 

Tionella:  British  brig,  256 

Tingey,  Commodore  Thomas:  32,  38 
75,  120,  172,  193,  201,  202;  second 
in  proposed  duel,  177-183 ;  mention 
ed,  244,  299,  325 ;  resident  of  Wash 
ington,  362;  pallbearer  at  Decatur's 
funeral,  385;  navy  commissioner, 
389;  tomb,  399;  death,  403 

Toasts:  by  Rodgers,  264,  274,  331, 
386;  in  honor  of  Rodgers,  274,  330- 
331 

Tobago:  island,  38 

Torpedoes,  Fulton's:  204-207 

Torpedo  War:  book  by  Fulton,  204, 
207 

Toulon,  France:  353 

Townshend,  Capt.  James:  of  British 
navy,  237 

Toussaint  L'Ouverture:  Santo  Domin- 
gan  statesman,  69,  76-78 

Treaties:  with  France,  68-72;  between 
Tunis  and  Venice,  94;  with  Al 
giers,  96;  with  Tripoli,  96,  107- 
io8;  131-141;  with  Tunis,  96,  152- 
158;  with  Morocco,  113-114;  of 
Ghent,  298;  with  Turkey,  328,  352 

Trenchard,  Lieut.  Edward:  164 

Trevett,  Dr.  Samuel  R:  385 

Trieste:  city,  134 

Tripoli:  state,  city,  and  pasha  —  ear 
ly  relations,  93-99,  102;  blockade 
and  negotiations  of  Morris,  105- 
no;  blockade  and  attack  of  Preble, 
117-118;  blockade  of  S.  Barron, 
121-124,  I27-*34;  peace  with,  131- 
133,  136-140;  mentioned,  142^  148, 
153,  162;  visited,  352 

Tripoli,  Old:  106 


Tripolitza,  Greece:  337,  338 

Trippe,  Lieut.  John:  of  Br.  navy,  214, 
215 

Triumph:  Br.  naval  ship,  185 

Troy:  plains  of,  and  adjacent  sites  of 
antiquity,  341,  342,  346,  347 

Truxtun,  Commodore  Thomas:  31,  32 
34,  60,  75,  182;  operations  during 
French  War,  35-61;  resigns  from 
navy,  100;  mentioned  in  a  toast,  331 

Tucker,  Commodore  Samuel:  13 

Tudor,  Mrs. — :  grandmother  of 
Charles  Stewart  Parnell,  381-382 

Tunis :  state,  city,  and  bey  —  early 
relations,  93-99,  102;  difficulties 
with  Morris,  103-104;  mentioned, 
in,  117;  Rodgers's  negotiations^ 
141,  146-160;  mentioned,  164,  165, 
*&7,  334,  353 

Tunis  Bay:  147;  Rodgers's  arrival  in, 
148;  mentioned,  152 

Turkish  fleet:  328,  338,  340,  342,  348, 
349,  350,  35i 

Two  Brothers:  ship,   167 

Tyng,  Rev.  Stephen  Higginson:  397 

UDVAER:  island  off  coast  of  Norway 
266 

Union:  American  ship,  216 

Union:  French  vessel,  48 

United  States:  U.S.  frigate,  31,  33, 
38,  73,  200,  247,  251,  255,  258,  260, 
263,  264 

United  States  Congress:  31,  57,  58,  73, 
113^  205,  206,  243,  247,  300,  303, 
313,  39i,  398 

United  States  Government:  see  Unit 
ed  States  Navy  Department 

United  States  House  of  Representa 
tives:  243 

United  States  Military  Philosophical 
Society:  200 

United  States  Naval  Chronicle 
(Washington)  :  47  note,  no  note, 
149  note 

United  States  Naval  Institute:  n 

United     States     Navy     Department: 


INDEX 


433 


manuscripts  of,  10,  209  note;  or 
ganization  of,  32;  orders  of,  38,  68, 
101,  102,  in,  211-213,  260,  284; 
sells  "  Insurgente,"  51;  policy  of, 
71,  131,  209,  277;  management  of 
Tripolitan  War,  98;  in  connection 
with  Barron  trial,  192-195 ;  depen 
dence  in  War  of  1812,  244;  on 
cruises  of  Rodgers,  258-259,  276; 
effect  on,  of  War  of  1812,  300; 
see  also  names  of  Secretaries  of  the 
Navy  Stoddert,  R.  Smith,  P.  Ham 
ilton,  W.  Jones,  Crowninshield, 
Southard,  and  Woodbury 

United  States  Navy  Department 
Building:  305-307,  363 

United  States  Senate:  51  note,  68,  74, 
300,  304 

United  States  State  Department:  70; 
mission  to  Turkey,  327-328,  350,  352 

United  States  War  Department:  n 

VAN  BUREN,  MARTIN:  305,  360,  389 
Van   Dyke,  Lieut.   Henry:   163 
Van  Ness,  John  P:  mayor  of  Wash 
ington,  392 
Vengeance:  U.S.  ketch,  144,  160,  166, 

188 
Venice,   Italy:    city    and    government, 

94,    133,   134,   149 
Venus:  Br.  frigate,  217 
Vermont:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314 
Vesta:  Br.   naval  schooner,  216,  217, 

218 

Vesuvius:  U.S.  ketch,  188,  199,  321 
Villette,    General:   governor   of   Leg 
horn,  100 

Vincennes:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  315 
Virginia:  U.S.  schooner,  38 
Virginia:  U.S.  ship  of  the  line,  314 
Vixen:   U.S.   schooner,   127,   146,   156, 

159,   166,  201,  214,  215 
Volontaire:  vessel,  39 
Vourla,  Asia   Minor:   340 
Vrestenes,     Theodoretus:     vice-presi 
dent   of   Greek  senate,   337 


WADSWORTH,  COMMODORE  ALEXANDER: 
84.  330,  373 

Wadsworth,   Lieut.   Henry:   n8,   142 

Wadsworth,  Louisa  (Denison) :  84, 
373 

Wallabout  Bay,  N.Y:  200 

Wanderer:  Br.  vessel,  272 

War:  between  France  and  Santo  Do 
mingo,  77-82;  Civil,  13;  Mexican, 
13 ;  of  1812,  13,  201 ;  officers  in, 
243-244;  preparations  for,  244-247; 
services  of  Rodgers  at  sea,  247-277 ; 
services  of  Rodgers  on  shore,  259- 
260,  263-264,  280-298;  objects  and 
captures  of  navy,  275-276;  cost  of, 
299;  effect  on  navy,  299-300;  Span 
ish-American,  13 ;  Revolutionary, 
13,  16,  17,  20,  21,  27,  31,  35,  174, 
200,  319;  with  Barbary,  13,  31,  32, 
143  ;  with  France,  3,  32,  36-51,  60- 
72,  76;  with  Tripoli,  96-111,  117- 
136,  140,  245 

Warfield,  Dr.  Anderson:  55 

Warren,  Vice-admiral  J.  B:  Br.  nav 
al  officer,  270,  271,  279,  282 

Warrington,  Commodore  Lewis:  244, 
276,  299,  302,  389 

Warrior's  Return:  song  of  War  of 
1812,  274 

Washington,  D.C:  70,  71,  100,  101, 
113,  119,  120,  166,  167,  171,  177, 

178,     183,     184,     188,     198,     201,     202, 

209,  244,  245,  279,  280;  operations 
of  British  at  and  near,  283-289 ; 
mentioned,  298,  303,  304,  314,  318, 
323,  328 ;  appearance  early  in  nine 
teenth  century,  360-361;  society  of, 
361-362;  naval  homes  in,  362-364; 
Greenleaf  Point  in,  362-363,  367- 
368,  373;  slavery  in,  367,  375- 
377;  early  residents,  379-382,  383, 
385,  386;  mentioned,  390,  391,  393, 
396,  398,  399,  403 

Washington:  American   steamer,  331 
Washington:    U.S.    ship    of   the    line, 


434 


COMMODORE  JOHN  RODGERS 


Washington,  Bailey:  U.S.  naval  sur 
geon,   323,   330,   385 
Washington,   George:   17,   18,  21,   31, 

35,  76,  379,  399 
Washington,  Major  G.  A:  76 
Washington,  Mrs.  Martha:  76,  84,  379 
Washington,     William     T:     political 

agent  of  Greeks,  357 
Washington     Arsenal      (Washington, 

D.C.):   362,    373 
Washington  Navy-yard:  178,  202,  287, 

314,   316,   318,   389 
Wasp:  U.S.  ship,  183,  201,  209,  260, 

262,   263,  276 

Wasp:  U.S.  sloop  of  war,  313 
Webster,  John  A:  sailing-master  U.S. 

navy,  290,  292,  295 
West  Indiamen,  265 
West     India     Squadron:    established, 

327 
West  Indies:  21,  22,  33,  37,  39,  60,  63, 

64,  77,  246,  272,  333,  358 
West  Point  Foundry  Association:  319 
Wharton,  Col.  Franklin:  of  the  marine 

corps,  178,  181,  362 


Wheaton,  Henry:  candidate  for  jus 
tice  of  U.S.  supreme  court,  387 

Whipple,    Commodore    Abraham:    13 

White  House,  Va:  287,  289 

White  House  (Washington,  D.C.)  : 
285,  305,  361,  363 

Whyte,  Senator  William  Pinkney:  of 
Maryland,  403 

Wilkes,  Lieut.  Charles:  390 

Williams,   Capt.  Thomas:  38 

Winder,  Gen.  W.  H:  of  U.S.  army, 
285 ;  defense  of  Baltimore,  285-286 

Wirt,  William:  attorney-general,  330, 
331 

Wolcott,    Oliver:    statesman,    206 

Woodbury,  Levi:  secretary  of  the 
navy,  389 

Wyer,  Lieut.  Edward:  122 

YATES:  Baltimore  merchant,  25 
Yellott,  Capt.  Jeremiah:  21,  53 
Yusuf  Karamanli:  see  Tripoli 

ZENOBIA:  British  naval  ship,  185 


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